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Ml.

GENEALOGY COLLECTION

3 1833 00855 3189

Gc 942.006 C28p v. 5

Unpublished documents
relating to the English

Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2010 with funding from

Allen County Public Library Genealogy Center

http://www.archive.org/details/unpublisheddocum05poll

[Publications

of tbe

Catholic IRecorb Society

Vol. V

The Catholic Record Society was founded
June 10, 1904, for printing and distributing
to its Members original Records, both his-
torical and genealogical, relative to English
Catholics since the Reformation.

A 11 Rights reserved
by the Society x

1460409

~* ,y>of^o (year™** \ 0° y*Ar>>— ^a^tM^j\-~ 1° /t*>*>ir#v

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Frontispiecc.~\

The Ven. JOHN MUNDEN. M., to the Ven. EDMUND DUKE, M.

With the attestation of Dr. Barrett, Vice-President of Rheims Seminary,

"This letter was wrytten the next night before his martyrdome."

CATHOLIC
RECORD SOCIETY

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO THE

ENGLISH MARTYRS

Vol. I
1584—1603

COLLECTED AND EDITED BY

JOHN HUNGERFORD POLLEN, S.J.

LONDON

PRIVATELY PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY

BY J. WHITEHEAD & SON, LEEDS

1908

Ubis IDolume is
:B5uet> to tfoe /Members for 1907=8

INTRODUCTION

The following collection of hitherto inedited documents concerning
the English Martyrs has been for many years in preparation. It
was begun by the late Father John Morris, S.J., who had been
entrusted by the successive Cardinal Archbishops of Westminster
with the office of 'postulator' for the Beatification of the English
Martyrs. Having succeeded him in that office, I had many occasions,
as time went on, for adding to Father Morris's portfolios many notes
and transcripts, taken from most, or all, libraries and archives in which
there seemed a reasonable likelihood of finding pieces that would
illustrate the lives of the Martyrs.

The collection of papers thus formed, though it contains several
pieces of striking dramatic interest, was bound, from the nature of the
case, to contain fewer of this sort than were gathered by previous
collectors, who had sought for and found almost all of this class that
existed. It was also inevitable that our series of papers should appear
somewhat disconnected. For the object of these researches being to
fill up the gaps between the pieces previously known, the omission of
these latter (which can be found elsewhere) necessarily leaves our
little groups of documents without any evident connecting link.

Still, as we read these pages, we shall, I think, be struck by the
unexpected way in which these miscellaneous records illustrate one
another. The new fits in with the old, the small pieces with the large.
In some cases we have only bare notes of names and dates, but these
are aptly and amply supplemented by the rarer narratives in which full
details are given (pp. 57-62, 74-88, 345-360). The explanation is that
the lives of the Martyrs were to a certain extent one very like another.
They passed through the same colleges, were prosecuted under the
same laws, and suffered the same penalties. The descriptions of the
events, which recurred in almost all lives, when compared one with
another, give the whole body of evidence a wonderful unity and
vividness. No one who does not try to make such a comparison will
believe the deep impression produced by the multitude of witnesses,
some speaking with the boundless enthusiasm of spiritual admirers,
some with the incredible malignity of religious persecutors, some with
the cold stiffness of officials, some with the fire of poets, some with
the tenderness of brothers, or the delicate precision of scholars, or the

VI INTRODUCTION

honest bluntness of the uneducated — yet all in effect attesting the same
facts, telling substantially the same story, and pointing the same moral.
If the reader will refer to the Index under the heading " Martyrs :
Ordinary details of their life and death," he will find a series of
references, which, though of course not exhaustive, will give him an
idea how such a comparison may be carried out, and I may refer to
similar tables in my Acts of English Martyrs, 1891, pp.393, 394 5
Bede Camm, Lives of the English Martyrs, II, Introduction xxix-xxxviii ;
and my edition of Allen's Brief e Historic of Father Campion, &c,
xii-xviii.

It is very unfortunate that we have not as yet any general history
of the persecution. No one has described for us in detail the way
in which the persecution originated, the various phases through which
it passed, and how these changes were connected with the general
history of our country. In defect of anything fuller, I may refer to
my Introduction to The Lives of the English Martyrs just alluded
to, and to a series of articles on the same topic and on the sham
plots, by which Walsingham succeeded in inflaming the prejudices
of the Queen and of the Puritans to the very highest degree, and
thereby ensuring the cruel laws which caused so much bloodshed
and suffering. (The Mo?ilh, June, July, 1902; Nov., 1904; March, 1905.)
There are two other preliminaries, on which something must be
said here. They seem very different subjects, but they are really
closely connected. First, then, what is the meaning of the term
"Venerable," and why have some Martyrs that title, while others are
called "Blessed"? The second question is, why have we begun in
the middle of Elizabeth's reign instead of at the beginning? To
answer these questions I must go back a little.

The total number of those who can legitimately be reckoned as
Martyrs during the whole Reformation period is very considerable.
Some, like Fisher, More and Campion, are well known everywhere.
Others are well known to some, but not to many. Their names and
deeds are perhaps familiar in the place where they suffered, or to the
members of their order or congregation, or to those who are readers
of secular or religious history. Of others the name and date of
death may be on record, and but little else ; sometimes not even
the exact name is known, nor the exact date. This division between
unknown, partially known, and well known Martyrs, corresponds
roughly (but only very roughly) with the ecclesiastical honours which
have been awarded to them by the Papal Commission, which decides
causes of canonisation and beatification.

INTRODUCTION vii

Certain well known Martyrs, like Fisher, More and Campion,
whose causes have long been before the eyes of the Church at large,
and of the Holy See in particular, have received the dignity of
Beatification. Those who have remained comparatively little known,
especially at Rome (though there is really a good deal to be said
about them), have been given the title Venerable. This signifies that
a good prima facie proof has been established for considering them
likely to be beatified eventually, when their cause shall have been
sufficiently discussed. Those who have been put off for any reason,
for instance through dearth of information, are called Dilati. (The
decrees by which sixty-three Martyrs have been declared Beati, will
be found in The Lives of the English Martyrs^ I, Introd. lix. The
decree admitting 253 ' Venerables,' and leaving forty-four Dilati in
suspense, is in Acts of English Martyrs, pp. 376-384.)

The distinction between Beati and Vcnerabiles has an accidental
connection with the year 1584. In that year pictures of the English
Martyrs were painted on the walls of the church of the English
College, Rome. These pictures, each with its explicit title, were put
up by the Pope's full permission ; and this permission, coming as it
does in connection with various other signs of Papal goodwill to the
cause of the Martyrs, has been accepted as tantamount to a formal
pronouncement, that the Pope considered the martyrdom of the
persons represented to have been clearly proved. Hence it is that
the Martyrs who suffered before 1584 have almost all been made
Beati, while the title "Venerable" has fallen to those who came after
that year.

To go back to the point from which we started. Our collection
of documents, which had of late become accessible, being completed
and ready to be given to the public, we now see the fitness of dealing
first with those papers that concern the Venerables. For in the first
place they have so far been the less known. Moreover, as we might
have suspected from the hitherto small amount that has been printed
concerning them, the papers, still to be published, do in fact principally
concern them. There is very good reason, therefore, for beginning
in the middle of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, rather than with its
commencement.

Though no effort has been spared to make the selection of docu-
ments complete, there must always be a certain amount of gleaning
left for others. There is, for instance, the not inconsiderable, though
not very satisfactory, field of spy information. Some more favourable
samples of such informations are given below («». xxvi, lvii, lxxii), but

Vlll INTRODUCTION

it is clear that the amount of good grain is here very small compared
with the quantity of the chaff. Walsingham's papers in the Record
Office contain many reports of this sort, some descriptions of which
may be found in the Calendars. They are as a rule so unreliable
(see Bancroft's description of Fawether, p. 391) that they need special
treatment. Perhaps some diligent critic may in time find that a few
pages here and there are worthy of credit, but they can never, as a
class, be reckoned worthy of a place by the side of the first hand
and official pieces, of which our collection is mainly composed.

Minutiae have also been deliberately omitted from this collection.
A not inconsiderable quantity of very short notices, passing references
and small variations between different accounts, have been collected,
and at one time I hoped to be able to include them in an Appendix,
together with references to all printed authorities {see p. 6, § 15).
But time has failed me to reduce these numerous and varied citations
to such precise order and uniformity as would alone justify their
publication.

It only remains for me to thank many friends who have given
me active assistance in my work. To the present Rector of Stony-
hurst College, and to his predecessor in office, my special thanks are
due for the loan of valuable manuscripts. To Father Patrick Ryan,
to Mr. Richard Trappes-Lomax, and to Miss Stearn, my debt is no
less considerable for their willing and constant aid in the transcription
and collation of documents, in the reading and correction of proofs,
and the compilation of the Index.

J. H. Pollen, SJ.

Second Sunday of Lent,

CONTENTS

l'AGE

Introduction ... ... ... ... ... v

Catalogues of the Martyrs ... ... ... ... i

Table of Catalogues ... ... ... ... 8

I. Robert Dibdale to his parents, 4 June, 1580 (R.O., D.E.,

clxxix, 4) ... ... ... ... ... 18

II. John Amias to John Talbot and Anne Southvvorth, 8 June,

1580 (R.O., D.E., cxxxix, 10, n) ... ... ... 19

III. Examination of William Hartley, 13 Aug., 158 1 (R.O., D.E.,

clxv, 72) ... ... ... ... ... 20

IV. George Haydock to Father Agazario, 28 Nov., 1581 (Ston.,

Ang, i, 22) ... ... ... ... ... 2 1

V. Overseers of Salford Gaol to Councilor) 28 Feb., (2) 13 April,
(3) 13 May, (4) 13 Oct., 1582 (R.O., D.E., clii, 48; cliii,
6,45; civ, 75) ••• — ••• ••• 23

VI. Accusations by Topcliffe against William Dean, etc., Feb.,

1582 (R.O., ZLE., clii, 54) 26

VII. Recorder Fleetwood to Ld. Burghley, 14 April, 1582 (B.M.,

Lansd., 35, 26) ... ... . . ... 27

VIII. P. H. W. to Walsingham, 19 July, 1582 (R.O.,£>.£.,cliv,62) 30
IX. Examination of John Chapman, 8 Aug., 1582 (R.O., D.E.,

civ, 8) ... ... ... ... ••• 31

X. William Spenser to William Claxton, Nov., 1582 (R.O.,

D.E., clxv, 29) ... ... ••• --34

XL John Boste to Andrew Hilton, end of 1582 (R.O., D.E.,

Add., xxviii, 59, ii) ... ••• ••• ••• 35

XII. Examination of John Nutter, 17 Jan., 1583 (R.O., E.E.,

clviii, 17) ... ... ... ... ••• 37

XIII. Agnes Carter to Sir Francis Walsingham, (?) July, 1583

(R.O., D.E., ccvi, 92) ... ... ••• ••• 39

XIV. John Bodey's "Certain Reasons," Aug., 1583 (R.O., E.E.,

clxii, 8) ... ... ... ■•■ ••• 39

XV. Proceedings against John Finch, Oct. to Nov., 1583 (R.O.,

D.E., clxiii, 2, 61, 84) ... .-. ..• ••• 44

XVI. Bp. Aylmer to Ld. Burghley, 5 Dec, 1583 (B.M., Lansd.,

38,87) 47

XVII. Sequel to Bodey's "Reasons," 10 Jan., 1584 (R.O., D.E.,

clxvii, 15, i, ii) ... ••• ••■ ...47

XVIII. Indictment of John Mundyn, etc., 5-7 Feb., 1584 (R.O.,

Coram Rege, 26 Eliz., Hil., 4) ... ••• ••• 51

XIX. Indictment of James Fenn, etc., 5-7 Feb., 1584 {Ibid., 6).. 54

X CONTENTS

PAGE

XX. Indictment and Judgment of Thomas Hemerford,

5-7 Feb., 1584 (R.O., Coram Rege, 26 Eliz., Hil, 5) 55

XXI. Trial and execution of George Haydock,etc.,5~i2 Feb.,

1584 (R.O., Controlment Roll, 26 Eliz., Hil., lxxx) 56

XXII. About George Haydock, etc., Feb. (Grene, Coll. M,

ii, 206-209) ... ... ... ... 57

... XXIII. The Pursuit of John Boste, 6 Feb., 1584 (R.O., D.E.,

Add., xxviii, 58, i) ... ... ... ... 63

XXIV. Exhortation by John Boste, (?) 1584 (R.O.,L).E.,Add.,

xxviii, 58, viii) ... ... ... ... 68

XXV. Lancashire Catholics before the Ecclesiastical Com-
missioners, 17 Jan. to 14 Feb., 1584 (R.O., D.E.,
clxviii, 16) ... ... ... ... 69

XXVI. Information against Monford Scott, etc., 1 3 March, 1584

(R.O., D.E., clxix, 19) ... ... ... 71

XXVII. Martyrdom of James Bell, April, 1584 {West. Arch.,

iii, p. 364 ; Ston., Ang/.} i, 20) ... ... 74

XXVIII. Martyrdom of John Finch, 20 April, 1584 (Ston., Angl.,

1,19) ... ... ... ... ... 78

XXIX. Examination of George Douglas, 13 Aug., 1584 (R.O.,

D.E., clxxii, 65) ... ... ... ... 88

XXX. Carols of Richard White, 1577-1584 (Llanover MSS.
and Cardiff Free Library; Welsh MS., 23, Ph. 2954,
i, 255) ... ... ... ... ... 90

XXXI. Indictments of those who received blest beads,

5 Dec, 1584 (R.O., Coram Rege, 26, 27 Eliz., Mich., 3) 100

XXXII. Banishment of Priests, 20 Dec, 1584, to 29 May, 1586

(R.O., D.E., clxxv, 38 ; R.O., P.O., Dec. Ace, 542) 102

XXXIII. Topcliffe's report of Catholic Prisoners, 18 March,

1585 (B.M., Lansd., clvii, f. 167) ... ... 104

XXXIV. Articles for Alfield and Roe, 30 March, 1585 (R.O.,

D.E., clxix, 42) ... ... ... ... 106

XXXV. Examinations of Edmund Reynolds and John Barber,

1 May, 1585 (R.O., D.E., clxxviii, 36) ... ... 108

XXXVI. Arrest of Thomas Holford, 18 and 23 May, 1585

(R.O., D.E., clxxviii, 67) ... ... ... 109

XXXVII. Transfer of Alfield to Newgate, 14 June, 1585 (R.O.,

Controlment Roll, 27 Eliz., Trin.) ... ... 112

XXXVIII. Indictment of Alfield, 5 July, 1585 (B.M., Lansd.,

xxxiii, 58, f. 130) ... ... ... ... 112

XXXIX. Report of Alfield's Trial, 5 July, 1585 (B.M., Lansd.,

vol. xlv, 74) ... ... ... ... 117

XL. Recorder Fleetwood to Sir Francis Walsingham,

7 July, 1585 (R.O, D.E., clxxx, 6) ... ... 120

CONTENTS xi

XLI. Examination of Edward Stransham, 17 July, 1585

(R.O., D.E., clxxx, 32) ... ... ... 120

XLII. Examination of George Errington, 30 Aug., 1585

(R.O., D.E., clxxxi, 78, iii) ... ... ... ^5

XLIII. Trials of Woodfen, Stransham, etc., 19 Jan., 18 April,

27 June, 1586 (B.M., HarL, ccclx, f. 35) ... 129

XLIV. Christopher Bayles to Fr. Agazario, before 12 March,

1586 (Ston., Coll. Nt ii, p. 1) ... ... 129

XLV. Examination of Swithin Wells, 9 Aug., 1586, and

5 March, 1587 (R.O., D.E., cxcii, 18; ccvi, 77) ... 131
XLVI. Lands and Leases of Richard Langley, Jan., 1587

(R.O., Miscel. of Exchequer, Kf, 6) ... ... 134

XLVII. Examination of Campion and Note by Manwood,

22 and 27 April, 1587 (R.O., D.E., cc, 36, 45) ... 134
XLVIII. Letters of Robert Morton to Fr. Holt, (1) 30 May,

(2) 17 June, (3) 17 June, (4) 20 July (Ston., Angl., i,

3i> 33) 34; Coll. M, 205) ... ... ... 135

XLIX. Letters to the Editor of the "Concertatio," May-June,

1587, (A) From Bayley, 21 May; (B) Le Clerc,

7 June; (C) Murdoch, SJ.,20 June; (D) Ely, 20 June.

The latter encloses letters (i) from Stokes, 10 May ;

(ii) Gifford, 25 May; (iii) R. S. to Gifford, 27 May;

(iv) Gifford, 6 June; (v) Intelligences (B.M., Lansd.,

xcvi, 25, 30, 28, 26, 27, 22, 24, 23, 31) ... ... i4o

L. Letters of Christopher Buxton to Fr. Holt, (1) 30 May,
(2) 9 June, (3) 29 June, (4) 7 Sept., (5) 12 Sept.,

1587 (Ston., Angl., i, 30, 32, 35, 37, 38) ... 145
LI. Massacre of 1588.

(1) Fleetwood and Egerton to the Council, 20 July

(R.O., .D.E., ccxii, 70) ... ... ... 151

(2) Puckering's notes of Persons to be Executed

(B.M., HarL, 6998, 232)... ... ... 154

(3 and 4) Trials of More, Shelley, Foxwell, &:c.

(B.M., Barl., 6846, 353; 6996, 659; 6846, 422) 158

(5) List of proposed Martyrs (R.O.,Z>..£\,ccxliv, 1 35) 159

(6) Puckering's Instructions (B.M.,Zfar/.,6998, 234) 159

(7) Orders for prosecuting Harrison and Heath,

12 Sept., 1588 (R.O., D.E., ccxvi, 22) ... 163

LII. John Ingram to Fr. Joseph Creswell, 21 Aug., 1589

(Ston., Angl., i, 40) ... ... ... ... 165

LIIL Oxford Martyrs of 1589 (Valladolid MSS.) ... 16S

LIV. Examinations of Miles Gerard and Francis Dicconson,
24 Nov. to 12 Dec, 1589 (R.O., D.E., ccxxix, 5, &c,
and 27, &c.) ... ... ... ... 169

LV. Letters of Edmund Duke to Fr. Creswell, (1) 28 Sept.,
1589; (2) 11 Nov., 1589; (3) 26 Dec, 1589 (Ston.,
Coll. M, 101-103 and 188) ... ... ... 174

Xll CONTENTS

PACK

LVI. Warrants to torture Christopher Bales, Jan., 1590

(R.O., D.E., ccxxx, 57) ... ... ... 178

LVII. Informations of John Warrener, March, 1590 (R.O.,

D.E., ccxxix, 26) ... ... ... ... 179

LVIII. Martyrdom of Anthony Middleton and Edward Jones,

6 May, 1590 (Oscott MSS., Kirk's Collections, i, 33) 182

LIX. Thomas Pormort to Fr. Creswell, (1) 23 April, 1590
(Ston., Coll. M, f. 105); (2) Recalcati to Creswell,
19 June, 1590 (Angl., i, 46); (3) 18 Sept.. 1590
{Coll. M, f. 105) ... ... ... ... 187

LX. Fr. Henry Walpole to Fr. Creswell, 10 Sept., 1590

(Ston., A?igl., i, 49) ... ... ... ... 190

LXI. Catalogues of Martyrs at York, 1582-1590 (Ston.,

Coll. M, f. 190, and Oscott MS., Coll. E, 211) ... 191

LXII. Richard and Owen Lloyd, about March, 1591 (Ston.,

Angl.,'1,39) ... ... ... ... 194

LXIII. News about Martyrs, 20 Sept. to 1 Nov., 1591 (West.

Archives, iv, 287 and 321) ... ... ... 198

LXIV. John Ingram to Fr. Creswell, 28 Sept., 1591 (Ston.,

Angl, i, 65, f. 116) ... ... ... ... 203

LXV, Martyrdom of Edmund Gennings, etc., 10 Dec, 1591

(Ston., Coll. M, 186, 187 ; R.O., D.E., ccxi, 109)... 204

LXVI. Richard Verstegan's Dispatches, 1592, (1) 5 March
( West. Archives, iv, 293) ; (2) (Ston., Angl., i, 68) ;
(3) 3 Aug. (West. Archives, iv, 309) ... ... 208

LXVII. Earl of Huntingdon to Ld. Burghley, 31 July, 1592

(B.M., Harl., 6995, 76 and 94) ... ... 212

LXVIII. Justice Young to Sir John Puckering, 23 Dec, 1592

(R.O., D.E., ccxliii, 93) ... ... ... 213

LXIX. Capture of John Boste, (1) First examination, n Sept.,
1593 (B.M., Lansd., lxxv, 22); (2) Huntingdon to
Burghley, 2 Oct. (B.M., Harl., 6996, 19); (3) Top-
cliffe to Puckering, 10 Oct. (R.O., D.E., ccxlv, 124) 215

LXX. Transfer of Boste and Ingram to London, 16 Oct.,

1593 (R.O., P.O., Dec. Ace, 542, r. 193) ... 218

LXXL Tobie Mathew to Ld. Burghley, 16 Oct., 1593 (R.O.,

D.E., Add., xxxii, 89) ... ... ... 218

LXXII. Anthony Atkinson's Information, 24 Oct., 1593 (R.O.,

D.E., ccxlv, 131) ... ... ... ... 220

LXXIII. Letters of Fr. Henry Walpole, 1593, (1) to Cabredo,
3 Sept. (Arch. Gen., S.J.) ; (2) to Persons, 13 Nov.
(West. Archives, iv, f. 135) ... ... ... 223

LXXIY. Examination of John Whitfield, 16 Nov., 1593 (B.M.,

Harl., 6998, f. 118) ... ... ... ... 226

CONTENTS xiii

I'AGK

2 27
233
235

24O
241
242

LXXV. Fr. Garnet's Report on Martyrs of 1592 and 1593
early in 1594 (Ston., Angl., i, 73, f. 149)

LXXVI. Fr. Henry Walpole, S.J., Jan., 1594 (Arch. S.J., Angl,
Hist., ii, f. 64)

LXXVII. Topcliffe to Sir John Puckering, 25 Jan., 1594 (R.O.
D.E., ccxlvii, 21)

LXXVIII. Earl of Huntingdon to Ld. Burghley, 11 Feb., 1594

(B.M., Harl., 6996, 34) 238

LXXIX. Earl of Huntingdon to Sir John Puckering, 12 Feb.,

1594 (B.M., Earl., 6996/35)... ... ... 239

LXXX. Earl of Huntingdon to Ld. Burghley, 23 Feb., 1594
(B.M., Harl., 6996, f. 72)

LXXXI. Earl of Huntingdon to Sir John Puckering, 8 March
1594 (B.M., Harl., 6996, 40, f. 78)

LXXXII. Evidence against Ingram, 14 March, 1594 (R.O.
D.E., cclviii, 24)

LXXXIII. Richard Young to Sir Robert Cecil, 15 March, 1594

(R.O., D.E., ccxlviii, 29) ... ... ... 244

LXXXIV. Payments for Boste and Ingram, 17 March, 1594

(R.O., Treasurer of Chamber, 542, r. 195) ... 244

LXXXV. Ten Examinations of Henry Walpole, 27 April to

17 June, 1594, (1) 27 April (R.O., D.E., ccxlviii,

78); (2) 3 May {Id., 91); (3) 18 May {Id., 112);

(4) 4 Tune (ccxlix, 4); (5) 13 June {Id., 12);

(6) (? 13 June) {Id., 13); (7) 14 June {Id., 14);

(8) June 17 {Id., 16); (9) n.d. {Id., 44); (10) n.d.

(^.,45) 2*4

LXXXVI. Notes from Examinations of FF. Walpole, Boste, etc.,

1594 (R.O., D.E., ccxxxv, 19) ... ••• 268

LXXXVII. John Cornelius to Fr. Garnet, before June, 1594
(Archives S.J.)

LXXXVIII. John Ingram's Epigrams, March to July, 1594 (Ston.
Angl., vii, 8)

LXXXIX. Ingram to his Fellow Prisoners, July, 1594 (Ston.
Angl., ii, 79)

\ XC. Martyrdom of Boste, after 24 July, 1594 (Ston.
Coll. M, i. 160)

XCI. James Atkinson, 27 July, 1594 (R-O., Treasurer of

Chamber, 542, 196) ... ••• ••• 287

XCII. John Boste and John Ingram, 28 July, 1594 {Ibid.)... 288

XCIII. Catalogue of Martyrs, 1587-1594, n.d. 1594 (Ston..
Angl., vii, 26)

269
270
282
285

2S8

XIV CONTENTS

PAGE

XCIV. Letters of Fr. Robert Southwell—

(i) To Deckers, Oct., 1580 (Ston., AngL, vii, 1) ... 294

(2) To Persons, 1582 (Ston., Coll. P, 530) ... 301

(3) To Provincial SJ. of Naples, 3 Feb., 1584

(Archives S.J., Ang., i, f. 290) ... ... 303

(4) To Agazario, 26 May, 1586 (Coll. P, ii, 506) ... 306

(5) To Aquaviva, 25 July, 1586 (Strype, Annals,

III, ii, 418) ... ... ... ... 307

(6) To Aquaviva, 21 Dec, 1586 (Coll. P, ii, 508)... 310

(7) To Agazario, 22 Dec, 1586 (Ston., AngL, vi, 7) 315

(8) Aquaviva to Southwell, 20 Feb., 1587 (Arch. S.J.,

Gal. Ep. Gen., 46 v) ... ... ... 319

(9) To Aquaviva, 31 Aug., 1588 (Ston.,^;;^/.,vi, 59) 321
(10) To same, 16 Jan., 1590 (Coll. P, ii, 521 ; West.

Archives, iv, 267) ... ... ... 328

(n) To same, 8 March, 1590 (Coll. P, 513; R.O.,

D.E., ccxxx, 104) ... ... ... 330

(12) N.d. (Coll. P,i\, 507) 332

XCV. Leake's Relation of Fr. Southwell's Martyrdom, after

Feb., 1595 (Ston., AngL, vi, 125-128) ... ... 333

XCVI. Trial of John Pibush, 1 July, 1595 (R.O., Controlment
Roll, 37 Eliz., rolls civ, cxi ; Cora?n Rege Roll
(No. 1334), 37 Eliz., Trin., Crown side, roll 2) ... 337

XCVII. Thomas Tichborne to Blackwell, with P.S. by Fr. H.

Garnet, 15 July, 1595 (Ston., AngL, ii, 39) ... 340

XCVIII. Martyrdom of William Freeman, 13 Aug., 1595

(English College, Rome, Coll. F, f. 90) ... ... 345

XCIX. Examination of Nicholas Ticheborne, 14 March, 1597

(R.O., D.E., cclxii, 67) ... ... ...361

C. Trial of John Jones, O.S.F., etc., June, July, 1598 —

(1) Proceedings against Barnes (R.O., Coram Rege,

40 Eliz., Trin., 2, roll 3) ... ... 362

(2) Against Mrs. Wiseman (Id., roll 4) ... ... 366

(3) Against John Jones (Id., roll 5) ... ... 368

(4) Lok to Cecil, 12 July (R.O., D.E., cclxviii, 3)... 370

(5) Garnet to Aquaviva, 15 July (Ston., ^«§-/.,ii,f. 13 2) 371

(6) Lok to Cecil, 26 July (R.O., D.E., cclxviii, 10) 374

CI. Autobiography and Letters of Robert Watkinson,
T579-i599—

(1) Biographical Statement (R.O., Roman Trans.,

Stevenson, xiv) ... ... ... 375

(2) To Persons, 18 Nov., 1601 (Ston., AngL, iii, 4) 378

(3) To same, 7 Jan., 1602 (Id., 8) ... ... 379

CII. Open Letter to the Queen, before 1 Oct., 1600 (R.O.,

D.E., cclxxv, 115, ii) ... ... ... 381

CONTENTS XV

PACK

CIII. Rescue of Robert Middleton —

(i) Transportation to London (R.O., Treasurer of

Chamber, roll 543, f. 68) ... ... 384

(2) Privy Council to Queen's Counsel, 9 Nov., 1600

(R.O., D.E., cclxxv, 115) ... ... 386

(3) Transportation to Lancaster, 22 March, 1601

(R.O., Treasurer of Chamber, roll 543, f. 68) 388

(4) Arrest and death of Middleton and Hunt (Arch.

S.J., ColL M, ii, 259) ... ... ... 388

CIV. Martyrs of May-June, 1602 —

(1) Blount to Persons, 5 May (Ston., Coll. M, f. 98) 390

(2) Bancroft to Popham, 5 June (V>.M.,J7arl., 360,36) 391

CV. Benjamin Norton to Bp. of Chalcedon, 6 May, 1626
(Farm St. MSS., Roman Letters, 1578-1619, «. 101,
autog.) ... ... ... ... ... 392

APPENDIX. Chronology :—

(1) Old Style and New Style ... ... 399

(2) Commencement of the Year ... ... 400

(3) Law Terms ... ... ... ... 400

(4) Easters (Old and New Style) in Elizabeth's

Reign ... ... ... ... 401

Index {compiled by Miss Steam) ... ... 402

ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece. — The Ven. John Mundyn " to his cousin Duche,"
probably the Ven. Edward Duke, M., written "the next night before his
Martyrdom," and bearing the attestation of Dr. Richard Barrett, Vice-
President of the Seminary of Rheims. The original is Stonyhurst MS.,
Anglia, i, 17. Though already printed first by Dr. George Oliver,
Co/lections for Cornwall, &c, p. 362, and J. B. Wainewright, Two English
Martyrs, C.T.S., its text may be repeated literatim here.

Cosyn Duche, I am now warnid to prepare against to morrow to go to
dye, and yit I hope in Jesus Christ to live to for ever, & having almost
forgotten you and others my frindes, was like to have passid you in sylence.
But I pray you make my humble commendations first and espicially to my
good Mr, and my onely patrone Mr Hyde, secondly to that good Dr :
Mr Farnam the sweetest man in Christendome to live with all, thirdly and
so lastly to Mr President, Mr Bayly, Mr. Rainolds, and all other my good
frindes, desiering them all most hartely to pray for me, and if I dyd ever
offend any of them that they will forgive me, & so I comitt you to God,
desiering that we may have to geather a ioyfull resurrection, with my harry
comendations byddinge you fare well for ever in this worlde /

Your loving frynd and
cosyn. John Mundyn
Barrett' 's hand. — This letter was wrytten the next night before his
martyrdome.

PAGE

The Ven. George Haydock. Stonyhurst MS., Anglia, i, 22. Last
paragraph and signature . . . . .22

The Ven. Robert Morton. Ibid., i, 34 . . . . 139

The Ven. Christopher Buxton. Ibid., i, $S. Conclusion and
postscript . . . . . . -149

The Ven. Henry Walpole. Ibid., i, 49. The martyr's handwriting
while in health and freedom, to be compared with p. 259 . 190

The Ven. John Ingram. Ibid., i, 65. To be compared with his
writing after torture, p. 273 . . . .204

The Ven. Henry Walpole. R.O., Dom. Eliz., ccxlix, 13. Written
in the Tower. To be compared with p. 190. The question is
whether the change of handwriting shows the commencement
of torture. See p. 245 . . . . . 259

The Ven. John Cornelius, S.J. Archives S.J. Conclusion and
signature : written with watery ink on stained paper ; slightly
enlarged . . . . . . .270

The Ven. John Ingram's Epigrams. Stonyhurst, Anglia, vii, 8.
Written some time after his torture. Compare with p. 204.
The attestation in the margin, " Mr. Ingram's owne hand
writinge," is by Father Holtby, S.J. . . . 273

Father Robert Southwell, S.J. Ibid., vii, 1. This is a draft with
corrections, written at the age of twenty, with characteristic
scribblings of men's heads in the margin . . 295

DOCUMENTS
RELATING TO THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Catalogues.

It is of course a matter of prime importance to settle from the first
the names of the Martyrs with whom we have at present to deal. The
question, however, is one which has frequently presented itself before to
other historians and clients of the Martyrs, and to the ecclesiastical
authorities, and the most popular form of answer has been the
production of catalogues. Such catalogues not only showed which
sufferers were regarded as Martyrs, but also indicated as a rule the
place, date, nature and cause of their deaths, and were therefore of
service as compendious summaries of their "Acts" or Lives. The
catalogues in greatest request were those which emanated from men
in authority, and these sometimes passed through many editions, were
translated into different languages, and reissued from time to time with
additions and emendations. An adequate edition of the whole series
of them is certainly much to be desired, explaining how and whence
they were constructed, what relation they bore one to another ; how
in fact the modern official list has been evolved.

For our present purposes a briefer survey of the subject will suffice.
A short description is here given of the various extant catalogues,
with their full titles, characteristics, and the places where they may be
found. This is followed by an analytical table, which will show at a
glance those who have always been regarded as Martyrs, and those
who have been regarded as such by a few authors only, and this will
incidentally also tell us a good deal about the chronology of their
deaths.

The following are the more important catalogues from 1584 to
1603 : —

1. Sander I. Doctissimi viri Nicolai Sanderi de origine et progress, u
Schismatis Anglicani Liber. Coloniae Agrippinae, 1585. After the
index come "Nomina eorum qui . . . per martyrium extincti sunt
sub Henrico [et] . . . sub Elizabetha."

This catalogue is evidently an addition of the editor, Edward
Rishton, as Sander had died in 1581.

2. Sander II. The next edition was at Rome, in the year 1586,
by Father Persons, though his name does not appear on the title-page.
The editor has somewhat altered the form in which the catalogue was
cast. He entitled his list of Elizabethan Martyrs, Nomina presbyter-
orum qui sub Elizabetha Henrici filia pro Ecclesiae Romanae primatu
glorioso martyrio consumati sunt, and he omitted the chronological
division into years, arranging the Martyrs' names under the headings
of priests and laymen. He added the names of three priests —
Stransham, Taylor, Woodfen, and of four laymen— Slade, Bodey, Carter,

2 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

Bowes. This catalogue was reprinted in about fifteen Latin editions
of Sander down to 1628, but its position in the book varied. A
slightly different edition, by Richard Verstegan, appeared in his
Theatrum crudelitatum Haereticorum nostri temporis, Antwerpiae, 1592.
The license is dated 1587, and this will account for the catalogue of
Martyrs not going beyond that year. He only adds, however, to the
clergy Francis Ingleby and to the laity Margaret Middleton. The title
is Nomina quaedam Martyrum, qui sub Elizabetha pro ecclesia et
Catholicae fidei dejensione gloriose mortui sunt, Anno Domini 1577-87.

3. Barrett. The Catalogue of Dr. Richard Barrett, second
President of the Seminary of Douay (then at Rheims), was headed,
" Nomina Alumnorum utriusque Seminarii Anglorum, Rhemensis et
Romani, qui ultimo supplicio affecti sunt . . . proximis his 13 annis."
This appeared as the appendix to the Relatione del presente stato
d'Inghilterra (Maggio, 1590). In Roma appresso Francesco Zannetti,
1590.

A MS. version of this, of a slightly earlier date, as it does not
contain the last three martyrs, was printed by Mr. W. H. Bliss in
1876. Barrett's list was reprinted without any substantial change by
Father Tomaso Bozio, of the Oratory, in his De Signis Ecdesiae, in

1 59 1, vol. i, p. 563, and also by Gregorio Nunez Coronel (Nunnius),
O. Erem. S. Aug., De Vera Christi Ecclesia, Romae, 1594. But I have
not had access to the latter volume.

It was also translated into Spanish, and edited (with clerical
variations only) by Padre Juan Lopez Manc,ano, S.J., at Valladolid, in
the same year as the Roman edition, 1590. The title was, Breve
Catalogo de los Martyres que nan sido de los Collegios y Seminarios *
Ingleses . . . Recocido por el Padre Juan Lopez Manfano, &c. A folio
sheet, printed broadside. The copy at Stonyhurst (Anglia a i, n. 53)
is perhaps unique.

3* Ribadeneira. The same catalogue, with a continuation till

1592, was published by Father Pedro de Ribadeneira in his Historia
ecclesiastica del cisma de Ingla terra (Segunda Parte, en Madrid, 1593).
The title is, Breve Relacion de los Martins que han salido de los
Colegios y Seminarios de Ingleses, que hay en Roma, y en Rhems de
Erancia, &:c. In subsequent editions of this work this catalogue was
continued from a Latin catalogue, said to have been printed at the
English College of St. Omers in 1614, which corresponds with our
"Worthington III."

3** Stonyhurst MS. The last edition of Barrett's catalogue
that I have found is the manuscript catalogue among the Stonyhurst
papers (MSS. Anglia vii, n. 13). It is carried on to 1596, and was
probably written in that year. Its title is, Catalogus eorum martyrum
qui in Seminariis Anglicanis Romae et Rhemis existentibus aliquando
vixerunt, &c.

Persons. In the year 1592 Father Robert Persons published a
work entitled, Elizabethae Angliae Reginae saevissimum edictum . . .
cum responsione . . . per D. Andream Philopatrum, &c, Lyons, 1592
(three later editions), in which there is a catalogue of lay Martyrs
under Elizabeth in the section marked 267. It will be best to add

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 3

this at once. 1583, Slade and Bodey (Layburne omitted); 1584,
Carter, White; 1585, Webley, Bowes, Margaret Middleton; 1588, Felton,
Sutton, Webley, Simons, Margaret Ward (cf. ibid. § 376).

4. Gerard. In Stonyhurst MS., Anglia vii, n. 26, there is a
valuable and hitherto unedited catalogue, independent of all others.
It will be shown that its author is in all probability Father John
Gerard, S.J. It extends from 1 587-1 594, and under the latter year
it will be found below, printed for the first time.

4* Yepez. Fray Diego Yepes, Jeronimite, confessor of King
Philip II, and Bishop of Taragona, wrote the Historia particular de
la persecution de Inglaterra, Madrid, 1599, and at p. 612 introduced a
peculiar catalogue of the Martyrs of the year of the Armada. This
catalogue is certainly derived from Father Persons' tract, Relation de
Algunos martyrios, Madrid, 1590.

5, 6. Worthington I, and Wilson. After this there occurs a
lull in the composition of the lists of Martyrs, which however is
broken in the year 1608 by a spell of activity lasting for several years.
I am not able to say with any certainty what the reason of this was ;
perhaps it was due to the publication, by the Fathers of the Society
of Jesus, of the lists of their first century of Martyrs, which took place
in that year. Perhaps it was suggested by the first publication of the
Roman Martyrology in English. This was translated and published
by a secular priest, the Rev. John Wilson, who was in charge of the
press which the English Jesuits had set up in their college at
St. Omers. He signed the epistle dedicatory to his English Martyrologe,
"this first of October, 1608, yours wholy deuoted, I. W. Priest." His
catalogue begins a new section (sig. Aa, unpaged), and is entitled, A
Catalogue of those who have suffered death in England, for defence of
the Catholicke Cause, synce the yeare of Christ 1535, and 27 of King
Henry the vii/ his raigne, vnto this yeare 1608. (Copies of this
extremely rare catalogue at the London Oratory, at St. Edmund's, and at
Oscott College; and Canon Estcourt mentions one edited in 1614,
at the English College, Rome.)

Simultaneously, it seems, with Wilson's publication at St. Omers,
Dr. Thomas Worthington brought out another catalogue of the same
Martyrs at Douay. The only copy of this, that has been yet
described, is that now preserved at Oscott, with a title very similar to
Wilson's, A Catalogue of Martyrs in Englande for profession of the
Catholique faith, since the year of our Lord 1535, being the 27 of King
Henrie the viij : vnto this year 1608 the 6 of King James. (Two sheets,
120, 22 pp., title missing, has been reprinted by Mr. Gillow in the
Downside Review, 1897, vol. xvi, pp. 241-257.) That Dr. Worthington
was its author, and that its appearance was simultaneous with Wilson's,
are not recorded in the volume (the title-page is wanting), but the
inference seems probable. As for the authorship, we have in the first
place the parallel between this list and the later editions, of which
we know for certain that Worthington was author. This parallel may
be traced at least in part in the analytical table of catalogues, but it will
of course be remembered that some emendations were sure to be made
in the later lists. The typography, as Mr. Gillow points out, is similar to

4 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

that of previous and subsequent volumes by Worthington on the same
subject, and we have also the indications given in Mr. Gillow's notes
on pp. 243, 254. Taking these indications of authorship together,
the conclusion seems fairly sure, and permits us to describe it as
Worthington I.

Both catalogues appeared in the same year, and Wilson has inserted
into some copies of his volume a list of corrections "which came to
the author's knowledge after the printing of the former catalogue."
Of these fourteen corrections, all but two seem to have been copied
from Worthington I. It is of course not absolutely impossible that
Worthington should have copied Wilson. But this is not what we
should have supposed from a man like Worthington, the president of
Douay College, nor is it what we should have expected considering
the limits of the English Catholic book-trade of those days, when two
editions of the same book in one year was a thing practically unheard
of. It seems more probable that the two authors, who lived at some
distance from one another, should not have known of each other's
undertakings until they were published, and that Wilson added his
Corrigenda after consulting Worthington I.

7. Chalcedon-More. Wilson's table of corrections also assists us
to trace another relationship between our catalogues. There is a well-
known list which rightly goes by the name of the Rev. Thomas More,
agent for the English clergy at Rome, because the Epistle Dedicatory
was signed by him. But the list was drawn up by Dr. Richard Smith,
the future Bishop of Chalcedon, as the draft in his hand, still extant
in the Westminster Archives (Cat. MM., p. 165), clearly proves. A
comparison of the lists in the table will leave no doubt that Smith
originally drew up his list from Wilson, and the manuscript shows
that he afterwards revised his list with Wilson's Corrigenda in hand.
For all the names mentioned in that Corrigenda have been inserted
later in the margins of Dr. Smith's draft. The date 1609 of the MS.
appears from the title : Nomina, cognomina, effigies, loci, anni ac dies
martyrii 123 saecularium Sacerdotum in Anglia ab anno 1573 usque
ad annum 1609, &c.

As the Jesuits had lately published prints of the sufferings of the
first hundred Martyrs of the Society, this may have given More or
Smith the idea of doing something similar.

8. More I. Next in order comes More's catalogue itself. The
slight changes which he made in the title show that he was still
keen on having the pictures. Effigies, nomina, cognomina, loci, anni ac dies
martyriorum 123 secularium Sacerdotum in Anglia ab anno 1573 ad
annum 1609, &c. There is a corrected copy in the Westminster Archives
(Catal. MM., p. 1); another at Stonyhurst (Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. Ill,
p. 336, ii). This edition goes beyond Dr. Smith's draft by quoting
authorities : Yepez, Baronius, Bozio, &c. &c. In the apparently auto-
graph copy at Westminster the list is carried down to 1616, nine more
names having been added later by the same hand. But though there are
thus 132 names, the number 123 in the title, and the date 1609, have
not been altered.

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 5

9. More II. In the year 1610 (as appears from the title) a new
recension of the catalogue, including a short account of each Martyr, was
prepared, and in this the lay Martyrs would have been included, but
the copy of it which has survived is imperfect, going down to the year
1588 only. — Westminster Archives, Catal. JlfM.,pp. 45-72.

10. Eudaemon. The Cretan Jesuit, Andreas Eudaemon-Joannes,
wrote a work, published at Cologne in 1610, entitled, Apologia pro
Henrico Gametto, ad Actionem Cocqui. At p. 164 of this there appears
a table of Martyrs which has a strong affinity to the otherwise little-
known "Worthington I," published in 1608.

11. Worthington III. In the year 1610, and again in 16 14,
Dr. Worthington issued an amended edition of his catalogue, translated
into Latin. Of the 16 10 edition no extant copy is known to me, but
it could be reconstructed from Father Grene's catalogue (No. 16
below), for that Father says that he never varies from " Catalogus
Duacenus, anni i6io,"as he calls it, without drawing attention to the
fact. There is a copy of the 1614 edition in the Bodleian Library,
with this title, Catalogus Marty rum pro religione Catholica in Anglia
occisorum, ab anno Domini 1570 ... ad annum 161 2; and another at
Oscott. The title of the earlier edition was the same, according to
Father Grene, but extending only "ad annum 1610." Father Grene
once and Dodd also once allude to a catalogue "anni 16 12." But it
is doubtful if there was an edition printed in that year. The date
is probably derived from the title only.

12. J. C. There is a catalogue of Martyrs, extending to 161 2, in
the Theatre of Catholique and Protestant Religion, published in 1620,
place not mentioned, by one who signs himself J. C. The Bodleian
Library, which contains the only copy known to me, ascribes the
volume to John Colleton, the Dean of the Bishop of Chalcedon's
chapter.* (Canon Estcourt mentions a copy belonging to Alfred
Blount, Esq.)

13. Molanus. At Paris, in 1629, appeared the Idea Togatae
Constantiae, &c, cui adjungitur tripartita Martyrum Britannicarum
Insularum epitome, auctore Joanne Molano, i.e. John Mullan of Cork.
He largely relies upon "Thomas R. in annot. ad Martyr. Angl." This
work does not appear to be known, but I conjecture that Thomas R.
is Father Thomas Rant of the French Oratory, who became agent
for the English clergy in Rome. about the year 1622 (C.R.S., i, 99),
and who may have reissued in an amended form the catalogue of his
predecessor in office, Thomas More. Mullan's catalogue has this title,
Marty res Angliae Saecu lares, qui ab anno salutis 1573, quo persecutio in
Catholicae jidei cultores sub Elizabetha Regina saevire coepit, partim
torti 6° suspensi, partim dissecti expositique fuerunt. No Martyrs after
the year 1616 are mentioned. There is a copy in the British Museum.

14. Raissius. Arnolde Raisse, a Canon of Douay, published in
1628 his Hierogazophylacium Belgicum, an account of all the sacred
relics preserved in Belgium. There are interesting accounts of various
English, Irish and Scottish seminaries at pp. 157, 174, T75- At p. 161

* I am indebted to Miss L. I. Guiney for an analysis of this catalogue.

6 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

he comes to Douay College, of which he makes the fine eulogy, —
" Caeterum ex hoc praefato Duacensi collegio tanquam martyrum
fertilissimo seminario & invictissimo fidei propugnaculo ab A.D.
MDLXXvii usque ad MDexviii triginta quinque supra centum prodiere,
qui sanguinis sui sigillo Christi fidem confirmarunt. Horum nomina
in aeterni aevi memoriam visum mihi fuit hie singilatim subnectere.
[In margin] Horum subsequentium Martyrum nomina exscripsi ex
catalogo Martyrum in Britannia occisorum, quam ex registro Anglicani
huius Collegii."

In 1630 Raisse re-edited his list of Martyrs, with short eulogies,
but now arranged, like a martyrology, in the order of the days of
the Martyrs' deaths, and called it Catalogus Christi Sacerdotum ex
Duacenae civitaiis collegio, &c. (It will be referred to below by C.)
Though he still speaks of 135 Martyrs, he here includes Father Arrow-
smith, who died in 1628, and also eulogises some Irish Martyrs, like
Bishop O'Hurley (p. 103), and the Scottish Martyr, Father Ogilvie
(p. 101). There are copies of both works at the British Museum.

15. Chalcedon. As Dr. Smith was afterwards made Bishop and
Vicar Apostolic over the whole of England, the authority attaching
to his name and opinion is naturally very considerable. But anyone
who studies the subject of the catalogues will soon be convinced
that on grounds of scholarship also "Chalcedon's Catalogue," as
it is generally called, fully deserves the first place which is always
granted to it among the lists of the Martyrs.

Dr. Smith's draft list of the year 1609 has been already spoken of as
" Chalcedon-More." His second and enlarged edition was not finished
till twenty years later. It is a complete catalogue of all the Martyrs
in chronological order. Title : Catalogus Martyrum qui a principio
persecutionis per Elizabetham reginam Angliae contra Catholicos excitatae
pro fide Catholica in Anglia passi sunt. Hoc est ab anno Dni. mdlxx
usque ad praesentem annum MDexxviii. The authorities quoted by
Dr. Smith will be found at the close of this book. There are two
copies of this catalogue in the Westminster Archives, Caial. MM. 73
and 127.

16. Grene. Father Christopher Grene, S.J., who worked assidu-
ously and usefully in codifying and transcribing the Martyr papers at
the English College, Rome, from about the year 1666 until 1674,
and from 1686 till his death in 1697, drew up two catalogues, which
are preserved at Stonyhurst. The one is in a small volume, Martyres
Angliae (A. v. 21), the other in his Collectanea M. (fols. 34 to 42).
In both he relies chiefly on the otherwise unknown Worthington II,
which could be, if necessary, reconstructed from Grene's notes. He
calls it Catalogus Duacenus, but it is of course different from the Douay
catalogue, which we must mention in the next place.

17. Douay. During the later years of the seventeenth century
(after the period of martyrdoms had closed) the Alumni of the College
of Douay, justly proud of their martyr roll, made frequent copies of
it, and it was often quoted in the reports and statements issued by
the college. The Westminster Archives possess five copies of it
{Catal. J/J/., pp. 181, 200, t,^^, 385 imperfect, 399). There are other

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS y

copies at Ushaw, Oscott, &c. The copyists have generally followed
one another mechanically, and the same faults and omissions seem
to run through all. The lists are apparently founded on Raissius.
The title generally is, Priests of the English College or Seminary in
Douay that have suffered death for ye preservation of the Catholickc
Faith in England in the late Persecution. The figures given below
represent the collation of six texts mentioned above.

1 8. Paris. The catalogue preserved at the English Seminary at
Paris (now Arch. West., Catal. MM., p. 281) is written with much more
care, and does not confine itself to Douay students. The title is,
Index Martirum qui in Anglia ab initio regni ab Elizabeth snscepti pro
fide Catholica passi sunt, una cum causis mortis singulorum et scriptoribus
qui de eisdem mentionem faciunt.

19. Knaresborough. John Knaresborough, a learned priest and
scholar of Douay, put together between 1705 and 1720 materials for
the history of the Sufferings of Catholics, of which the author's fair
copy, in five volumes MS., as well as two volumes of materials, are
now in the possession of Lord Herries at Everingham, and there also
is a copy at Ushaw.* The collection begins with Knaresborough's
catalogue.

20. Challoner. The last catalogue of which we need take
cognizance is that which Bishop Challoner drew up whilst he was
vice-president of Douay College, that is before the year 1730.

In 1 741 he published his Memoirs of Missionary Priests, the
catalogue of which was in due time taken by the promoters of the
cause of Beatification of the Martyrs as the standard list of names
(so far as our period is concerned) which were to be presented for
ecclesiastical approval. Thus the first list which appears in the table
below is closely allied to that which comes last.

j)c Notes from the latter have been kindly supplied me by the
Rev. Edwin Bonney.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

Table Showing the Arrangement of the Martyrs' Namb

Modern Official List of

Martyrs

(1583-1603)

For explanations see pp. 16, 17.

3
2

83:1

1583
/John Slade, /.
/John Bodey, /.

1584
f George Haydock
J James Fenn
I Thomas Hemerford

John Nutter
Ijohn Munden

William Carter, /.
f James Bell
\ John Finch, /.

Richard White, /. . . Sy.2

— A ilworth

William Chaplain

Thomas Cotesmore

Robert Holmes

Roger Wakeman

James Lomax

1585
/Thomas Alfield
IThomas Webley, /. . . 3

(Hugh Taylor . . ~^ds

^Marmaduke Bowes, /.

Thomas Crozvther

Edward Pole

Laurence Vaux

John J e tier

N. Hamilton
1586
/Edward Stransham
t Nicholas Woodfen

Margaret Clitheroe, /.
/Richard Sergeant
/William Thompson
(Robert Anderton
/William Marsden

Francis Ingleby

John Finglow

John Sandys
/John Lowe
Qohn Adams

v
c

I. 8

^3
24

L 11

2/
1.6

26
/. 10

28
/.13

29
30

/. I2{

83:5
6

9
21

3
4
5
6

7
12

37:2

10
95

c
o

2
4
5
6

7
8

85:8

85:6

4
5
6

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85:5
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87:2
6
5

87:

1 Ribadeneira <w//Ar Alfield, but Stonyhurst MS. *>wm.
- Mancano, Ribadeneira, Stonyhurst MS. omits.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

[N the Principal Ancient and Modern Catalogues

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1 1
12
13

. I

/. T

. 2

4
6

7
8

L 2

3
4
5
6

4
5
6

4
1 8

6
10

5
6

4
6

4
5

5
6

7
8

9
10

7
8

10
1 1

11
12

7
8

87:5

87:4

Q
8

11
6

9
12

87:2
8

11
13

11
12

x5
13

i 6

3 and 4 flatarf by Verstegan only.

5 Stonyhurst omits Lowe, and calls Adams Arden.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

Modern Official List of
Martyrs

(1583-1603)

For explanations see pp. 16, 17.

1586 {continued)
Richard Dibdale
Robert Bickerdike, /.
Richard Langley, /.
John Harrison

1587
Mary Queen of Scots

Thomas Pilchard

Edmund Sykes

Robert Sutton

Stephen Rowsham

John Hambley

George Douglas

Alexander Crowe

Martin Sherton

Gabriel Thimelby, I.
1588
(Nicholas Garlick
I Robert Ludlam
'. Richard Sympson
/William Dean

Henry Webley, /.

William Gunter

Robert Morton
1 Hugh More, /.

(Thomas Holford (Acton)
James Claxton
Thomas Felton, /.
'Richard Leigh
Edward Shelley, /.
Richard Martin, /.

i Richard Flower (Lloyd),
John Roche, /.
Margaret Ward, /.
^William Way, als. Wigges
Robert Wilcox
Edward Campion
Christopher Buxton
Robert Widmerpool, /.
Ralph Crockett
Edward James
John Robinson
rWilliam Hartley
J John Weldon
[ Richard Williams

I
6

7
86:11

4
6

10
3

13
11
12

8;: 10
87:8
87:9

86:14
16

92:2

in Ston.
MS.

7
86:11

11
8

10
12

13
5

21
1

J5
20

87:10

87:8

87:9

86:14
17

3
92:2

1— H

"So

■rj

1-1

85:5

4
9

2
3

87:8

2 5

87:6

87:7

37-39

Ap.85
Ap.

7
6

Ap-3

a
o

D
,£3

85:13

1
6

5
86:11

A 1

O.S.F.

/. 2

1-3

i-S

1.6

1 Mariano, Ribadeneira, Stonyhurst MS., add William Crockett from 1588, and Gabriel
Everingham ; but Stonyhurst substitutes Thimelby for the latter.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

1 1

5
i

*6:n

1.2

6
'•5

* 3

/. 6

7
i3

7
85: /. 2
86: /. 2

c
o

+->

4
/. 1

/. 2

7
/.4

/. 6

J- 5
/.;

/. 8

87:8
87:6
87:7
10
l.g

H
87:7

3i
1
2
3
4
5
6

7
8

9
10
12
11
13
14
20
18

19
23
25
22

24
29

H
16

2
88:1

7
86:15

3
4
5
6

7
8

9
10

J3
15
16

19
20
21
22
18
17
24
26

9
85:5

86:13
3

7
4

32
30

1
24

9
12

{33)
20
16

17
18

1 1

21
20

19
I

5
6

9
10

1
2
88:1
4
3

86:15

2
3
4
5
6

7
8

9
10
11
12
13
15

17
18

19
20
21
22

23
24

25
26

27
28

12
16

87:5

32
3l
30

(?34)
5

9
10
12

H
11

15
16

17
20
18
19
23
25
22
21
24

(?2)
27

1 1

17
1

2
3

4
6

8
9

12
II

9
16

2
88:1

4
3

86:15

4
/. 1

/. 2

7
8

9
10

/.4

/. 6
/.;

1 1

13
/.;

15
16

17
19

/. 8
20

bo
3
o
1-1
o

85:6

31
I

3
4
5
6

7
8

10
12

"&33
13
14
22

19
20

2\
18

17
26
24
23

iaiid 3 Sykes and Crowe afterwards altered to 1588. * Barrett, &c, give as ; 88:5 William
Wigges dead ex squalorc carceris. Ribadeneira gives Thomas Hunt as bb:2.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

Modern Official List of

Martyrs

( i 583-1 603)

For explanations sec pp. 16, 17.

1588 {continued)
Robert Sutton, /.
John Hewett
Edward Burden
William Lampley, /.
Thomas Lynch
Thomas or Hugh Alorgan

or Wells

1589
( fohn Amias
\ Robert Dalby
/George Nichols
I Richard Yaxley
I Thomas Belson, /.
I Humphrey Pritchard, /.
(William Spenser
\ Robert Hardesty, /.

159°
[Christopher Bayles
j Nicholas Horner, /.
[Alexander Blake, /.
(Miles Gerard
\ Francis Dicconson
\ Edward Jones
(Anthony Middleton
/Edmund Duke
J Richard Hill
I John Hogg
iRichard Holliday

I591
(Robert Thorpe
I Thomas Watkinson
fMonford Scott
\ George Beesley
(Roger Dicconson
"I Ralph Milner
* William Pike
'Edmund Genings

Swithin Wells

Eustace White
- Polydore Plasden

Brian Lacey, /.

John Mason, /.
.Sydney Hodgson, /.

Laurence Humphrey, /.

I592
William Patenson1

1-1

92:1
92:2
92:3
92:4

92:5

92:6

92:7

92:10

92:8

92:9

1 1

C/j

4
3

88:2

4
91:4
917

9*=5
91:6

/.
/.

(*:

o
>

25
23
30

1
2
3
4
5
6
18:24

3
2

4
5
6

7
8

9
10

1 1

95:4
95:5

1
2

85:9
10

27
30

29
34

6
1
2
3
4
8:2!

4
5

91:12

9I:I5
91:14

9i;i3

96:

10
11
16
1
2
3
4

c
o

—

'•7

19
/.9

/. 8

3
4
1
2

/.'
/.
88:1

1
/.
/.
2
3
5
4
91:
91:

9I:i

91 :\
97:

1 Ribadeneira: (2) Williams, (3) Francis Munford, (4) John Thules. Tcrsoi

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

1— 1
—1

■

i—i

bo-

Cfl

■u

3
C

'55

«J
0

C
O

1-.

18
26

28
30

73
u

3
O

'C
nj

/. 10

: 28

29
26

/.9

27
28

12
/. II

29
34

: 27
1 33
1

18
r.

C?i3)

21
/. 12
/. 10

29
34

29
33
34

'•3

16,17

1 1

/. 1 I

15.16

/. 2

88:13

4
5
6

7
8

2
3

4
88:26

4
5
6

. 7

4
5

4
5
6

2
3
4
7

2
3

4
7

I
/. 2
/. I

3
2

2
3

5
6

1:7

91:12

91:13

•'

91:1

i: 10

7
8

9I:I5

91:16

91:4

!:9

;:8

91:14

91:15 !

9^3

91:13

91:14

91:2

95:4 1

95:^5

3
'•5

10
1 1

7
8

7
1

/. 6

•3

4
/. 1

/. 2 |

/•3
/.4

1 1

4
5

10
1 1

1 1

10
11

1 1
12

Ap. 2

"'">" §376, also mentions Williams ; Worthington I gives Montford.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

1— 1

6
0

Modern Official List of ■£

bfl

Martyrs

•— 1

(1583-1603)

'Ja

For explanations see pp. 16, 17.

1592 {co)iti)2ued)

Thomas Pormort

Roger Ashton

Thomas Methat)i, s.j.

1593

hdward \\ aterson

James Bird (Burden), /.

92:13

Anthony Page

Joseph Lampton

William Davies

1594

John Speed, /.

William Harrington

1 John Cornelius, s.j.
1 Thomas Bosgrave, /.

(S.J.)

j John Carey, /.
IPatrick Salmon,/.

rjohn Boste

-! John Ingram

„L

(George Swallowell, /.

(?8)

(?/.)

Edward Osbaldeston

1595

Robert Southwell, S.J.

(S.J.)

f Alexander Rawlins

, J %

"1 Henry Walpole, s.j.

(S.J.)

William Freeman

Philip Howard, Earl of Arundel

J. Watkinsou a Is.

T. Warcop, I.

Ap.9

>596

/George Errington, /.

957

95-4

95:/.

| William Knight, /.

95 = 8

95o

95:/.

"j William Gibson,/.

95=9

95 = 6

95^-

iHenry Abbot, /.

97=3

95-10

95 = 7

95:/.

1597

( William Andleby

96:1

I Thomas Warcop

(.Edward Fulthrop

1598

John Britton, /.

( Peter Snow

\ Ralph Grimston, /.

96:2

John Jones, O.S.F.

97:1

Christopher Robinson

Richard Horner

1599

Mathias Harrison [Hayes]

Ap.

John Lion, /.

James Dowdall, /.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

1— 1

— ,

1— 1

1— <

bfl

-*->

t/)*

C/3

£
ft

<L>

*(fl

3
W

1— s

1-1
O

C/5

/. 1

5
1

2
3

5
1

94:10
1

92:3

1
1

5
1

4
1

4
93:5

/. I
'•3

/. 2

95:/. 1

95:/. 2

95^-3

95^-4

97-4

97:4

97 -"4

96:1

3 !

1.2

/. I

97:i

97H

97:2

97:4

'P-93)

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

Modern Official List of

Martyrs

(1583-1603)

explanations see below.

IOOO
Christopher Wharton
John Rigby, I.
I Thomas Sprott
(Thomas Hunt (Bcnstead)
I Robert Nutter
\ Kdward Thwing
I Thomas Palasor
|ohn Norton, /.
ohn Talbot, /.
1601
John Pibush

Mark P.arkworth, O.S.P.. .
Roger Filcock, S.J.
I Anne Line, /.
I Thurstan Hunt
I Robert Middleton
I Nicholas (^rT.)Tichborni',/.
I. Thomas Hackshot, /.

1602
I James (or N.wM.) Harrison
I Anthony (or N.) Bates, /. . .
■ |ames Duckett, /.
I Thomas Tichborne
I Robert Watkinson
' Francis Page, s.j.

1603
William Richardson

(5)

4
2

-
o

4
5
2

3
6

(O.S.B.)
/.

(2)
/.

(s.J.)

1— 1

H- 1

*->

■1-)

3
W

/. I

(2)

1601:4
1601:5

/. 2

/•3

3
2

/. 1

Explanation of the Analytical Table of the Martyrs
named in various catalogues.

The lirst column shows all the names presented for Beatification.
I hose in italics are the praetermissi, those who were "put aside" because
of deficiency of evidence.

Names bracketed together signify that the martyrdoms took place on
the same day.

Laymen are distinguished by an /. after their names; where this
does not appear the sufferer will be a priest.

The numbers show the order in which the various editors of the
1 italogues arranged the names. In a few lists the letter / (layman)
appears before some numbers and not before others. This means that
the editors of them have arranged the Martyrs in two lists, one of priests,
one of laymen. In a few eases, however, the two lists are dated, so that
there could be no doubt as to the order in which the editor would have
arranged him had he united his lists. In these cases the names are
here thrown into one series.

CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS

n
c

u5
'53

c
0

O
CO

1-4

a;
B

— )

fXj

5
6

(4)

(1)

3&4

Sometimes the editors of the catalogues arranged the names in
different years. In this case the two last numbers of the different year-
date are given, with the number indicating the Martyr's place in that
year. Thus at the end of 1584 we find the name of Richard White
given the number 85:8 under VVorthington I. This means that
Dr. Worthington in his first catalogue {supra No. 5) placed White eighth
in the year 1585. .

It may not be amiss to caution students against possible mis-
apprehensions. The lists are meant to show, and do show at a glance,
which sufferers have been regularly regarded as Martyrs, and which have
been considered as such irregularly by some few authors only. It should,
however, be remembered that this table makes no pretence to give the
smaller variations between the various martyrologtsts. There may be
accidental changes in Christian names ; there may be variations m the
places of martyrdom, &c; matters of importance in other respects—which,
however, can be passed over here, and indeed must be omitted, it the
table is to be kept concise. A few of these variable points are indicated
in notes, but not all.

r8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO June

ROBERT DIBDALE TO HIS PARENTS

4 June, [1580]

From the original holograph, Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxix, n. 4.

We know little of the family of this Martyr beyond what is contained
in this letter. In the Douay Diaries he is described as " Wigorn," that
is "of the diocese of Worcester." The same registers tell us (p. 159)
that he arrived at Rheims on the 29th of December, 1579, from Rome
in company with William Kestell, and that both were young students of
theology. They may have been at the English College, Rome, before the
extant' registers of that college were begun, but there is no record of it.

Blessed Thomas Cottam, the bearer of this letter, left the college to
visit England on the 5th of June, 1580 {Douay Diaries, p. 166). This
fixes the year, which has been mistaken by the calendarer for 1585.
Letters nn. 3 and 4 in the same volume, were also written on the same
day (though here, too, the year is omitted). It is evident that Cottam's
letter packet fell into the hands of the government.

On the 22nd of June Dibdale himself left the college in company with
Mr. Pole. He may have been among the "five that were taken coming
over at Dover," who were already in the Gatehouse Prison by July the 29th,
1580 {C.R.S., i, 62). But his imprisonment was not known at Rheims
until the end of the year {Douay Diaries, p. 174). His name is found
in the Gatehouse lists for 1581 {C.R.S., ii, 219), and his father's name
is reported in November for having helped him. "Sent to Robert Dubdeale
from his father the third daye of November a letter and two cheeses, a
lof of Bread, and v5 in money, brought by William Grenway the carrier"
{Dom. Eliz., vol. cl, n. 65). By December 4, then following, the prisoners
had petitioned the Privy Council for protection against their benefactors
being reported, which prevented their obtaining even the necessaries of
life, and their petition was granted {Acis of P. Council, xiii, p. 275).
Dibdale was eventually discharged by the Lord Treasurer 10 September,
1582 {C.R.S., ii, 225), after which he went back to Rheims and continued
his studies.

Aftere moste humble and dutyfull wyse, ryght welbeloved parents,
I haue me commended vnto you, desyreing of you, your dayly
blessing, trusting in God that you are also in healthe with my
brothers and systers. The cause of my wryting vnto you ys, to lett
you vndcrstand that I am in healthe, commending vnto you my
especiall ffreind Mr. Cottame, who hathe bene vnto me the to halfe
of my lyfe. I cannot sufficiently commend vnto you his loving
kyndnesse showed and bestowed vppon me. Wherefore I beseche
you to take consayle of hyme in matters of great wayt. I haue sent
vnto you sertaine tokens to be deuided amongest you, a gylte
crucifyxe, and medall vnto my ffather, and ye payre of bedes vnto my
syster Johne, the other payre of bedes vnto my mother, the sylver
komayne peyce of coyne vnto my syster Agnes, and ye other peice of
Krenche coyne vnto my brother Rychard, the two stringes of graynes
to be deuyded amongest you. I have sent vnto my brother John
Pace the peice of Frenche coin wrapped by ytselfe. Thus breifiy
I ceasse to troble you any ffurther. Desyring almyghty God to

I58° THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

preserve you in long lyffe and prosperity and send vs a mery meting.
Fare you well, the fourth day of June ffrom Reimes.

Your obedyent Sonn

Robert Debdall.
Endorsed. — A letter in the behalf of Cottam the bearer hereof and
for certen tokens.

II.

JOHN AMIAS TO JOHN TALBOT AND MRIS ANNE

SOUTHWORTH

8 June, 1580

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cxxxix, nn. 10, 11.

In another paper, entitled, " Names of persons whose sons are beyond
the seas," and of those "who be great frends and ayders of those beyond
the Sea" {Dom Eliz., cxlvi, n. 137), we find " Mrs Ann Southworth [and]
the Lady her mother, — tokens sent to them." "John Talbot of Salber[rie]
esquier, — the messenger is to conferr with him." Further on in the list
of " Lettres heertofore sent from English Papists beyond y Seas" is one
"from John Amyas to Richard Amyas at the signe of the Aungell nere
St. Martin's gate in London." The notes are evidently made by some
government official from intercepted letters; and he had before him,
amongst others, those now under our consideration.

The signature "Jo. Amyas, for so am I called at Paris," might
indicate that Amyas was a pseudonym ; but it may also signify that the
writer, having previously used a pseudonym, has now reverted to this his
true name. In the catalogue of York Martyrs (Grene, Collectanea M. 190,
Stonyhurst MSS.), it is stated that Amias was born at Wakefield, and
was a widower. He came to the college of Rheims from England,
22nd June, 1580 {Douay Diaries, p. 167), so that his subsequent stay in
Paris must have been very brief. He returned as a priest to England on
the 5th of June, 1581 {Ibid., p. 179).

VVorshipfull Syr. My dutie remembred, pleaseth yt you to be
adverteyzed that Immediatelie after my cominge to Parryse I sent vnto
Richard Bowlton your servant a lettre, wherin I willed hym to lett you
vnderstande theffect of this my lettre. Notwithstandinge I havinge a
convenyent messenger thought good to wryte vnto your worship
leaste peradventure my other lettre came not to his hands. Syr as
conserninge the jentilman of whome I talked withe you at home in
your galarie, I have ij wayes founde the meanes that I can learne
howe he doothe, once within everie xiiij dayse, for there is some that
maketh recourse to the place where I doo lie everie weeke, therefore
syr your frende shall not nede to make any coste or travell for that matter,
for I wilbe carefull to lett you vnderstande of his estate as occation
shall serve. I haue made meanes that a fTrende of myne (who lyethe
in the same place where the said jentilman is) shall strayght way
send me a messenger yf ye cause so require, and I have promysed
hym a suffycyent rewarde for his travell. Syr, as touching any newse,
I can wryt of none, but that the matter standethe dowtfull betwixe
the Portingales [Portuguese] and Kynge Phillype; whether they will
accepte hym as theire Kynge or no. He hathe there a great Armye,
bothe by Sea and lande, and great conference and talke is had

20 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AugUSt

betwixe boothe parties that the matter myght be ended wythout
Bloodshede, which almyghtie God graunte so to bee. As for any
other matters, the bearer hereof can Instructe you more then I can
wryte, who is one that ye may truste. So Syr, as my bounden dutie
is, I will not fayle to commende you to God in my prayers with my
servise and good will to Mr. George, Mr. Robert, their wyfes, to my
owld ffrende Myles, and the reste.

At Parise from Mygneon Colledg this viij of June 1580.
Your worshipp's most bounde to his poure

Jo Amyas, for so ame I named at Parise.

Addressed. — To the Right Worshipfull Mr. John Talbot Esquire
geve this at Salberie in Lancashire.

Good Mris Anne, your curtezie and jentilnes towards me, requirethe
that with a few lynes I shoulde salute you, because words are of no
great cost (beinge well vsed) and as for gyftes or tokens I cane send
none but they will cost Money which I may not well spare ; yet haue
I send you one pece of Englishe money for a token, because yt is
not currande in France (for otherwise peradventure yt had bene
spent). So desiringe you to make my humble commendacions to my
good ladie your Mother, of whome I woulde gladlie haue taken my
leave when I came away, bot y* I was vnwillinge to disquyete her
beinge in her bedd. My commendacions also to Mris Jane, and to
owld Neanne. So I commytt you to ye holie ghoost.

At Paryse frome Mygneon Collidge this 8 of June 1580.

Yours to vse to his poure

John Amyas.

Addressed. — To Mris Anne Sowthworthe at Samsberie geve this.

Endorsed. — from Jo. Amyas.

III.

EXAMINATION OF WILLIAM HARTLEY

[13 August, 1 581]

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxv, n. 72.

The Oxford Register (II, ii, 68 cf Foster, II, 665) states that William
Hartley, "Notts; pleboei filius aetatis 18," matriculated (No. 64) at
St. John's in 1575. Father Warford {Acts of English Martyrs, p. 271)
gives some information of his course at the university. In the Douay
Diaries he is said to have been of the diocese of Lichfield, to have
joined the college August 22nd or 23rd, 1579, and to have received
I ..11 sure, minor orders, and sub-diaconate during the next ember days
• it Laon. The diaconate before Christmas also at Laon. He was
ordained priest at Chalons, 24th February, 1580, and left on foot for
Kngland on the 16th of June, 1580. He was arrested at Stonor and taken
to the Tower on the 13th of August (C.R.S., ii, 30//). Our document will
be more or less of this date. There are letters in the Council Register
thanking Sir Henry Neville and others for having apprehended him.
It was supposed that he had been zealous in bringing Father Campion's
Decern Ratmnes into circulation. '

William tharley aged thirtie yeares or theraboutes, borne at a place
culled \\ yn in 1 >erbeshier, was brought uppe in a Semynary College

1581 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 2 1

at Reames iij years and toke his first orders of sub-decon and decon
at Lyon in Champan in France, And his second order of Semenary
preesthode of the Byshope of Challon ther aboute a yeare and a
quarter paste, and he toke shippinge at Diepe aboute Mydsommer
laste and landed at hieth as he supposeth : and hathe Reamened in
Derbeshier moste parte of this tyme or eleswhere, but withe whome
or anye particular place he will not tell, for hurtinge or accusinge
his frendes who have relived hyme. William tharley.

Endorsed. — A Description of William Tharley.

IV.

GEORGE HAYDOCK TO FATHER AGAZARIO

28 November, [1581]
Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, n. 22, fol. 56. Autograph.
George Haydock, at the close of this letter, asks prayers for his father,
that is Vivian or Evan Haydock of Cottam Hall, near Preston, who had
lately died. His mother was sister to the wife of George Allen, the
Cardinal's elder brother. The dates of his stay in Rome will be found in
H. Foley, Records S.J., vi, 74, 136, &c. It seemed at one time likely
that he would have passed from college to the novitiate of the Society
of Jesus, for which Allen, 3 August, 1580, gave his full consent {Collectanea
M, p. 116). But the future martyr's health began to fail, and he was sent
back to Rheims before he was ordained priest. The principal object of
this letter is to tell his friends in Rome that he is now to be ordained ; also
to say adieu to them because he is soon to go to England. It has seemed
better not to print a translation of a letter, the charm of which lies in the
tenderness and warmth of heart displayed, qualities which our unemotional
language is apt to misrepresent.

Jesus >Ji Maria
Primo non immerito Reverendissimo Patri Alfonso Rectori suo
vigilantissimo, deinde Patri Paulo, Patri Ferdinando, P. Leonardo,
ministro, P. Guddo, P. Petro, P. Mutio, P. Hieronimo, P. Joachimo,
P. Jacomo et P. Josepho, in Christo salutem.* Jam tandem non
immemor officii mei has literas vobis omnibus, sed praecipue tuae
Reverentiae, mi Pater Alfonse, in signum amoris mei erga vos dedicatas
velim, humiliter vos rogans me excusatum habere quod toto tempore
itineris mei nullam a me literam cum coeterorum acceperitis cum
[verum fateor] plus coeteris me vobis devinctum esse negare nullo
modo valeam. Sed facile apud vos me excusabit ut spero turn
temporis malitia, turn mea invaletudo quae nullam scribendi oppor-
tunitatem dabant. Quare jam dato scribendi dato scribendi [sic] otio
inprimis pro vestris in me mentis et praecipue, mi pater Alfonse, pro
tua erga me benevolentia summa, consilio, amore, diligentia et innumeris
aliis in me collatis beneficiis, quae a tua paternitate tanquam a fonte

j(j Father Paul Navarola, Father Ferdinand Capeccio, and F'ather William Good,
are all mentioned repeatedly in Father Persons' Memoirs { C. A'. S. , vol. ii). Father
Mutius is probably Mutius Vitelleschi, a future Rector of the English College, and
eventually a General of the Society. The Father Minister was Leonardo Magnano
{infra, n. xlv). The "Comes" was the Earl of Westmoreland {Foley, vi, 551). The
others are no doubt professors or tutors at the English College, or at the Roman
College where Haydock had attended his course of theology.

22 documents relating to November

uberrimo profluxcrunt, infinites gratias ago. Sed quid homuncionis
nullius momenti gratia? tanto viro proderint, qui pro sua erga nostram
desolatam et afflictam patriam necnon omnes Anglos benevolentia, non
solum meo sed clarissimorum atque sanctissimorum virorum iudicio
ad coelum usque faustis omnium acclamationibus honorificentissimis
laudibus extollendus est. Demonstrant enim illam infinitam tuam
erga nos benevolentiam labores illi infatigabiles, quorum vi oppressus
in febrim gravissimam incidisti paulo ante expulsionem nostram et
itidem post reditum nostrum ad collegium. Non minus etiam
ostendunt tuum erga nos benevolum animum frequentes illae ac
doloris plena? nostratum gratia cursitationes pro acquirendis pensioni-
bus ad sacrum palatium. Declarant etiam tuam erga nos paternam
charitatem labores illi incessabiles et dolores gravissimi quos Comitis
nostri gratia pertulisti. Nee oblivioni tradenda est ilia cum Comite
et aliis visitatio septem ecclesiarum, in qua ex vehementi solis ardore
febri correptus fuisti. Denique quid dicam de infinita ilia erga me
benevolentia tua, qui toties incassum et sine fructu laborasti omnibus
modis me exhortando ad sanctiorem vivendi rationem ac sanctam
disciplinam amplectendam, et tandem sine ullis meis mentis non
imparem sacerdotibus me, tanquam tibi charissimum Alumnum Collegii,
pacifice cum gratia favore ac Uteris, ut invenio, commendatissimis
1 tomino Alano, qui me perquam amanter accepit, remisisti. Quid
plura infinita alia beneficia in me et alios Anglos collata taceo,
quorum splendore tanquam gemmis ornatum in beatorum illo
domicilio per Dei gratiam te intueri non dubito. Sed te laudare
cesso quern nulla dicendi copia satis unquam laudare poterit. Perge
igitur, Reverende Pater, ne cesset quaeso nostris suo solito more
benefacere, ne retrahat indignissimis amorem suum, sed studeat eos
ad unitatem et sanam mentem revocare, quos dispersos ac diabolica
fraude divisos reliqui. Urgeat eos desiderio recuperandi patriam quam
miserrime afflictam ac omni heresium ac vitiorum genere pollutam
reliquerunt. Moneat illos memoria cruciatuum ac poenarum, quas
Catholici in Anglia quotidie perferunt. Excitet eos memoria mortis
illius invictissimi Athletis Christi, qui nuperrime pro Ecclesias defensione
Martini coronam adeptus est. Denique redde illos memores illius
nefandissimi facinoris pessimi Cadei, jam in Anglia stipendiarii diaboli,
qui peccatum addens peccato, non veritus est sanctam matrem
Ecclesiam deserere. O utinam in memoriam revocarent tragedias illas,
quas diabolus excitavit inter nos et Wallos, quibus tanquam instru-
ni' tito uteris tarn callide conatus est collegium subvertere. Nonne
quaeso istae mutuae dissensiones adhuc illis et aliis materiam subminis-
trabunt in collegii detrimentum aliquid machinari. Miror ego fascinatas
mentis illorum, qiiod post tot tantasque experientias non sentiant
adhuc vulpis et vulpecularum astutiam, quae tarn tacite calcaneo
illorum insidiantur. Sed fortassis putant distantiam loci ac verborum
blandities suspi< ionem mali tollere; sed nihil minus, nam licet vulpes
aliquando sedes suas mutaverit et ovis pellem induerit, occasione
tamen data non dubitabit miseras gallinas prosequi.

Atque haec breviter tua pace dico, non quod sciam illos carere
Kectonbus et mediis quibus excitentur ad studium recuperandi

«+ ^4, f^JUjU <$^' r^r 7^^' ^pt^t£ ~~~*>f~

♦r -•»«**«.»

til A-***1"

imiiQ

To face p. 23]

The Ven. GEORGE HAYDOCK, M.

1 58 1 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 23

patriam, aut Wallorum astutiam sub inveniendi, sed propter debitum
ilium quo maxime flagror erga illos patriamque amorem, qui num
verus fictusve fuerit ante paucos menses Deo adiuvante plenam
perfectamque experientiam habebitis. Determinavit enim Dominus
Alanus, ut ab ipsomet intellexi, me brevi ad sacerdotium promovere,
et sic statim me in Angliam mittere. Restat igitur ut ego tali
dignitate indignissimus, vestrum auxilium implorem, humiliter rogans
vestrorum patrum, omniumque fratrum meorum gratissimas preces
Deo optimo Maximo pro me effundi, quibus fulcitus per Dei gratiam
non dubitabo omnes haereticorum minas, verbera, tormenta supcrare :
et si Deo placuerit Sanguinem pro Christo et Ecclesia Catholica effundere.

Commendo etiam vestris precibus animam patris mei jam pridem
defuncti, qui vivens nunquam pro vobis ac collegii felici successu
cessavit orare. His itaque dictis iterum tuae Reverentise, P. Paulo,
P. Ferdinando (cui plurimum sum devinctus), P. Ministro, P. Guddo,
P. Petro, P. Mutio, et reliquis omnibus patribus et fratribus optans
salutem, Deo omnium Creatori ac Genitrici Mariae vos commendo.
Vale 28 Novembris.

Tui amantissimus tibique obligatissimus
Alius Georgius Hadocus.

Addressed. — Reverendissimo in christo Patri Alfonso Argazario
Collegii Anglicani Rectori vigilantissimo, Romas.

Endorsed. — {By F. Grene\ Georg: Hadocus Martyr Rhemis [? by
F. Agasario] Ex Sem. Angl. Martyr an. 1584.

REPORTS OF THE OVERSEERS OF SALFORD GAOL

TO THE COUNCIL FOR THE YEAR 1582

These reports are from the Record Office, Dom. Eliz.,cX\\, n. 48;
cliii, nn. 6, 45 ; civ, n. 75.

In these papers and in numbers xv, xxv, xxvii and xxviii below, we are
able to study in some detail the life of a Martyr written from two opposite
points of view. On the one hand we have a friendly witness (No. xxviii),
and on the other the men who sought for and who shed his blood. Both
agree as to the main facts ; but between the two presentations of the
case the antithesis will be found to be as complete as it was between the
objects which the writers respectively had in mind.

(j) [28 February, 1582.]

Our duties most humblie remembred. May it pleafe yor LLS to
gyve us leave in respecte of or duties and the discharginge of that
trufte by yr LL8 comitted unto us concerninge the ouerfight of hir
Mlvs Gaole of Sallford and the recufants therunto comytted owte of
the Dioceffe of Chester, by the right honorable thearle of Derby and
my L Bifshopp of Chester and other of hir M^5 comifsioners in caufes
ecclesiastical. So yt is right honorable that the faid recufants whofe
names bee here fett downe, that is to faye WiHm Howghe and
John hocknell esquires, Raphe Worsley gent., John Cuppag, Thomas
haughton, Raphe Scott, Wittm Willson, and Thomas Woodes priests ;
Olyver Piatt, Thurstan Arrowesmythe, John Burghe, and John ffynche ;

24 DOCUMENTS relating to February

KatheryS Marshe, and Helene Chawlener fpinsters, do yet contynue
in their obstinate opynyons neyther do wee perceyve any liklyhode
of conformytie in any of them, by reason of the wante of a preacher
for that purpose, whome wee do verelye thinke wolde doe very moche

d in that caufe wherof wee are moft humbly to befeche yr LLS to
confider. And as towching the laid Mr Howghe, he is tollerated and
licenfed by thearle of Derby and my L. Biffhopp & others for a few
da us to be and remayne at his owne houfe and then to retorne
againe to us, wch thinge was done to this end that therby (as they
hope) fome conformytie might in him afterward be found, wch not
only in him but allfo in the rest wee for our parts do greatly wifh
to fee. And thus ceffing to troble yor hono™, wee moft hartely
befeche god longe to contynue you in healthe and honor to his good
will and pleafure.

Sail ford this xxviijth ffebruary 1581.

Yor LLS humbly to comannd

Edm Trafforde Robert Worsley

Addressed. — To the Righte honorable and or very good LL. of hir
Mats mofte honorable Pryvie Councell, &c.

(u) [13 April 1582.]

Our duties most humblie remembred. May it please yr honors, &c.
[as in last paper to causes ecclesiastical.] So yt is right honorable
that upon the 29 of Marche last past wee receyved from the said
Earle into or custodie the bodie of Sr John Suthworthe Knight ;
and that he and the rest of ye faid recusants, whose names wee here
sett downe viz. John Hocknell esquier, Raphe Worsley gent., John
Cuppage, Thomas Haughton, Raphe Scott, William Willson, and
Thomas Woodes priests: John Burghe, Scholemaster ; Olyver Piatt,
Thurstan Arrowsmithe, and John ffinche husbandmen, Katheryne
Marshe and Helene Chawlener fpinsters do ftili contynue in their
obstinate opynions, neyther do wee see anye likelyhoode of conformytie
in any of them by reason of ye wante of a preacher for that purpose,
wherof in our last certificat to yor honors wee then did and yet doe
most humbly crave to consider of. And whereas for the better
wynnyng of the saide recusants to heare the worde, wee have appointed
one to reade (at their meale tymes) a Chapter of the Holye Byble,
but in contempte of the fame fome of the faide recusants, namely
the fore said Arrowsmythe and fynche, have very contemptuously
disturbed yc reader of ye same, of whose undutifull deedes wee hope
yo' bono" are by the late letters of my L. Bifshopp and us sufficiently
certified. And further touching William Houghe esquire and other
of the said recusants, he ys this daye tollerated by the faid Earle of
Derby, my L. Bifshopp and other of hir M'>s Comifsionrs and at the
request of the faid earle to departe to his owne house, and for the
acknowledging of the fyne by him to the faid Earle at the next afsises
to be holden at Chester and further afsurance of lands betwene them,
and is fufficiently bounden wth fuerties for the yelding and delivery
of his bodie to hir Mat5 faid gaole in Sallford at or before the vth

1582 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 25

daye of May next infringe. Thus hoping of yor honorable con fiderac ions
in the premisses wee most humbly take or leaves this xiijth of Apiill
1582. Yr honors at comanndement Edm Trafforde

Robert Worsley
Addressed. — To the Right honerable and or very good LL. of hir
Mat>s moste honorable pryvie councell.

({ii) [13 May 1582.]

Wee thought y1 our duties to advertise y1' honor of fome matter
lately passed amongste hir Mats prisoners remayninge wthin hir Mats
Gaole of Sallford, whoe heretofore have not only obstinatly refused
to heare the Chapter appointed to be redd at their meale tymes, but
have allso forborne their meate at that prefent, as namely ffynche,
Arrowsmythe and one Burghe, as may more playnly appeare by or
former letters touching the same. Since wch tyme for the better
drawing of them to heare the worde (hoping thereby happely to
wynne them) I Robert Worsley moved one of the said recusants
Raphe Worsley gent, by name to reade the said Chapters, whoe wth
fome intrety agreed therunto and willingly fatisffied my desire, and
therupon dothe now dayly use the faid good exercife publickly in
the houfe afore the said meale tymes wherunto the whole nomber
of the recufants do repaire and heare dilligently. But yet bicause
the same was by the meanes aforesaid, wee most humbly beseche
your honor to signifie unto us, yor opynion touching the same, for
that wee wolde be lothe to enter into any matter whatsoever touching
any of them all, wthout the allowance of the fame eyther by yor honollr
or ells by some other of hir Mt^s pryvye councell to be therunto
graunted. And becaufe wee prceyve the faid recusants to be contented
to heare the reading of the worde, wee therfor have the better hope
to wynne them further, and doe therfor most hartely praye you (in
whome or greatest hope consisteth for the accomplishment of the
same) to remember us touching a preacher to be appointed for that
purpose, whoe wee doe verelye thinke will moche availe, if he might
be shortly obtayned for that wee have nowe fome better hope of their
conformytie then aforetyme we have had, wherof wee doe not a litle
reioyce. Befeching god if y* be his good pleasure further to call
bothe them and all others home to his ovvne fould, wch [at] this
prefent are gone aftraye from the true understanding of his most
blessed worde, and thus wee humbly take or leaves. Sallford this xiijUl
of Maye 1582. Yor honors at comanndemt

Edm Trafforde Robert Worsley
Addressed. — To the Right honorable SrFrauncis Wallsingham Knight.

(iv)

13 October, 1582.

This letter is a repetition (with a few verbal variants) of the letter of

13th April ; the list of names, however, includes the following in addition : —

Jn. Townley, William Houghe esquires. Christopher Hawksworth pries! ,

Elizabeth Dewhurst, Helen Johnson and Elizabeth Hawkenson Spinsters.

There is still no likelihood of conformity without a preacher.

26 documents relating to February

VI.

HEADS OF ACCUSATION BY TOPCLIFFE AGAINST

WILLIAM DEAN, EDWARD OSBORNE,

EDWARD COOKE

n.d. [February, 1582]

Record Office, Dom. E/tz., clii, //. 54.

The date of the document may be determined by the date of Deane's
arrest, 21st February {C.R.S., ii, 226), and from Fleetwood's letter below
(No. vii), which carries the history both of Deane, Osborne, and the book
about Campion a step further.

Eniongs other theis particularytees bee confefsed by theis persons
hereunder naymed.

Wm Deane, a fmgetyue seameanary preest, in prison in Neugait.

He was borne at Lynton a toune sumetyme ould Richard Nortons,
the rebbell in the Northe, now the Q. mat5 and under the chardge and
rcwle of Richarde Topclyff her Mats Servant. The father off the said
Wm Deane was a Rebbell wth ould Norton his Mr.

This Wm Deane difsemuled to bee a protestant and became a
mynister and served Kewre at Munkefriston wthin the com of Yorke,
where many of the parishe contynew recusants. He fledd off Layt to
Rheames wth intent to serve his ould Master, Norton the rebell.

He was comended to Doctor Allen by letter from one Thomas
Awfild a seameanary prieste.

He was Reconsieled by that Awfild before he went over Sea*
He perswaided the Q. subiects before he went over not to cume to
the Churche nor to receve the Communyon.

He did perswaide the Q. subiectts that the pope of Rome was
supreamc head and Governor of the Churche of Englande, and not
her Matie. And furder that England ought to pay Tribuit to Rome.

He did wishe the Q. Mate deathe Traitoruslye, but he will not
confefs somutche.

He did sende letters of abhomynable perswacyon from Religion
to popery, wch bee intercepted goinge Northwards. He is now wthin
this moneth returned a Seameanary preest from Rheames.

He hathe hadd conferrence wth Geordge Norton the rebbell sonne
of ould Norton yc rebbell At Rheames.

He hathe said vj or vij Mafses cynce his cumminge over in London.
The most of them at one Mistres Alfords house wthin Salisbury Coort
where lie lodged most & before her self And Sumtyme one Rodgers
yl did also lodge at Mra Alfords.

One Mafse At my Lady ffrogmortons near Temes Street where the
Lady wis & vj other gent.

One Mafsc in flett strcctt, xij psons psent at least.

♦ Thomas Aliield left Rheims for England on March 291b. 1581, and Deane
arrived there on July the 9th, proximately "from Douay." Deane was ordained
and had started on the return journey on January the 25th, 1582 {Douay Diaries).

1582 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 27

One Mafse at Mistres Thimolby lodging before her.
He did heare Mistres Thymolbyes preest say Mafse.
He hath Reconciled a Servant of Mris Alfords.

Edwarde Osberne, a feugeiyve Seameanary preest in prison in the Clynk.

Hee did by great fortune Cume to one Norwoods Chamber whiles
I was seartchinge of his studdy books and paipers in Symons Ine
And startinge suddenly from thence (loathe to bee knowen) I caused
him to bee pursewed and taken. Hee confefsed that he was a
Seamanary preest returned from Rheames a litell before Chrystenmas.

Hee hadd recevid vj of the Tratorus books of Campyans, Sherwyn
and Bryans mrterdom as they terme it.

Hee hathe said vj or vij Mafses cynce his cuminge over.

One Mafse upon twelvethe day last in the ffleett Before the Lorde
Vauxe Sr Thorn8 Tressam Mr Tyrwhitt and anothr gentilman & too of
yer men. Three or fower Mafses at my Ladye Vaux Lodginge before
my Lady there. At M1' Brownes house at St. Mary overaie wher
henry Stewke her man did helpe him to say Mafse.

Hee hathe confefsed Mris Thyrwitt and dyvers others.

Hee saiethe that one Stampe a preest of Londen And one Bayarde
a Seamenary resorts to Mr Brownes house at St. mary Overais, and
use to say Mafse ther.

One Edward Cooke Servant to proctor Smythe in p'noster Row is
Apprehended, in whose desk I founde xl** of the said Tratorus
books to pub ly she.
He confefseth hymself a perillous person.

One Norwoode of Symons Ine publisher of these books knowethe
the prynter And was the cause of his flyenge and escaype. Hee is
as evell as the rest.

Endorsed. — Mr Toplyfs note of certain seminary priests.

VII.

RECORDER FLEETWOOD TO LORD BURGHLEY

14 April, 1582
British Museum, Lansdowne MS. 35, n. 26.

Right honorable & my singular good Lord. I am right glad of
your Lo: amendment. I beseche God to continue your Lo: in health.
During the tyme of this Lent wee have ben everie daye occupied
with Semenarie Priests, massemongers, libellers and suche lyke. It
fell owt that in the first wike of Lent* that there was a booke cast
abrood,* in commendinge of Campion and of his fellowes, and of

* Ash Wednesday, 1582, fell on the 28th of February.

•f The book about Campion was the True Report of the death and martyrdom*
of M. Campion, for printing which Vallenger lost his ears. There is a copy in the
British Museum (1370, a, 80), and from it we see that the "figures" which Fleet-
wood seized were either the numerals, or possibly the ornamented capitals, or
printer's sign. There are in the book no figures in the sense of cuts or plates.

28 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

iheire deathe. I pursued the matter so nere that 1 found the presse,
the letters, the figures, and a nosmber of the books. And beinge in
this Scarchc one Osborne a Semenarie priest came droppinge into a
Chamber, where Mr. Topcliff of the Court and I were. Hym we
examined, and it appered that he was a Semenarie priest and had
dwelt in the Hospitall at Rome iij yeres and after he was professed
in to a howse of the Fraunciscaines, being bare foote flriers that live
by begging, and labored, as he saithe by cutting of wood, and bearing
of it upon theire backs. They lie uppon no bedds but tumble in
the strawe like swine. They use no sherts, they have no garments
but suche as they dayly were, the which are slender, thinne and
extreme cold. * Theire diett is most slender and they eat but ones
a daye, and continually they drynke water ; they may towche no money,
being of this order but vij weeks, it beinge so streyt, he was dryven
to fflee, and came into England : and in [sic] Christenmas he said
sundry Masses at Mr. Brownes howse, ¥ my Lord Viscount's
brother, before my Ladie Vaux and certen others, and in Crastino
Epiphaniae he said Masse in the Flete in my Lord Vaux his chamber,
before my Lord, Mr. Tressam, Mr. Thirwitt and others. For the which
offens these 3 were upon Wedenesdaye last convicted in the Geldhall
at an oier and determiner, § where the said Osborne did give livelie
evidens. Althowgh they before Jugement did stowtlie denie the
same, yet after they dyd most humblie submitt theym selffs unto her
maiestie, and so departed to prison agayne. This Osborne is nephewr
to f. Robert .'. Lane and nere akyne to my lo. Vaux and to Mr.
Tresham.U

Att this oier and Determiner there was arraigned one Mrs Rogers,
sumtyme wiff of one Barnerd, Steuerd of Grey's Inne, for hering of a
Masse at Shroftide in the howse of the wiff of Francis Alford in
Salisbury Court : at which Mass was Mrs. Alford her selff and one
Rogers a gentilman || and one Hyde who is Mrs. Alford's man. The

* In margin: " Et sunt undique obruti pediculis."

¥ Francis Browne, brother of Lord Montagu, is called Sir Francis by Father
Persons (C.A'.S., ii, 183; iv, 13).

§ The consequences of this Mass are treated at some length by Mr. Simpson
in The Rambler, vii, 1857, p. 15, "A Morning in the Star Chamber/'

If Edward Osborne, "of the diocese of Peterborough," was dismissed from the
English College, Rome, (/uatcnus relapsus {C.R.S., ii, 134), which presumably
means that the college authorities did not think it worth while to ask for a
dispensation for orders for him. He then seems, from what is stated above, to
have passed seven weeks among the Franciscans, and then to have returned to
Rheims, where Allen, witli too much kindness, presented him for ordination, and
him to England in November, 15S1. Tie was the first priest who fell so far
a^ to deny his religion and to preach against it {Letters of Cardinal Allen, pp. 136,
144). But ere long, overcome by remorse, he returned penitent to Rheims, where
he wrote a long " satisfaction," dated May 18, 1583, which was published with A
true report of the late apprehension and imprisonment of John Nieols, at Roan,
1583 (Brit, Mus., 699, b 7, fol. 27). A Latin translation '{misdated 15S7) in the
Concerlatio (1594), II. 240 242. Eventually he retired to Seville, and there died
(b( lore 1600, the date of Father Person's Domestical Difficulties, C.A'.S., ii, 134).

This Mr. "Roger-, a gentilman" is apparently not lo be identified with
Thomas Rogers, who generally passed under the name of Nicholas Berden, and
was an active spy for Walsingham, for he did not return from Italy till 1583

1582 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 29

Seminarie priest was one Deane. This Deane and the sayd Hyde*
dyd give the evidence, and for that cause Mr. Secretaries pleasure
was that they should be spared, f Mrs. Alford was spared because
Mr. Francis is bound for her and she promiseth to goo to the churche,
and this is by Mr. Secretarie's order.

Att this last Gaole delyverie one Margerett Harding, a notable
pickpurse, was executed. The wyke before Christenmas she pleded
her pardon for the lyke fawlt, that pardone was as itt was said
procured by Monsieur de Alphene ; but one gentilman now in the
Court, as she reported, had an c marks, whose name apperethe in the
first word of the ix line in ista pagina.% This woman hathe had
the benefit*5 of sundry other pardones as well generall as speciall.
There is one Crofts and Bacon, that were condemned for a Roberie
done nere Ware, they are reprived.

For any other things here hapenyng there are none worthie
wryting of, save this one thing that here are fortie brables and
pickeries done abowt this towne more in any one daye then when
I cam first to serve was donne in a moneth. The reason is of those
multitude of buildings being stuffed with poore, nedie and of the
worst sort of people. Trulie, my singuler good lord, I have not
leasure to eat my meat, I am so called upon. I am, at the least,
the best parte of an c nights in a yere abroad in searches. I never
rest. And when I serve her Maiestie the best, then I am for the
most parte the worst spoken of, and that many tymes in the Court.
I have no man to defend me. And as for my Lord Maior, my cheff
head, I am dryven every daie to back hym and his doyngs. My
good Lo. for Christ's sake be suche a meane for me as that with
credict I may be removed by her Maiestie from this intollerable
Toyle. Certenlie I serve in a thankles soile. There is, as I lerne,
lyke to fall a rowme of the Quenes seriaunt. If your Lordship
please to helpe me to one of those Rowmes, assure your honour that
I will do her Maiestie as paynfull service as vj of theym shall doo.
Helpe me my good Lord in this my humble sute, and I will (God
willing) sett downe for your Lordship suche a booke of the Lawe as
your Lordship will lyke of.

This Easter Even 1582. Bacon Howse.

Your good Lordship's most bounden
W. Fletevvoode.

(C.H.S., ii, 253, 256; iv, 54, 85). But Mrs. Rogers, " sometime wife of Barnard
Steward of Gray's Inn," may have been his wife, "the near kinsman of John Lister,"
who is mentioned C.R.S., ii, 273.

$ In margin: "Hyde was reconsiled by Deane."

•fi Deane appears to have been firmer after this fall. There was a plan at the
end of May for sending him to the North to be made an example of, together
with Alfiekl (Dasent, Acts of Privy Council, xiii, 432), and tor this various
persons were to be arrested and forced to give evidence. But whether it was that
this evidence failed, or because Alfiekl also wavered fur a time {Letters of Cardinal
Allen, p. 163), it seems that the plan was never executed. Deane was indicted
with Fenn and Haydock (see below, n. xviii), but he remained on in prison till
1585, when he was banished.

§ Supposing that ista is used as a synonym for hac, then the first word in the
ninth line is Lane (p. 28, 1. 25 above), against which word someone has accordingly
put the mark .'.

3°

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

My Lord, I have sent unto your honor a box of suche stuffe as
these libellers use for their Printe. There be certen Yrishemen that
are the utterers of the last lewd booke. One Dowdale* dothe use
to sell them.

Addressed. — To the Right Honorable and my singuler good Lord
my Lord Tresorer of England.

Endorsed. — 14 April, 1582. Mr. Recorder to my Lord, with a box
of popish stampes.

VIII.

P. H. W. TO WALSINGHAM

19 July, 1582

Record Office, Dom. KHz., cliv, 62.

The identity of the spy, P. H. W., the writer of the following letter,
has not yet been determined. There are a considerable number of
his letters among Walsingham's correspondence at the Record Office, and
it is easy to see how subtle and insidious his methods of attack were,
and what widespread calamities he and his like would cause.

The prison lists, already published {C.R.S., i, 60-65), tell us of Carter's
previous imprisonment in 1578, and of his second imprisonment from
1579 to 1581 ; a letter from Bishop Aylmer, December 30th, 1579, informs
us of the reasons for this second arrest (Lansdowne MSS. 29, f. 177,
printed Strype Annals, ii, f. 588), and adds that he had frequently been
in prison for printing Catholic pamphlets. After eighteen months duress
he was freed by a letter of Privy Council dated May 7th, 1581 (Dasent,
Acts of Privy Council, xiii, 40), upon condition of finding a bond for
100 marks, and one surety, and he was to remain at his house in the
parish of St. Olave's, in Hart Street, till he conformed (Dasent, xiii, 76;
see also R.O. Dom. Eliz., cc, 59; ccv, 13, 14). The reason for the arrest
in July, 1582, will perhaps have been the discovery of the Catholic Books
in his house, for which he eventually suffered ; or, as is more likely, to
judge from Mrs. Carter's lamentations, the books had not yet been found,
but were discovered in consequence of P. H. W.'s letter. John Hart's
Diarium J'urris (Sander De Schismate, App.) gives July 19th as the
date of Carter's consignment to the Tower, and his letter of November 15th
says that Carter had been " nearly killed on the rack, but nothing could
be drawn from [him] but the name of Jesus" (C.R.S., iv, 74).

For the Catholicity of Lady Carew and her household see C.R.S., i, 49;
S. Haynes, State Papers, p. 395.

Right honorable, in my returne from the court, at Lambethe I mette
with the wyffe of Carter who was examined at the court on Tewsday
laste, and demandinge of hir whether she was walkyng, she tolde me
to the court, to speak with the Lord Lomlaye, "Who"saide she, "I
wolde to god, I had never knowne." Where upon she tolde me that
her husband was apprehendyd, and had bene examined at the courte,
and sent to the tower; "And I ame nowe going to my Lord, to telle
hym that all that was in oure howse is taken awaye." "Why," said
I, "what can my Lord helpe you in that?" " Oh," said she, "all the

* It would be interesting to find out if this Dowdale could be identified with
the- John Dowdal, an Irish merchant, and a native of Wexford, who was quartered
at Exeter in August 13, 1599, for religion, of whom very little is known, and whom
our martyrologists have taken from Worthington, Catalogue III, 1614, and I.
Molanus, Idea togatae Constantiae. Appendix, p. 92.

15^2 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

bookes, copes, vestments, crosse, chaleses, & all the reste " said she,
"was my Lordes ; and by the meanes and entreatie of Mr Smyth and
Mr. Caynes or Caymes, too of my Lordes gentelmen, my housband was
so mad to take them in," with much other talke, which shold be to
longe to troble your honore. But yf yt maye please your honore to
cause both Smythe and Caynes to be to be apprehendyd forthe with,
and these being lead to theire charge as confessyde by Carter, &
Carteres wyffe to be taken, who knowethe as much as her housbande,
not onelie in this, but in all other affayres and causes concernyng the
dealinge of the Papists. And of this I am most assuryd, that there
is neither Jesuete, prieste, nor papyste of anye acompte within England
but he knowthe them. I have known hym my selfe these xx yeres,
& he maryed his wyfe from the Ladye Carewes, who was so ofte in
pryson for Relygyon. But to be shorte, if this be Rypte to the bottom,
their wylbe such matter reveled as long hathe byne full secret ; as
knowthe the Almyghtye, whom I beseche longe to preserve your
honoure, in all honour and contente from London the 19 of Julye.

P. H. W.
Addressed. — To the Ryght honorable Sir Frances Walsyngham, etc.

IX.
EXAMINATION OF JOHN CHAPMAN

Record Office, Domestic Elizabetli, civ, n. 8.

John Chapman, of the diocese of Salisbury, was ordained at Chalons
on the 4th of March, 1581. After "long- confinement in two successive
prisons," he was exiled, and returned to Rheims on the 30th of September,

1586, whence he went " to the baths near Liege " on the 3rd of July,

1587, and lived on in exile for at least three or four years longer
(Douay Diaries, 177, 213, 216, 289). In the official prison lists he figures
as an inmate of the Marshalsea from the 1st of November, 1583
C.R.S., ii, 233, 236, 340).

Right Honorable, We have signified unto yolir ho: in our Letters
by thys bearer my Servaunt the apprehension of one whose name is
John Chapman, as he sayeth, a Seminarie and Mafsing Priest. Hys
Examination (so farre forth as by any meanes we cowld gett hym to
Confefse) we have sent unto your honors, most humbly prayeng
your direction, whether your pleasurs shall be to have hym stayed
here for a tyme, and so sent up unto your honours hereafter, as you
shall appoynt : or eles to have hym sent to the Afsifses, to be dealt
wi'hall by the Justices of Afsise at Andover. The Dayes of the
Afsise are appoynted to be Mondaye, Tewesdaye and Wensdaye next.
He is in the meane tyme comytted to a safe place in the Correction
howse. The Gaole hath so many backward people, that we thowght
not goode to Comytt nether the Priest nor the Widdowe Mres Bullacre
thether. And so expecting your honors determinacion herein, I
comytt your honour to the mercifull tuition of Allmighty God.

ffrom my howse at Winchester the viijth of August, 1582.

Your honors afsured to Comaund in Christe
Jo : Winton.

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

Addressed.— To the right Honorable Sr ffrauncys Wallsinghm

Knight, her Ma* principall Secretarye and of her highnes most
honorable Privy Councell.

Enclosure.

The Examinacion of John Chapman Priest taken the vijth of
August 1582 before the Reverend ffather in Christ John
Byfshoppe of Winchester, ffrauncys Cotton and William Wright
Esquirs.

The sayd John Chapman being examined whether he be a spirituall
or a temporal! man, answereth that he is a Spirituall man and a Priest,
and was before a Minister made by the Byfshoppe of Wells, and sayeth
that he had a Benefice called Langton-hering in Dorsetshire which
he served Syx yeares. And being asked why he left the Ministerye,
he sayeth hys Conscience onely was the cawse. And being asked by
whose Instructions he declyned from the Religion answereth, by reading
certayne Controversies, and by certayne Bookes, wch one Mr ffawkiner
of Dorsetshire deceased gave hym : And sayeth, he was not to accuse
neyther cowld he accuse any man for cownsayling hym to declyne.

Item he sayeth that abowt Threa yeares past he lefte hys Benefyce
aforesayd w'howt Resegnacon, or making any bodye prevye of hys
Parishe, that he would departe.

Item lie sayeth that he went presently to London to contryve
meanes to pafse beyonde the Seas: And sayth nowe that one Adams
a minister allso went w'h hym and that this Adams was beneficed
allso in Dorsetshr at a place called Martens-towne.

Item thys Examinate allso sayeth that he was acquaynted w*h one
Mondayne who was Scholemayster of Dorchester and of diverse other
places in that Countie, and sayeth that he was accompted a Papist,
and was in trowble for Religion during the tyme of hys being there,
And being examined where thys Mondayne was at thys present, sayeth
that he cannot tell, neyther had he any Conference wlh hym.

Item thys Ext sayeth, that at hys comming to London he repayred
to the Marshallsey, and there enquyered for Catholiques, and so
happened to come to one Blewet there imprisonned for a Papist,
And this Ext told the sayd Blewet that he was of hys Religion and
would goe beyond the Seas. And being asked what advyse the sayd
Blewet gave hym towching hys journey, sayth, that they had conference
in comon speaches, but advyse he gave none unto hym. But sayeth
that after hys departure from Blewet one Ithell came to the sayd
Blewet, to whome Blewet sayd that one was even nowe w4h hym
(meaning thys Ext) that would traveyle beyond the Seas. Hereupon
the sayd Ithell went pntly after thys Ext and over tooke hym in the
Streete (not before knoweng hym, but by the description of Blewet)
and asked hym whether he meant to goe over the Seas and thys Ext
answered that he would. And so thys Ext and Ithell determined to
meete the next daye at Byllinges gate (at a howse wch thys Ext
knoweth not). But the sayd Ithell came not according to promyfse
neyther thys Ext since that tyme he brake promyfse w*h hym ever
sawe hym or heard from hym.

1582 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 33

Item thys Ext sayeth that he w'howt any Companye went pntly
after the departure of Ithell from hym (vvch was abowt Allhallowetyde
last was two yeares) to Dover, and thence went in the Companye of
certayne ffrenchemen, and Englishe Merchaunts to Callyce, but in
whose Barke he knewe not, but payed for hys pafsage a ijs.

Item thys Ext sayeth farther that at Callyce he enquyred the waye
to Reyms (being advysed to goe thyther by the sayd Ithell, and none
other), and so directly went to Reyms by Arde & Cambray and other
Townes, wch he remembreth not : but sayeth that he came thither in
the space of vj or vij Dayes. And being asked what Language he
had to pafse that journey, answereth Latyn onely.

Item, being examined to what place in Reyms he fyrst resorted
sayeth that he fyrst came to a comon Inne and enquyered for
Englishe men and he was directed to the Seminarye College where
he found of Englishe men one Mr Bayle, Dr Webbe, Dr Martyn and
more to the number of ffowertie and upwards : And this Ext signified
unto the sayd Bayle, Webbe and Martyn that he was come owt of
England and had left hys Religion, and now was desierous to lyve
among them and to be one of them, And delivered to them a stocke
of monney to the valewe of a xxs and promyssed them after that was
spent, that he would paye for all that he tooke, And so was admytted
into theyre Societie w'howt any Ceremonie, or profefsion : but sayethe
that he laye in the Towne and came to meate and Drincke to the
College and to the Divinitie Lecture there reade by one Mr Raynolds.
And so continewed then in thys manner one whole yeare, and after
the yeare expyred he entered into Orders of Priesthoode ; and so by
degrees w*hin halfe a yeare at three severall tymes was made full
Priest by the Byfshop of Shallonne, and after that remayned there in
soche manner as before, one Quarter of a yeare and then departed
thence. And being asked what suggestion he made to the Companye
(wch before admytted hym), for hys departure, sayeth he made no
suggestion to them of hys departure, nor receaved from them any
cownsell or Comifsion to doe any thing in thys Realme at hys
Arryvall here.

Item he sayethe that he came from Reyms to Parrys, from Parrys
to Roane, and so to Dyepe. And he sayeth that he spent abowt
one ffortnyght in the traveyle from Reyms to Dyepe : where he taryed
three Dayes for Pafsage and then came to Rye abowt Mydsommer
was Twelmonth.

Item, this Examinate being examined howe and where he spent
hys tyme since hys Arrivall at Rye at the tyme aforesayd, sayeth that
he went from Rye to London directly in the space of Two dayes,
and laye as he thincketh at the signe of the George in Bredstreete
one nyght, and from that Inne he went, becawse he lyked yt not, to
the Signe of the Shyppe, but in what Streete he knoweth not, where
he continewed vij or viij dayes. And sayeth that he had accefse to
no person, nor any had accefse to hym : ffor he sayeth that he laye
lame at the Shyppe during the tyme of hys aboade there.

Item he sayeth that after he had spent the tyme aforesayd at the
Shyppe, being recovered of hys former lamenes, he tooke hys journey

34 documents relating to November

into the West Cowntrey to a place there called Pynn in Devon to
one Mr Raynolds, brother to the man that read the Lecture at Reyms,
as before is declared. Hys erraund thither was to yeld Comendacions
from hys sayd Brother. And further sayeth that he stayed there iij
or iiij Dayes and from thence he went to Tawnton where he laye
at one Widdowe Hodsons iij or iiij Dayes. nrom thence he wente
to one Machams in Somersetshire distaunt from Tawnton abowt vj or
vij myles where he stayed v or vj dayes. nrom Machams he came
directly into Hampshire unto Mris Bullacre of Warblington, where he
sayeth he hath made hys chyef aboade sithence, saving he hath nowe
and then gon westward to speake w'h hys Brother in Dorsetshire.
And being asked whether, at the tyme of his making Priest, he tooke
an Oath of obedience to the Pope he answereth that he tooke an
oath, soche a one as all Catholique Priests have and doe take in that
behalf: but he refuseth to declare the particular Articles of that Oath.

Being asked whether he be not the Quenes subiect or no. Answereth
that he is in all Cawses Temporall. And being asked whose subiect
he is in Cawses Spirytuall, answered nothing.

Being asked whether he doeth thincke the Quenes Mtle to be
supreme head and governefse in all Cawses ecclesiasticall and Temporall
according to the Lawes of thys Realme of England, he answereth
nothing

Being asked whether the Pope hath any authoritie w'hin thys Realme,
he answereth that the Pope hath asmoche Authoritie in thys Realme
as he hath in other Cowntreys namely ffraunce, Italye, and Spayne.

Being asked whethr he thincketh yt the Pope hath that authoritie
in Italie ffraunce and Spayne by any right title, or by Usurpacion
Answereth that he thincketh he hath yt by right from succefsion.

Being asked whether he thincketh the Pope hath the Spirite of
trewth enteyled unto hys Sea or not, He answereth that he thincketh
that the Doctrine wch the Pope teacheth is trewth.

Jo. Winton
fr : Cotton W. Wright.

WILLIAM SPENSER TO WILLIAM CLAXTON OF
WYNYARD

[November] 1582

Record Office, Do?n. Eliz., clxv, n. 29.

William Spenser, of the diocese of York, arrived at Rheims on the
2nd of November, 1582, and was received into the church on the 7th of
the same month {Douay Diaries, p. 192). This will surely be the " end of
oure lourneye" to which the writer refers in the first sentence.

Whether the two young Claxtons of Wynyard, county Durham,
eventually came to Rheims as the writer desired, seems doubtful, though
a Ralph Claxton, diocese of Durham, did come over twenty years later,
and was ordained in 161 2. James Claxton, the Martyr, who was of the
archdiocese of York, had already returned to England.

Ralph Claxton, Esq., matriculated at Trinity College, Oxford, 29th
January, 1580 (and perhaps also on 10th April, 1581, being then aged 20).

1582 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 35

His brother Cuthbert also matriculated there 16th February, 1582, aged is
(Foster, Alumni Oxonienses, i, 286).

The pedigree of the family is given fully in Jos. Foster's Pedigrees
in the Visitations of Durham, 1887, pp. J2, y$. The Claxton pedigree
being signed by William, 13th September, 1575. His wife was Margery,
daughter of Robert Lambert, of Owlton, and his issue then was Ralph (his
heir), aged 14, Anthony (called Cuthbert in the Queen's College copy),
Elizabeth, Alice and Anne.

The sons seem to have died before their father, for the later pedigree
of the Claxtons of Park represents Elizabeth as co-heiress of her father.

Mr. Claxton. My dewty remembred, etc. Having, as I hope good
oportunitye, I am to certifye you that we are at the end of our
ioyrneye, and all thinges we have to our contentation. The soden
departure of this mensenger is such that, as I would, I can not write
to you. I praye you therfore have more regard of my words. I could
wish you would let Raphe travell for one 2 or 3 yeare, it would
teach him both witt and experience, or at lest without faile send
Cuthbert ouer spedelye. Your charges for him will not be so much
as in that pestilent licencious Universitye, the longer he staiethe, the
more I feare wilbe your greefe. Yf you will allowe him never a
penye, he shall lacke nothinge. It is well knowne [? what] you have
sustened in the Catholicke quarell, for whose children there is speciall
regard. You will thinke yt the best thinge that ever you did, as
longe as I am hear, he shall not want a freind. Consider of this. I
will looke for him, & provyde for him. I am sory that unawares to
you I did not bring [him] with me. Commend me I beseche you to
your good bedfelowe & all my freinds. In hast I bid you fare well.

Yours of Dewtye

W. Spenser.

Addressed. — To his very lovinge frend Mr. Claxton at Wyneyard
geve these.

Endorsed. — W. Spenser to Mr. Claxton at Wynyard. Examine Bearer.

XI 14S0409

JOHN BOSTE TO ANDREW HILTON

(End of 1582)

Record Office, Do?n Eliz., Additional, xxviii, n. 59, ii. Original
holograph.

The unceasing efforts which the persecutors made to ensnare Boste,
testify eloquently to the good which this brave missionary effected in the
cause of the Faith, and the official records of the violent measures taken
incidentally tell us also much about the Catholics for whom he worked.
In February, 1584, as we shall see, Boste's own home at Dufton, where
his brother Lancelot still lived, was "searched," so were the rooms of
Mr. Andrew Hilton, of Burton, Warcop parish, Cumberland, but then
confined "in the Sheriff's ward" at Carlisle. Eight papers taken from
Lancelot Boste on this occasion are now preserved (No. 58, i to viii) in the
above-mentioned volume, and three papers taken from Hilton are bound
up with them (No. 59, i to iii) ; the letter from Boste here printed was
among the latter.

Hilton was examined as to the occasion on which this letter was
written, and his answers are printed below, No. xxiii. Here it will suffice

36 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 582

to sav that Hilton had met Boste in August or September, 1582, first at
Colbrook, then at Lechlade in Gloucestershire, and at Buscott in Berkshire.
Boste was at that time passing as "a serving man" of Lord Montagu,
which seems to be a veiled way of indicating that he was a chaplain to
that family. Hilton was out of ward for a short time to look after some
property, and was bound under heavy security to return to Carlisle.

Some time after his return he wrote, 1 November, 1582, to Lancelot
Boste, at Penrith, a letter which is still extant, and is sufficiently reported
in Additional Calendar, p. 106. Hilton complains that he had never
heard from "your friend" (probably meaning the martyr John), whose
advice he desired about a certain "offer," which the Privy Council had
made them, and which was enclosed. Unfortunately the enclosure is now
gone, the Council Registers, which might have explained the matter, are
here wanting, and the letter quoted below throws no further light on the
subject, which may perhaps have been connected with Kirkbridge's letter
of October 1 (see below, No. xxiv, n. 12).

Hilton concludes with an earnest prayer for a copy of the new Rheims
Testament, "for I can neither eat, drink nor sleep until I see it." He
begs that it may be sent by the wife of Anthony Atkinson, a name of evil
omen, as we shall see later.

Eventually Lancelot Boste's mother sent him the Testament, but
Lancelot did not remember by whom ; and with it came the Martyr's letter
now printed.

In the first part of this letter we see that the future martyr, unable to
visit Cumberland in person, has been endeavouring to find some missionary
who would visit or reside at Carlisle, and at last has persuaded "the good
man," the bearer, to go, "whom I trust you will discreetly look to."

We do not know who this "good man" was. One naturally suspects that
he was a priest, and the terms by themselves suggest that signification.
But in Elizabethan usage the first meaning of the word " good man " did
not connote a cleric, but simply a man whose rank was inferior to that of
an esquire or of a gentleman (Murray, Dictionary, Letter G. 295, i, §4).

The books mentioned can be identified with greater certainty.

The Defence of Ce?isure is Father Persons' Defence of the Cefisure
gyven upon two Bookes of William Charke and Meredith Hanmer,
mynysters, wfiiche they wrote against M. Edmo?id Campion, preest, s.l.
[Rouen], 1582, for the history of which see C.R.S., ii, 30 ; iv, 26.

The Discovery of the her[etical] Translation'] is Gregory Martin's
A Discover ie of the Manifold Corruptions of the holie Scriptures by the
He letikes of our Dates, Fogny, Rhemes, 1582.

The Resolution is Father Persons' First Booke of Christia?i Exercise,
afterwards entitled The Christian Directory, but " commonly called the
Resolution" C.R.S., ii, 30; iv, 26.

The Rheims Testament has been mentioned above.

I he allusion to Scotland at the end of the letter is important. There
was a chance of James becoming a Catholic, and espousing his mother's
side. Walsingham "held Scotland for lost, unless God be merciful"
{Domestic Calendar, p. 93), and situated as they were, Catholics would of
< ourse have been as sanguine as their enemies were despondent (see The
Month, April, 1902). But their hopes were destined to be disappointed,
and Hilton never "certified anie Scottishe newes, nor received anie him-
selfe, to his remembrance " (see No. xxiv below ad Jin).

J. H. S.
To yourself and your Bedfellow commendacions, with pacience
and constancie as best becometh Christian Confessors, whom God
hathe chosen to beare witnesse of his name to the comforth of them

1583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 37

that love Hym and His Spouse the Catholique Church, and to the
condemnation of so many that so willingly and wittingly join in the
Sinagoge of Satan, and stubbornly oppose themselfes against Hym
and Her. I wold, as I have often doon in vaine, yet attempt to
see you, for all that I canne speak with are unwilling to be amongst
you. This good man I have intreated, whom upon your further
conference you may intreat to deale with those parts, at sooche tymes
as you and your frends shall stand nede. I am not so quiette at
this tyme as I canne have leysure to goo into sooche places as I
might provide for you sooche Bookes as I know were good for you.
The Defence of the Censure, Discouverie of herfetical] translation]
with the Resolution and Testament, I have brought long since into*
amongst you, what you have of them, save only the Testament. I
know not. Yet as they come I coold gett good stoore, if I might
fynd a safe and redy mart to make my exchaing. I am in haist
referring all to this Berer, whom I trust you will discretely looke to.

I commend you to Christ and the common prairs of his Catholike
Church, therby offered ¥ for you. Your messenger, a good simple
sowle, but not one that canne see far into a milston, canne tell you
of our ca[se]§ at home and abroad. Informe me of Scotland what
you canne lern, for there ys matter brewing upon both sides.

I.H.J

Addressed. — To Mr. Andrew Hilton in Carlile geve these.

XII.

EXAMINATION OF JOHN NUTTER

n.d. [? 17 January, 1583]

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clviii, n. 17.

In Fr. John Bridgwater's Concertatio Ecclesice Anglicance, 1588, a very
interesting account may be read of the Ven. John Nutter's adventuresome
landing at Dunwich. After escaping many dangers, one packet of the
books which he and his companions, Samuel Conyers and Peter Lawson,
had brought over, was furtively opened by a dishonest servant. Nutter was
thereupon examined and at first, ignorant of the evidence aeainst him,
"alleged that he was apprenticed to a certain citizen of York; but
afterwards, when he saw that their counsels had been laid bare, he frankly
confessed that he was both a Catholic and a priest." The following
papers are the official record of this transaction, and they entirely confirm
Bridgwater's account. The endorsement shows the final result of the
examination. For further details see Mr. J. B. Wainewright's Ven. John
Nutter {Cat h. Truth Soc, 1906).

The following extract from the Accounts of the Treasurer of the
Chamber (R.O. Declared Accounts 542, rot. 44^) shows the sum paid for the
transport of Nutter and his companions to London, which was the sequel
of his examination.

"To William Bulbroke Bailiff of Dunwich in Suffolk upon a warrant
signed by Mr. Secretary Walsingham dated at Richmond pnmo feb 1582
for the charges of himself and his company in bringing up from thence to
the court at Richmond iiijor prisoners apprehended there and for their return
back again — ^xviij."

* Qu. word missing. No gap in MS. f MS. perished.

§ MS. perished. \ In the Calendar the signature is erroneously printed l.J.

.">

8 documents relating to January

John Nutter of Yorke merchant and somtyme Apprentice with
oon Mr Bannester of Preston in Anderness in the Countie of
Lankysher draper, servant and factor to oon Mr Robynson of Yorke,
att Michelmes laste ded take shippyng ffrom Hull in a ship callyd
the Rose of Hull, and ded freyte certen brode Clothys callyd " blacks"
from thense to Rone in France. And there sellyng his goods ded
falc sycke and was desyrous to come into Ingland, and toke shippyng
att Newhaven within a Frenche ship with oon Peter Roper. And he
beyng att Rone there was delyveryd onto hym too books of oon
Mr Thornborowe servant to Mounsor,* to be delyveryd to oon
Mr Thornborowe of Yorke, the oon a Frenche boke and the other a
Cronekyll in latten.

[On the same sheet '.] A note of suche thyngs as remayne in dy verse
packs of Peter Lowson.

In primis in the fyrste packe iiijer C Catechisms.
Item in a nother pack oon C Catechisms and certen other boks and

xxx" lattyn premers.
Item in a nother packe xv latten testaments and xlv medytacions.

Endorsed.— John Nutter of Burnley in the Countye of Lancaster,
Catholicke and student at Rhemes in the Seminarie tow yeares.

[Same vol. n. 18. Another list of the same hooks.]
Inprimis in one packett xv testaments.

Item xlv bookes called the meditacion of the life of Christe.
Item aboute vc Cattechesmies.

Anne Lowson, the wife of Peter Lowson, daughter of Edmond
Grigsons, at Bisshop Morton within too myles of Rippen in Yorkshier.

Mallerye Conyers, the sonne of John Conyers gent, of Howton in
Yorkshiere, traveled from Hull about v monthes since to Newhaven
and Rouen and so to Paris, and had in his purse, when he crossed
the seas, not above xs. And he went to learne the language and for
no other intent but to se those countries, and he borrouyd by the
meanes of a Frencheman.

The Catechisms will presumably have been the Liege edition in 1583 of
Laurence Vaux's Catechism, or a Christian Doctrine necessarie for
Children and the Ignorant people (Gillow, v, 566. Re-edited for Chetham
Soc., 1885, with Introd. by T. G. Law).

We read of " xv testaments," and also of " xv latten testaments," but,
whether these'are two different parcels or not, is not clear. If there was
only the one parcel of Latin Testaments, it seems difficult to identify
them. If there were any English, they will have been the Rheims Version,
mentioned under No. xi above.

The Lattyn primers were probably some French or Flemish editions of
the Hours of Our Lady.

I am unable to identify the Meditacion of the Life of Christ, but I
suspect that some edition of St. Bonaventura's (or rather of Bonaventura
Baduanus's) Meditationes vitac Christi must be meant.

* The Duke of Anjou, suitor lo Queen Elizabeth. As eldest brother of the
King of I- ranee, he was officially styled " Monsieur," without addition.

1583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 39

XIII.

AGNES CARTER TO SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM

n.d. [? Midsummer, 1583]

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccvi, n. 92.

This paper is calendared by error under the year 1587. This is due to a
confusion between the Martyr and another William Carter of Aylesbury,
who was sent up to London in 1586 for having reported that Elizabeth was
dead. The Martyr had been in the Gatehouse in 1580 {C.R.S., i, 60). It
will be noticed that though Carter was sent to the Tower in July, 1582
{n. viii above), his diet was not charged to the Queen during the first
year {C.R.S., iii, 13, 14). This would signify (unless the omission be due
to mere carelessness) that Carter had to pay for himself, and the letter
below is written in that sense. As his diet was paid for by the Crown after
Midsummer, 1583 [ibid., 15), it may have been that Agnes Carter's petition
produced this effect, and in this case we have an indication of its date.

To the right honorable Sir Frances Walsingham knight
chiefe Secretarie to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie.

In moste lamentable wise beseecheth your Honour your poore
and dayly Suppliant Agnes Carter widowe That whereas it pleased
your Honour moste graciously at the humble sute of one Jane Carter
deceassed, wife to one William Carter, prisoner in the Tower and
sonne to your said Suppliant to sende your warrant to the right
worshipfull Sir Owen Hopton Knight Lieftenant for the releasse of
certain goodes and bookes (which vpon his apprehension in certaine
roomes of his house were shett vp) to the succour and maintenance
of the saide Jane in her continuall sicknes, and wofull distresses,
neverthelesse in manner all or the moste part from her ever withhelde,
and not delivered accordingly, and remain yet shutt vp; by meanes
whereof she was forced to become indebted to me your humble
Suppliant and others, as by a Bill of reckoning vnto your Honour
truely may appere, and also her saide poore husband lefte without all
reliefe and comfort, and like vtterly to be vndone, vnless your Honour
stande most gracious vnto him, being, by reason of his close restraint
also where he is, altogether barred of all meanes to gett his living.
My moste humble sute there fore to your Honour is, that ye will
likewise vouchsafe most graciously, according to your accustomed and
benigne clemencie, graunt vnto me your poore Suppliant his said
goodes for my satisfaction and his reliefe in his extreme distress, as
also that he may be removed to the prison of the Gatehouse, where
he was before. And I shall most earnestly, according to my bounden
dutie, praye for your Honor in all health & prosperitie longe to continue.

Endorsed— Agnes Carters supplication. She desirethe restitution of
her sonnes goodes. That he may be removed owt of the Tower to
the Gate howse.

XIV.

JOHN BODEY'S "CERTAIN REASONS."

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxii, n. 8.

On the 19th of August, 1583, John Bodey and John Slade were
arraigned at the Summer Assizes for the Supremacy. Dr. Lauirence ^^tom-
phrey, Dean of Winchester, advanced Puritan though he was (cf.D.N.B.),

40 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AugUSt

endeavoured to shake their constancy, when a disputation ensued on
Eusebius' account of the calling of the Council of Nice, and eventually
Bodey "didd pull a paper out of his bozam with notes collected out of the
Story of Eusebius towchinge a counsell holden att Nece in the tyme of the
Emperor Constantine." The following appears to be Bodey* s paper,
or a fair copy of it. The sequel to the disputation will be found in
No. xvii below. See also Acts of English Martyrs, pp. 49-65, and J. B.
Wainewright's John Body, C.T.S., 190;.

The authors quoted by Bodey are : —

The Historia Ecclesiastica of Rufinus. Bodey, following the ancient
editors, regarded this a continuation of Eusebius, and therefore described
the book he quotes from as "the tenth." Nowadays it is reckoned as
" the first," being the first of Rufinus' composition. The passages quoted
may be found in Migne's Patres Latini, xxi, 471.

The Historia Ecclesiastica Tripartita of Cassiodorus. See Migne,
PP. LL., lxix, 925, 955, 959.

The Acta Concilii Chalcedonensis. The citation is from the sixth
session. See Hefele, Conciles (1869), iii, 68.

De Vita Constantini. See Eusebius, &c. Historiae, ed. Reading,
i, 638.

S. Augustini Epistola 162, in the old editions, is now Ep. 43. Migne,
PP. LL., xxxii, 160-173.

Certayne reasons whye I mighte affirme

that the Emperor Constantine the greate

called not the Council! of Nice by his

own Imperiall authoritie, agaynste

Doctor Humphrey, avouchinge the

contrarye at thassises holden

at Andover in the county

of Sowth. the 19th of

Auguste anno 1583.

1. First the words of the Ecclesiasticall historie makethe playne

for me, and cleane agaynste him ; wheare it is writen of the Emperor's

callinge the councell thus : Turn ilk ex sacerdotum sententia apud

vrbem Niceam episcopate concilium convocat, ibique Arium trecentis decern

et ocio episcopis residentibus adesse iubef, ac de eius propositionibus et

quastionibus iudicari. (His tor. Ecclesiast. Euseb: lib. decimo, cap. primo:

authore Ruffino.) "Then calleth he (the Emperor) a councill of

byshopps at the citie of Nice by the decree of the priests, and theare

he commandethe Arius to be, wheare sate three hundred and eighteene

byshopps and to be iudged concerninge his propositions and

questions." Thease words ex sacerdotum sententia, " by the decree of

the priests," wheareof the cheife preiste was chief, dothe so overrule

the Emperors authoritie, that they cannot suffer it to be ioyned with

them in one sentence, as for example that he called together the

councell by the decree of the priests by his owne Imperiall authoritie.

Vf the priests had decreed it, then was it not donne by his owne

authoritie, yf by his owne authoritie then was it not by the decree of

the priests, and then shall our author be found a Iyer, which is counted

absurde of bothe parts. And thowghe this woorde Sententia may often

tymes be taken for opinion or advise, yeat it cannot in this place be

understo<;de for bare advise withoute authoritie, because concerninge

1583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 41

the callinge of councells the woorde is vsed for authoritie, as wheare
it is sayd of a certayne councell holden at Antioche thus. Sed tuque
Julius interfuit maxima Romce prasul, neque in locum suum alitjuem
desiinavit, cum vtique regula ccclesiastica iubeat non oportere pncter
sententiam Romani Pontificis concilia celebrari. {Histor. Ecclesiast.
Tripart. lib. 40, cap. 90.) " Neyther was Julius the byshoppe of greate
Rome theare, neyther appoynted he any in his place, whereas the
ecclesiastical rule commandethe that councells be not keapte withowte
the authoritie of the byshoppe of Rome." Heare the words prater
sententiam, " without the advise " (as Doctor Humphrey will enterprete
them), yealdethe to the byshoppe of Rome a negative voice in
holdinge generall councells, which he cannot have, yf he have no
thing but bare advise, withowte authoritie in callinge and holding them.

2. Furthermore whereas themperor when the byshopps came
together to the place appoynted for the councell, desired them to go
in, and him selfe went in last of all with a fewe, and when he was
in, sate not downe before he had leave of the byshopps so to do,
and had a lesse seate appoynted for him selfe then for the rest, it
can signifie nothinge els but that they had authoritie over him, and
not he over them, concerning thease poynts, thus it is written
Convenientibus igitur vniversis maximam domum prceparavit, &>c, ita
decentem praparans eis honorem invitavit ingredi et de prasentibus
habere consilium. Intravit autem et ipse princeps vllimus cum paucis,
crc, minor e vero sede quam aliis posit a, in medio eorum sedit, primo
tamen petens sibi hoc episcoporum tussione concedi. (Histor. Eccles. Trip.
lib. 20, cap. 50.) " Thearefore when all weare come together themperor
had provided a very greate house, ike, so preparinge suche honor as
was meete for them, he invited them to go in, and to have a councell
concerninge things at that present to be handled. And the prince
him selfe went in last, with a fewe, &c, and havinge a lesse seate
sette then for the rest, he sate in the midst of them, but first
desiringe that this mighte be graunted to him at the commandement
of the byshopps." Lo, thease things declare rather submission of
themperor towards the byshopps, then authoritie to commande them.
And whereas Mr. Doctor sayethe that thenteringe in of the emperor
last into the Councell-howse importeth greate authoritie, because it was
reason the bishopps should stay for him, and not that he should
attend theyre cominge, it hathe no kinde of probabilitie, for they
weare all come together before, for it is sayde convenientibus igitur
vniversis, &>c, "when all weare come together," and when a prince
and his nobles ar in a place together, the nobles vse not to enter in
before the prince, whearfore seinge themperor yealded honor to the
byshopps, entred in after them, and sate in a lesse seate then they
did, and yeat not so neyther before he had leave of them, can any
man say that he had authoritie to commaund them, to hold that
councell, and to beare rule thearin?

3. When the byshopps weare come to the councell some of them
havinge certayne quarrells and dissentions betwecne them selves
desired the Emperor to have the hearinge of theyr causes, and offered
to him theyr libells of complaynts one agaynst the other, which hbells,

42 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AugUSt

lie receyved & put into his bosome, but neyther did, neither could
heare & determine theyre matters, but answered in this sorte. Deus
vos constituit sacerdotes et potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque iudi-
candi, et ideo nos a vobis recte iudicamur, vos autem non potestis ab
hominibus iudicari. Propter quod Dei solius inter vos expectate indicium,
et vestra iurgia qucecumque sunt, ad Mud divinum reserventur exatnen.
Vos etetiim nobis a Deo dati estis dii, et conveniens non est, ut homo
iudicet Deos, sed ille solus de quo scrip turn est 'Deus stelit in synagoga
deorum,' &>c. {Euseb. His tor. Eclessiast. lib. io°, cap. 2° authore Ruffino.)
"God have appoynted yow priests and have gyven yow power to
iudge of vs also, and thearfore we are well iudged of yow, but yow
can not be iudged of men, whearfore looke for the iudgement of God
onlye betweene you, and let your quarrells whatsoever they be, be
reserued to that Divine triall. For yow ar gyven gods vnto us of
God, and it is not convenient that a man should iudge gods, but
only he of whome it is writen, God have stoode in the synagogue of
gods, &c." If the Emperor (as by this place it most playnlye
appearethe) confessethe him selfe to have no authoritie to medle in
byshopps matters, yea thowghe he weare desyred of them so to do,
the matters beinge but private and betweene themselves, and if he
rather yealdethe them authoritie to be iudges over him accomptinge
them as gods (in a kinde of sence) and him to be but a man : it is
most evident that he had not authoritie of him selfe to commaund
them, being the chiefest and most learned men of christendome to
come from so many places and so farre to one citie, and theare to
consulte and determine of matters of faythe, which (as Mr. Doctor
him selfe confessethe) apperteyne not to the governance and appoynt-
ment of any temporall prince or potentate in the world. Whiche
graunte of his gyveth a temporall prince but small power to deale
and command in ecclesiasticall causes in deed, howe muche so ever
he allowethe by his woords.

4. Morover what authoritie the Emperor Constantine had in the
councell it is declared by the Emperor Martiane beinge at the
councell of Chalcedon, wheare he sayethe thus :~Nos ad confirmandam
/idem, non ad ostendendam virtutem, exemplo Consiantini Imperatoris,
adesse Synodo cogitavimus. (Concil. Chalcedon. Act 1.) "We have thowghte
to be present at the Councell, not to shewe our power but to
confirme the faythe, after the example of the Emperor Constantine."
Heare we see that Constantine was not at the Councell of Nice, for
that his authoritie was thearin required, but that he was redye to
confirme and allowe the faythe decreed and sette forthe by the
byshopps which confirmation of his was not of necessitie for the
authoritie of the Councell, as thowghe it could not stand withowte it
(for that belongethe to the byshoppe of Rome withowte whose
authoritie suche Councells can not be holden as is above declared
in the first reason), but it was, as all other good Christian Emperors
should do, to help as muche as in them lyethe to sette forthe and
mayntayne the true Catholique religion decreede in the councells.

5. And that Constantine had not any power of his owne in
matters of the Churche, it appearethe by his owne confession in this

1583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 43

manner vttered to certeyne byshopps at his table, Vos, inquit, intra
ecc/esiam, ego extra ecclesiam a Deo Episcopus constitutus sum. (Euseb.
de vita Constantini, lib. 40, cap. 240). " Yow, quoth he, are appoynted
byshopps of God within the Churche, & I am appoynted a byshoppe
withowte the Churche." Thease woords of the Emperor signifie that
his authoritie was in matters owte of the Churche, and that byshopps
weare appoynted by God to rule in the Churche. For the word byshoppe
by interpretation signifiethe a ruler or overseer, which in Constantine
was not in ecclesiasticall causes, by his own confession, althowghe Mr.
Doctor sayethe other wyse, and would have others also to beleeve it.
Whearfore it can not be that he summoned the Councell of Nice of
his owne Imperiall authoritie, being, as Mr. Doctor grauntethe, a
matter ecclesiasticall.

6. Last of all this Constantine notwithstandinge his greate care
and zele in settinge forthe the Christian religion whearin he surpassed
all other Emperors, yet defferred his baptisme vntill the later end of
his lyfe, hopinge to be baptised in the river Jordane, for thus the
historye reportethe. Ingressus sexagesimum* quintum oztatis annum,
cegritudine captus, ex urbe Constantinopolitana, quasi ad calidas aquas
egressus est. Qui cum Nicomedice degeret, Ian gu ore gravatus, nee ignorans
vitaz huius incertum, gratiam sacri baptismatis est adeptus. Distulerat
enim vsque ad illud tempus, in Jorda7ie fluvio hoc promereri desiderans.
{Histor. Ecclesiast. Trip., lib. 30, cap. vlt.) " When he had entred into the
fyve and fowrtythe yeare of his age, beinge fallen sicke, he departed
from the cytie of Constantinople as to the bathes. Who while he
remayned at Nicomedia, being greeved withe sycknesse, and not ignorant
of the vncerteyntie of this lyfe, receuyed the grace of holy baptisme,
for he had differred it vntill that tyme, desiringe to obteyne it in the
ryver Jordane." If thearfore Constantine had authoritie then in matters
concerninge the Churche, theare will followe this absurditie, that he
whiche was not actuallye a membre of the Churche, (for being not
baptised while he mighte, but willingly differringe it, he could not be
of the Churche in deede, howesoever he was in purpose) should be
actuallye a heade and governor in causes of the churche, then the
which I can not perceyue what can be more against reason, seeinge
that nothinge can be the head and governor of a bodye, which is not
so much as a member in the bodye, and the Councell of Nice was
before he was baptyzed, as the ecclesiastical history mentionethe in the
begynninge of the chapter last before rehersed.

And whearas it is alleaged that this Emperor took vppon him to
heare a cause betweene Cecilianus, a Catholique byshoppe, & the
Donatists, beinge alredye before desired by the byshoppe of Rome
Melciades, and divers other byshopps of great authoritie, as Saint
Augustine reporteth (Epist. 162): it is answered by Saint Augustine
in the same Epistle that the Emperor did it, yealdinge to the froward
importunities of the Donatists, not for that he had neede so to do,
but for that he was desyrouse that the matter should be ended any
manner of waye, and so he did it as Saint Augustine sayethe: Vemam

sfc In MS., quadragesimum.

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO October

a Sanctis antistitibus postca petiturns, " Purposinge to aske pardon for
it of the holy byshopps afterward."

This much concerning the authorytie of Constantine the greate in
summoninge the general councell of Nice, which if Doctor Humphrey
could have refelled playnlye, trulye, and withowte deceyte at thassises
aforesayd holden at Andiver, or sythence, as I promysed then, so say
I nowe, that I would go to theyre churche, and do anythinge belonginge
to ther doctrine, and that by his proofe he myghte save my life, which
then and now to, is very lyke to be lost concerninge this world for
my defendinge and standinge in the contrarye.

Ita est Jo. Bodey.

Endorsed. — Certaine reasons of a Papist to prove yl Constantyne
the Great called not the Councell of Nice by his owne authoritye.

XV.

PROCEEDINGS AGAINST JOHN FINCH

October to November, 1583
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxiii, tin. 2, 61, 84.

The following papers continue the persecutors' version of the story of
John Finch. See also Nos. v, xxv, xxviii.

Pleasith it your honor to vnderstand that we have sent hereinclosed
certayne speches uttered by one John Finche prisoner in the Fleete
at Salford in the Countie of Lancashire (withe the Depositions of the
witnesse which hard the same), for the discharge of our bounden duties
in that behalfe. And thus humblie wee take our leave. Manchester
the first of October 1583.

Yours to Commande
Edmd Trafford John Byron Rob* Worsley

Edmund Ashton James Ashton
Addressed. — To the right honorable Sir Francis Wallsingham Knight
principall Secretarie to the Quenes Maiestie, and one of her Maiestie's
most honorable pryvie Councell, &c. &c. these,

(i)
Enclosure. — Speeches vttered by John Finche, the laste daye of
September in the xxvth yere of hir Highness Raingne, before Gilbart
Bibbie, Gilbart Sorocold, Gilbart Marshall, and divers women in the
house where the said John Remayneth as followeth.

1. Firste the said John saied that he was a papiste, and would
stande to it and never denie the same.

2. Item he said that Campion died for religion and not for treason,
and that he loved him better than anie man in the worlde.

3. Item that one that was executed at Yorke, a prieste, not naminge
the man, was executed for Religion and might have had his lieffe, yf
he woulde have forsaken his Religion.

These 3 aforesaicd articles or propositions are deposed to bee affirmed
as they bee sett downe by Gilbarte Bibbie and Gilbart Marshall.

And the said John Finche being examined whether they deposed
trulie or noe, answered : — " I will not denie any witnesses."

I583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 45

4. Item the saied John Finche at another tyme to the saied Gilbarte
Marshall saied thesse wordes : " Yf wee hade the vpper hande of them
as theye have of vs, they should die everie one of them," naminge
protestants.

To this fourte Article Gilbarte Marshall deposed onlie, and the
saied John Finche being demaunded whether he saied so or noe
answered, "As I saied before I will not denie witnesses." Butt he
vtterlie refused to bee deposed vppon the said articles, and refused
to take an othe ; wherevppon it was saied vnto him, " In this thou
denieste the Queries aucthoritie." Wherevnto he aunswered, " What
doe I offend the Quene yf I take the punishmente due for the same?"

Item the Articles aforesaied are affirmed by the witnesses to bee
spoken by Finche of his owne accord and not therevnto moved.

Thesse articles and Depositions were writen, taken, and deposed at
Manchester the firste of October in the xxvth yere of the rainge of
our soueraigne Ladie Elizabeth, by the grace of God, of England
Fraunce and Irelande Quene, defender of the faith, &c, before
Sir John Birron and Edmunde Trafford Knights, Richard Assheton,
Roberte Wourseley, Edmunde Assheton and James Assheton Esquires
Justices of Peace, &c.

Edm. Trafford John Byron

Edmunde Asheton
Rob* Worsley
James Assheton

(H)

Thexamination of John Fynche before the Reverend father in
God, William Bushopp of Chester, et Richard Holland gent,
and Edmund Hoppwood gent., at the colledge of Manchester
the xijth daye of November Anno Reginae Elizabeth xxvto.
John Fynch about the age of xxxv yeares (as he thinketh) making
request to be removed from the dongeon (because it was no fit howse
for a Catholicke), to the howse of Correction, termed the saide Reverend
Father 'Lord,' who answered that he gaue a name but did not
acknowledg the office, and therefore demaunded of the said fynch
whither he did acknowledg him to be a true lavvfull, canonicall &
catholick Bushopp or no ? To whome the saide Fynch answered that
he would not answer to any such matters. To whome the saide R. F.
said: "Wilt thou acknowledg our most Gracious soueraigne Ladie
Elizabeth (whome God long preserue), to be the true and lawfull Quene
of Englande, to whome the right tytle and interest of the Crowne
and kingdome of Englande onely appertained ? " The said Fynch
answered in these words. "I am a Catholicke and do beleue as the
Catholicke Church teacheth." But being demaunded which that Church
was, and who were Busshopps, or who was head thereof, would answer
no further. Then the saide R. F. saide to the saide fynch : " Thou
was committed to the dongeon for diverse sedicious and Trayterous
speaches, and for that thou didest refuse to praye for Quene Elizabeth
our most gracious Soveraigne true and lawful Quene, & God graunte
her in greate honor, health, and Quietnes longe to raigne." To whome

46 documents relating to November

the saide fynch answered. " I am a Catholicke and as the Catholicke
Church teacheth so I beleue." Wherevppon he was againe committed
in such manner and forme as was appoynted by the Commissioners
before.

Endorsed. — Nov. 1 2-83. A copie of the Examinacion of John
1'inche at Manchester.

(iii)

Right Honourable my humble dutye remembred. These may be to
let you vnderstande that one John Finche, a very sedytious Recusant
in my opynion, whose examinacion I sente up to my very good frende
Mr. Thomas Egerton her Majestye's Sollicitor, prayinge him to make
your Honor acquaynted with the same, yesterday being the xxvijth day
of November dyd repayre vnto the parish Church of Manchester, and
there contynewed all the tyme of Morning prayer, rather upon some
craftye and malycious pretence as I suppose, then vpon any devocion,
as appeareth this daye by the Sequell thereof. For this morning very
early he desyred his keeper (saving your Honours Reverence) that he
mighte goe to an howse of offyce, standinge vpon the Ryver syde,
into the which after he was entered he shut the door, and there stripped
himself stark naked (his keeper walking to and fro by the door) whose
back being turned he rushed out of the door very violently and leaped
down a high rock into the Ryver saying, "Yesterday I damned my
soul, and to-day I will destroy my body," but by Hue and Cry and
concourse of Good neighbours he was saved from that danger. The
man as I suppose by his desperate speeches, Attempts, and countenance
doth mynd to escape, and do some mischief. And therefore I humbly
beseech your honour to let me have your advice, and withal know
their Lordships pleasure how I shall deal with the said Finch and
with others his fellows : and specially with the priests (who by reason
they are so plentifully maintained and lye at ease and are kept in a
weke howse where all that be evil disposed may confer with them at
the wyndows, and receive both exhortations and absolutions at their
pleasure) do much harm. Truly the papists in these parts are lately
grown so stubborn and contemptuous, that in myne opinion it were
very requisite that their LL. did write a very earnest letter to my
very Good Lord the Earl of Derby, myself, and the rest of her
Majesty's commissioners for causes Ecclesiasticall to keep some sessions
about Preston, Wigan, and Prescott, where the people are most obstinate
and contemptuous, and to deal severely and roundly with them, other-
way es there can be no Reformation (for the Temporal magistrates will
do nothing) neither can the county long contynue in quiet and safety.
And so humbly praying your Honour to have in Remembrance I
commend you to the Almighty, who with much honour and health
long preserve you in His fear, and her Majesty's most gracyous favour.

Manchester this xxviijth of November 1583.

Your honour's most humble and assured
poor friend always to command
J. W. Cestren.

1583 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 47

Addressed. — To the Right Honourable my very singular good friend
Sir Francis Walsingham Knight, principal Secretary to the Queen's
most excellent Majesty at the Court — Haste these.

XVI.

BISHOP AYLMER TO LORD BURGHLEY

5 December, 1583
British Museum, Lansdowne, 38, n. 87.
This letter is alluded to by Strype, LifeofAylmer, 1821, p. 67.

Right Hon. and my singuler good Lord.

Your Lordship shall understand that I have not been unmyndfull
of that searche, which your Lorshship required to be made in our
Registerie, and on the persons about London for the space of the
firste eight or nyne yeares of her Maiestie's raigne. For the truth is
I have done in bothe what I can, and can fynd nothinge to the
purpose, for in the Registerie, Johnes, who had the whole doinge
therin, being dead, nothing certain can be hadd, and the Gaolers beinge
ofte changed have nothinge for those yeares certaine. But this I fynd
among them, and speciallie in the Marshalsee, that those wreched
Priestes which by her Maiesties lenytie live theire as it were in a
Colledge of Caitifes, doe commenlie saye masse within the prison, and
intise the yowthe of London unto them, to my greate griefe, and as
farr as I can learne doe daylie reconcyle them. I have been so boulde
[as] to shutte up one Hartley and to laye Irons upon him, tyll I
heare from your Lordship what course herin we shall take hereafter.
But the Commission beinge renewed, I doubt not but my Lord of
Canterburie will look to those dangerouse persons on that syde. And
soe I take my leave of yr Good Lordship, prayinge God to defend you
with the sheeld of his providence in thies malicious and daungerous
dayes.

At Fulham this vth of Decembre 1583.

Your Good Lo. most assuredly in Christo
John. Lond :

Addressed. — To the R. honorable and my singuler good Lord the
Lord Treasurer.

Endorsed. — 5 Decern. 1583. B. of London to my lord. The
daunger of preists and Jesuitts in the Marshallsea.

XVII.

A SEQUEL TO BODEY'S "REASONS."

10 January, 1584

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxvii, nn. 15, i, ii.

We here see that the persecution struck down not only priests, but also
gentlemen, and how little avail there was in the sacredness of hospitality
and the goodfellowship of the dinner-table. To differ from the local
parson (or "preacher of the word," as he would then prefer to call himself),
and much more to score a controversial point off him, could hardly
be forgiven. Mr. Eustace Moone, a gentleman of Farnham, was enter-

48 documents relating to January

taining some other gentlemen at dinner, when one of them, Mr. Peter
Hampden, brought up the subject of Slade and Bodey's disputation with
the Dean of Winchester about Eusebius, and Mr. John Hardy said "he
thought Body and Slade took the passage right." The parson brought down
the book, and they differed over" the significance of the word C07istitit {ox
perhaps consedit or sedif). No immediate result followed, for the parson
" fell lame, and so lay for the space of a whole quarter of the year." But no
sooner had he recovered the use of his legs than he made his way to the
local Justices, who promptly laid up Hardy in prison, and wrote to the
Council to know if they shall send up so dangerous a man to be dealt
with at headquarters. What eventually came of their application I have
not found.

Sir, with humble remembrans of our dewtyes vnto your honor.
Apon informacion geven vnto vs that one Hardie of Fameham, a
man yll affected in Religion, had spente certeine speeches in a publicque
place of the same towne to the defence of Bodye and Slade latelie
executed at Winchester, and of the cawse for which they died, we
thought good ymediatelie, accordinge to our duties therein, to call the
saide Hardye and his accusers before vs, whose examinacions we have
taken, and thinke it fitt herewith to sende the same vnto your Honor,
beinge desirous to be advertised from you what order you thinke best
to be taken with him. We have comytted him to warde, where he
shalbe deteyned, untyll suche tyme as we shall vnderstand your honours
pleasuer therein, whether to sende him to the right honorable Lords
of her Majesty's Privie Counsell, or to Comytt him to the gaole, or
to take some other Course with him. And thus expectinge your
aunswere herein, we wishe all honor unto you, with good and happie
increase of the same. At Guildford the xth of Januarie 1583.

At your Honors Commandement
Wylliam More
George More
Laurence Stoughton
Addressed. — To the Right Honorable Sir Frauncis Walsingham
Knight. Principall Secretarie to Her Majestie and one of her Highnes
most honourable Privie Counsell.

Endorsed. — 10 Januarie 1583. From Sr Wm Moore & others with
the examination of John Hardie.

Enclosure I.

More^nirt"*^1*^0 J°hn Hardie of Farneham in the countye of Surr.
More, et'lkurentS0 gent" examined saithe that he did knowe Bodye and
Stowghton, arm. Slade latelie executed but had no famyliare acquaint-

nono die Januarii 1583 ance with them, and saw them in prison about two
years past, and not since, but at the tyme of there
Execution by chaunce beinge then in Hamshire upon occasion of
business.

He also saith that betwene Midsomer and Michaelmas, the certeine
tyme he remembrethe not, being at Mr. Moones howse at dinner.
After dynner ended Peter Hamden gent., and Peter German Preacher
being presente, Peter Hamden declared what he hearde at Winchester
of a Conference betwene Mr. Deane, Mr. Warden, and Bodie and

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Slade conserninge the Counsell holden at Neece, where Constantyne
the Emperor was presente, and that there was greate question betwene
the parties aforesaide who had the greater preeminence in that counsell
of (sic) themperour or the Byshopps, where apon Mr. German saide
he had Eusebius, and did fetche the booke and laide him before vs.
This Examinate took the booke, sayinge : " Mr. Hamden you shall
here the verie text plainelie," and did englishe the same worde for worde,
as nere as he colde, untill Mr German and he did varye about the
english of the worde Cotistitit. And other question or argumente of
the Cavse betwene them this examinate dothe not remember.

Examined whether he did saye there Cavse was good whereof
they were Convicted, saithe he spake noe suche words nor the like in
effecte at the tyme of his beinge in the Companie aforesaide.

John Hardy

William More

George More
Laurence Stoughton

Endorsed. — 90 Januarij 1583. The examination of Mr John Hardie.

Enclosure II.
Januarii 90 Peter German of Farnham in the Counte of Surrey Clerk,
x583 examined, sayeth. That about [a] ffourtnyghte before
Michelmas last past, John Hardie of the said towne of Farnham in
the howse of Mr. Moone gent, spake these words as followeth, viz.

"That the cause of Bodie and Slade, who were at that tyme
convicted of Treason, was good and lawfull," the which words the said
Examinate with some words of defiaunce renounced as trayterous against
her Majestic

Then the said examinate demanding how he could proove their
cause to be good, he answered that he could proove yt by that authoritie
which the said Bodie and Slade stood vpon.

The sayd examinate asked hym what authoritie that was. He said,
"By Eusebius," who, as he sayd, reporteth in his historie that the Bysshop
of Roome had supreme authoritie above Constantine themperor in
ecclesiastical causes, & that by their absolute authoritie they called that
generall councell of Nice.

The said Examinate asked hym whether he had the booke, and
whether he hym self had read the historie, he sayd "Yea."

Then the said Examinate said that he had also read the historie
and could fynd no such thing : but that Constantine themperor by his
authoritie called the said Councell. At which words the said John
Hardie willed the said examinate to shew hym the booke, which he
presentlie brought vnto him, & turned to the historie, which he wold
not let the said Examinate to English owt of the Latin, for he said
he wold help his owne cause by his construction.

Then the said John Hardie hymself in the presence of Peter
Hampden Gent, did english the same and by his his own mouth
condemned hym self according to the truth of the historie. For he
found there all the circumstances of the historie against hym.

5°

documents relating to January

How be it he still remayned obstinate in his cause, cavilleng at
certaine words in the Historie, viz. where yt ys written, Constantinus
turn sedit priusquam ab Episcopis annueretur. Where by he wold prove
Constantine to be inferiour to the Bisshops.

The Cause whie the said Examinate did not revele this in all this
tyme, was for that he shortlie fell lame, & so lay for the space of a
whole quarter of the year as ys well knowen.

Peter German
Wylliam More
George More
Laurence Stoughton

*&'

\On the same sheet as /ast.]

Peter Hampden of Fameham in the county of Surrey gent., saith
that about three weks before Michaelmas last, he being at dynner at
the house of one Ewstace Mone in Farnham gent., in the company of
Robert Ashton gent., Peter German precher, John Hardye gen. & divers
others whome he remembreth not, This Examinate did move occasion
of spech, & towching a certen conferens hadd att Winchester about a
senight before betwene the deane of Winchester the Warden of the
Colledg of Winchester aforesaid, of one Slade and Bodye who were
condempned for mayntayning the Supremisey of the Bushopp of Rome,
att which tyme the saide Deane and Warden did vrge the saide Boddy
to shewe what he had collected or could advouche for the mayneten-
aunce of his said erronious opynion. Wherevppon the saide Boddye
didd pull a paper out of his bozam with notes collected out of the
Storye of Ewsebius towchinge a counsell helden att Nece in the tyme
of the Emperor Constantine. By which the saide Boddye wold have
proved that the Bushopp of Rome was aboue the Emperour, where-
vnto the saide Warden didd make answere. All which this examinate
harde. And beinge att dynner att the place aforesaide dydd recite
the poynts which the saide Boddy and Slade stode vppon, and there
Allegacions which they brought out of Ewzebius. Wherevppon the
saide Hardye said that as he thought the saide Boddye and Slade
tooke it right. To the which the saide Peter German precher replied
sayinge, "You saie not well," or some suche lyke speches of reprehension
& then they two grewe into further argument vppon the saide Storye.
And then after dynner the saide German fetched the Booke of Ewzebius,
and there they didd dyffer vppon the construction of diuerse words
which this examinate remembreth not. Neyther that the saide German
didd att any tyme replye in the heringe of this examinate as chargeing
the saide Hardye with Treyterous wordds, & now to that matter he
cannot saye.

by me Peter Hampden
Wylliam More
George More
Laurence Stoughton

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 5 1

XVIII.

INDICTMENT OF JOHN MUNDYN, WILLIAM TEDDER,
JOHN NUTTER, AND SAMUEL CONYERS, PRIESTS,
WITH PROCEEDINGS AND JUDGMENT AGAINST
MUNDYN AND NUTTER

5-7 February, 1584

Coram Rege Roll, 26 Eliz., Hilary, Crown side, roll 4.

The following indictments are of special value as showing how
impossible it was for Elizabeth's ministers to prove their contention that
priests were traitors. They had no doubt evidence, at least of informers
(and principally of Sledd), which would have been produced in court, and
which may have accounted for some of the statements here alleged to be
true. But whatever that evidence may have been it could certainly never
have made their case tenable or even plausible. James Fenn, for instance,
stated that during the time he was supposed to have been conspiring
against the Queen in foreign countries, he was really one of the Queen's
prisoners, at home (see below, No. xxii). The truth of his defence is
supported by the official lists of Prisoners in the Marshalsea, already
printed (C.R.S., ii, 231), which show that he was confined there before
June, 1582, and before that he had been in prison in Somerset.

The indictments are precise in alleging dates for the departure of the
accused priests from the Seminary at Rheims, and these we can control
by the Douay Diaries. The results of the comparison are important.

Mundyn, Tedder, Nutter and Conyers are said to have left on the 1st of
October; they did in fact depart on the 6th of August, the 13th of
November, and the two last together on the 24th of November, 1582.

Fenn, Haydock, Pitts, Warmyngton, Slacke, Hartley, Norris, Deane and
Bishop are said to have come to England on the 1st of November, 1581.
In reality Fenn came on the 10th of May, 1580; Haydock, 16 January,
1582; Pitts, 22 April, 1581 ; Warmyngton, 30 January, 1581 ; Slacke,
21 April, 1581 ; Hartley, 16 June, 1580; Norrys, 3 August, 1579; Deane,
25 January, IS82; Bishop, 28 December, 1581.

Hemerford is said to have left Rome on June the 30th, 1583, really left
in April (Foley Records, vi, 145, 146). The probability seems to be that
whoever was responsible for the allegations made in this indictment, was
speaking as nearly as possible at random, without any real acquaintance
with the movements of the accused, much less with their actions or
motives.

A verbatim translation of the Latin record will not be necessary, but
an abstract, drawn up according to the model of those published by the
Deputy Keeper of Public Records for the Baga de Secretis, maybe useful.

Abstract.

Indictment, found on Wednesday (Feb. 5) next after the eve of the
Purification B.V.M., at Queen's Bench, Westminster, viz. that John
Mundyn, William Tedder, John Nutter and Samuel Conyers, all late of
London, clerics, on the 20th of July, 24 Elizabeth (1582), at Rheims in
Champaigne and in other places, and on other days before and after,
conspired, &c, to deprive the Queen and to bring her to death, to raise
sedition, to cause slaughter and rebellion, to subvert the government of
the kingdom, and the sincere religion of God established in the same ;
(2) And also treated together of ways and means ; (3) And afterwards on
1 August, 24 Eliz., they agreed to come to England ; (4) And afterwards on
the first of October they left Rheims for the aforesaid purposes.

Precept to the Sheriff to bring them up for trial.

documents relating to February

Thursday next after the eve of the Purification (Feb. 6) Mundyn
appears at Queen's Bench, Westminster, under the custody of Sir Owen
Hopton, Lieutenant of the Tower, and Nutter under that of George Carey,
Knight Marshal of the Queen's Marshalsea, into whose custody they had
been previously committed. They are demanded statim and severally
how they will be tried, and severally answer that they are Not guilty.

The Jury come on Friday after the eve of the Purification (Feb. 7), and
the same day is given to John Nutter and John Mundyn aforesaid.

On which day the Jury say upon their oaths that they are Guilty, and
that they have no goods or chattels.

The Queen's Serjeant prays for sentence.

The Court, having seen and understood all, in the presence of the
Queen's Serjeant and Attorney give sentence as usual for high treason.
Executed.

Adhuc de Termino Scti Hillarii. Regina.
Midd ss. Alias scilicet die mercurii proximo post Crastinum puri-
per indict. fication{s beate Marie isto eodem anno coram domina
Regina apud Westmonasterium per sacramentum xij Jura-
torum, extitit praesentatum quod Johannes Mundyn nuper de london
Clericus, Willelmus Tedder nuper de london praedicta Clericus,
Johannes Nutter nuper de london predicta Clericus et Samuell
Conyers nuper de london predicta Clericus, ut falsi proditores
contra illustrissimam et Christianissimam principem dominam nostram
Elizabeth dei gratia Anglie ffrancie et Hibernie reginam fidei defens-
orem, etc., supremam dfiam suam, timorem dei in Cordibus suis non
habentes nee debitas legiancias suas ponderantes, Sed instigacione
diabolicaseducti, Cordialemdilectionemetveram et debitam obedienciam,
quam veri et fideles subditi dicte domine Regine erga ipsam dominam
Reginam gererent, et de iure gerere tenentur, penitus subtrahere delere
et extinguere intendentes, vicesimo die Julij Anno regni dicte domine
Regine nunc vicesimo quarto, apud Rehems in Champania in partibus
transmarinis, et diversis alijs diebus et vicibus postea et antea tam apud
Rehems predictam quam in diversis aliis locis in partibus transmarinis,
falso maliciose et proditorie conspiraverunt imaginati fuere, circumiverunt
et compassaverunt dictam dominam Reginam supremam dominam suam
non solum de regali statu titulo potestate et Regimine regni sui Anglie
penitus deprivare, deijeere et exheredare, verum etiam eandem dominam
Reginam ad mortem et finalem destruccionem adducere et ponere :
Ac Sedicionem in dicto regno Anglie suscitare levare et facere; Ac
etiam stragem miserabilem inter Subditos dicte domine Regine per
totum Regnum Anglie generare et causare; Ac insurreccionem et
rebellionem versus dictam dominam Reginam Supremam et naturalem
dominam suam procurare et suscitare ; ac gubernationem eiusdem Regni
Anglie et sinceram dei religionem in eodem regno Anglie recte et
pie stabilitam pro voluntate et libitu suis mutare et alterare ; Necnon
statum tocius reipublice huius regni Anglie per universas eius partes
bene institutum et ordinatum totaliter subvertere et destruere. Et quod
superinde ijdem Johannes Mundyn, Willelmus, Johannes Nutter, et
Samuell eodem vicesimo die Julij Anno regni domine Elizabeth nunc
regine Anglie vicesimo quarto supradicto apud Rehems predictam ac
diversis alijs diebus et vicibus postea tam apud Rehems predictam quam

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 53

in diversis alijs locis in partibus transmarinis inter seipsos falso et
proditorie communicaverunt tractaverunt et ad invicem colloquium
habuerunt, quibus vijs et modi's mortem et finalem destruccionem dicte
domine Regine nunc supreme et naturalis domine sue adducere
potuerunt ; Ac sedicionem in dicto regno Anglie suscitare levare et
facere potuissent. Quodque ad ilia nequissima et nefandissima perdite
et proditorie Imaginaciones compassiones intenciones et proposita sua
predicta perimplenda et perficienda predicti Johannes Mundyn,
Willelmus, Johannes Nutter et Samuell postea, scilicet primo die
Augusti Anno Regni dicte domine Elizabeth nunc Regine Anglie
vicesimo quarto supradicto, Apud Rehems predictam Ac diversis alijs
diebus et vicibus postea et antea tarn apud Rehems predictam quam
in diversis alijs locis in partibus transmarinis proditorie concordauere
ut ijdem Johannes Mundyn, Willelmus, Johannes Nutter et Samuell
proditorie et festinanter ad hoc Regnum Anglie Irent ad movendum
et persuadendum tales subditos dicte domine Regine huius regni Anglie
quales ipsi obtinere potuerunt in proditorijs et nequissimis propositis
suis predictis eis adhaerere ad guerram et rebellionem in eodem regno
Anglie erga ipsam dominam Reginam supremam dominam suam
faciendam movendam et levandam; Ac sinseram dei religionem in
eodem Regno Anglie recte et pie stabilitam ad libitum suum proditorie
mutare et alterare. Ac quod predicti Johannes Mundyn, Willelmus,
Johannes Nutter et Samuell postea scilicet primo die Octobris Anno
regni dicte domine Regine nunc vicesimo quarto supradicto apud
Rehems predictam iter eorum nequiter falso et proditorie susceperunt
a Rehems predicta versus hoc regnum Anglie : Ad proditoria proposita
eorum supradicta perimplenda et perficienda Contra legiancias suas
debitas et Contra pacem dicte domine Regine nunc Coronam et
dignitates suas et in legum huius regni Anglie Contemptum manifestum,
Ac contra formam diversorum Statutorum in huiusmodi casu editorum

et provisorum, etc. O w.

Propter quod preceptum fuit vicecomiti quod non omitteret, etc.,

quin caperet eos, etc. Ad respondendum, etc. O w. Et Mooo,

scilicet die Jovis proximo post crastinum purificationis beate marie virginis
isto eodem termino coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium,
venerunt predicti Johannes Mundyn et Johannes Nutter, videlicet
predictus Johannes Mundyn sub custodia Owini Hopton militis, locum-
tenentis Turris domine Regine london, et predictus Johannes Nutter
sub custodia Georgij Carey militis, marrescalli Marescaltie hospicij
domine Regine, in quorum custodiam preantea ex causis predictis et
alijs etiam de causis commissi fuere virtute separalium litterarum domine
Regine de habeas corpora ad subijciendum, etc., eis separatim inde
directarum, ad barram hie ducti in propriis personis suis. Qui
commituntur prefato locumtenenti, etc., et statim de altis prodicionibus
predictis eis superius importatis separatim alloquuntur, qualiter se velint
inde Acquietari, separatim dicunt quod ipsi in nullo sunt inde culpabiles.
Et inde de bono et malo ponunt se separatim super patriam. Ideo
v&niant inde Jurati coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium, die
veneris proximo post crastinum Purificacionis beate Marie virginis.
Et qui, etc.: Ad recogn., etc.: Quia, etc.; Idem dies datus est prefato

54 documents relating to February

lohanni Mundyn et Johanni Nutter in Custodia prefati locumtenentis
virtutc commissionis salvo custodiendi, etc.

Ad quem diem coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium
venerunt prefati Johannes Mundyn et Johannes Nutter sub custodia
prefati Owini Hopton locumtenentis Turris london predicte, virtute
literarum dicte domine Regine de habeas corpora, etc., ei inde direct-
arum, in proprijs personis suis. Et Juratia Juratorum predicta per vice-
comitem Middlesex predictum impanellata exacta, scilicet venerunt qui
ad veritatem de et super premissis dicendam electi triati et iurati,
dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predicti Johannes Mundyn et
Johannes Nutter sunt culpabiles et eorum alter est culpabilis de altis
prodicionibus predictis eis superius in forma predicta separatim im-
portatis, modo et forma prout per indictamentum predictum superius
versus eos supponitur. Et quod ipsi seu eorum alter nulla habent
bona seu catalla terras aut tenamenta. Et super hoc Serviens dicte
domine Regine ad legem ac ipsius Regine Attornatus iuxta debitam
legis formam pecierunt iudicium et execucionem versus dictos Johannem
Mundyn et Johannem Nutter super veredictum predictum pro domina
Regina habendam, etc.

Super quo, v'xsis et per curiam hie intellects omnibus et singulis
premissis, Serviente dicte domine Regine ad legem, ac ipsius Regine
Attornato ad hoc convocatis et presentibus, consideratio est quod
predicti Johannes Mundyn et Johannes Nutter ducantur et eorum
uterque ducatur per prefatum locumtenentem usque Turrim london
et deinde per medium Civitatis illius directe usque ad furcas de Tyborne
trahantur et uterque eorum trahatur, et super furcas illic ibidem
suspendantur et vterque eorum suspendatur et viventes ad terram
prosternantur et vterque eorum vivens ad terram prosternatur, et
interiora sua extra ventres suos et eorum vtriusque capiantur, ipsisque
viventibus comburantur, quodque corpora sua et corpus utriusque eorum
in quatuor partes dividantur et quod capita et quartata illic ponantur
vbi domina Regina ea assignare voluerit, etc.

In margin. — T[rahatur] & S[uspendatur], T. & S., Ex.

XIX. '

INDICTMENT OF JAMES FENN, GEORGE HAYDOCK,
ARTHUR PITTS, WILLIAM WARMYNGTON, RICHARD
SLACKE, WILLIAM HARTLEY, RICHARD NORRIS,
WILLIAM DEANE, WILLIAM BISHOP, with proceedings
and sentence against FENN AND HAYDOCK
5-7 February, 1584

Coram Rege, as before, rot. 6. The record is identical with the last,
except for the following- particulars: —

Indictment found Wednesday, February 5, recites that the conspiracy
was laid at Rheims in Champagne on the 20th day of September of the
23rd of Elizabeth (1581), and for the same objects as above, and on the
1 st of October they agreed to come to England, and they came on the
1st of November.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 55

On Thursday, Fenn, under the custody of George Carey, knight
Marshal, and Haydock, under custody of Owen Hopton, knight,
Lieutenant of the Tower, appear and plead Not guilty.

On Friday, verdict Guilty. Sentence as usual for high treason.

Middlesex. Alias scilicet die Mercurii proximo post crastinum Purifica-
per ind. West. cionis {exactly as before'] . . . presentatum quod Jacobus Fenn,
nuper de london Clericus, Georgius Haydock, Arthurus Pyttes, Willel-
mus Warmyngton, Ricardus Slacke, Willelmus Harteley, Ricardus Norrys,
Willelmus Dearie, et Willelmus Bysshop [each described nuper de london
Clericus, as before] ut falsi proditores &c. . . . conspiraverunt . . . vicesimo
die Septembris, anno regni domine Regine nunc vicesimo tercio apud
Rhemes in Champania . . . dominam Reginam deprivare &c. ... ad
mortem adducere &c. . . . sedicionem levare &c. . . . stragem generare
&c. . . . insurrectionem procurare &c. . . . gubernationem et sinceram
dei religionem mutare &c. . . . statum reipublicae subvertere &c. . . . Et
quod . . . eodem vicesimo die Septembris apud Rhemes predictam . . .
proditorie communicaverunt &c. . . . Quodque . . . postea scilicet primo
die Octobris anno regni vicesimo tercio, apud Rhemes . . . concordavere
ut ijdem . . . proditorie et festinanter ad hoc regnum Angliae irent . . .
Ac quod postea scilicet primo die Novembris anno regni . . . vicesimo
tercio iter susceperunt versus hoc regnum Anglie . . .

Propter quod &c. . . .

Et Modo scilicet die Jovis . . . venerunt . . . Jacobus Fenn sub
custodia Georgij Carey, militis, marescalli marescaltie hospicij domine
Regine, et Georgius Haydock sub custodia Owini Hopton ... Et
inde ponunt se separatim super patriam . . . Ideo veniant inde Jurati
die veneris proximo post crastinum Purificationis b.M.v. &c. . . .

Ad quern diem . . . venerunt prefati Jacobus Fenn et Georgius
Haydock . . . et Jurati dicunt . . . quod sunt culpabiles &c. &c. . . .
T. & S., T. & S., Ex.

XX.

INDICTMENT AND JUDGMENT OF THOMAS HEMERFORD

5-7 February, 1584

Coram Rege, as before, roll 5.

This indictment is verbatim the same as the last, except that the
singular number is, of course, used instead of the plural, whenever
necessary, and with the following variants. (1) The conspiracy is stated
to have been commenced "ultimo die Aprilis anno regni domine regine
nunc vicesimo quarto apud Romam in Italia in partibus transmarinis."
(2) Hemerford is said to have conspired on the same last of April "cum
quodam Johanne Mundijn existente inimico publico dicte domine regine"
as to ways and means. (3) He agreed to come to England on the last day
of May "anno 250" [1583]; (4) and left Rome "ultimo die Junij " for the
same purpose.

He was brought to the bar by Sir George Carey on Thursday after the
morrow of the Purification, and committed to Sir Owen Hopton, as the
rest, and pleads Not guilty. Friday he is found Guilty, and sentenced.
" Executed."

56 documents relating to February

XXI.

OTHER WRITS CONCERNING THE TRIAL AND

EXECUTION OF GEORGE HAYDOCK AND

HIS COMPANIONS

5-12 February, 1584

The following writs and records are found together on the Controlment
Roll, 26 Elizabeth Hilary, rot. lxxx.

The first, regarding the Marshalsea, records that Fenn, Nutter and
Hemerford were brought up for indictment by the Knight Marshal, and
afterwards handed over to the Lieutenant of the Tower, &c.

The second, for the Tower of London, records that the Lieutenant
brought up Haydock and Mundyn for the same purpose.

The third records that all five were brought to Queen's Bench for trial
and condemned.

The fourth is the precept, dated February 10, to the Lieutenant to
hand over their bodies to the Sheriffs for execution on the 12th.

The fifth (here omitted, as almost identical with the last) is the precept
to the Sheriffs to receive them and to execute the sentence.

., ... Jacobus ffen nuper de london Clericus Tohannes Nutter

AiTrrpsdltii

nuper de london Clericus & Thomas Hemerforde nuper
de London Clericus per Georgium Carey militem marrescallum mares-
caltie hospicii domine Regine virtute literarum domine Regine de
habeas corpus ad subijciendum &c. ei inde directarum. Et coram
domina Regina ducti cum causa videlicet quod predicti Jacobus ffen
Johannes Nutter & Thomas Hemerforde sibi commissi fuerunt per
mandatum privati concilij dicte domine Regine pro quibusdam altis
prodicionibus per ipsos fieri suppositis. Qui quidem Jacobus, Johannes
& Thomas arraniati super Indictamentum isto termino placitaverunt
& comittuntur Owino Hopton militi locumtenenti Turris domine
Refine london & postea isto termino inveniuntur culpabiles per patriam.
Et iudicium redditur quod trahantur et suspendantur. \In the margin,
T. & S., repeated thrice.~\

Georgius Haydocke nuper de london Clericus & Johannes
london. Mundyn nuper de london Clericus per Owinum Hopton

militem locumtenentem Turris domine Regine london virtute
literarum domine Regine de habeas corpus ad subijciendum &c. ei
inde directarum. Et coram domina Regina ducti cum causa videlicet
quod predicti Georgius Haydocke & Johannes Mundyn sibi comissi
fuerunt per mandatum privati consilij domine Regine pro quibusdam
altis prodicionibus per ipsos fieri suppositis. Qui comittuntur prefato
locumtenenti. Et statim arraniati super Indictamentum & placitaverunt
non culpabiles et inveniuntur culpabiles per patriam. Et iudicium red-
ditur quod trahantur et suspendantur. [In margin, repeated thrice, T & S.]

Turris Georgius Haydocke nuper de london Clericus, Johannes
london. Mundyn nuper de london Clericus, Jacobus ffenn nuper de
london Clericus, Johannes Nutter nuper de london Clericus,
c\: Thomas Hemerforde nuper de london Clericus per Owinum Hopton
militem locumtenentem Turris domine Regine london virtute literarum

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 57

domine Regine de habeas corpus ad subijciendum &x. ei inde direc-
tarum. Et coram domina Regina ducti cum causa videlicet quod
predicti Georgius, Johannes, Jacobus, Johannes, & Thomas sibi comissi
fuerunt per mandatum Justiciariorum domine Regine ad placita coram
ipsa Regina tenenda assignatorum pro quibusdam altis prodicionibus,
unde Judicati fuerunt. Et postea isto Termino inventi fuere culpabiles,
& quilibet eorum inventus est culpabilis per patriam. Et iudicium
redditur quod trahantur et suspendantur. [In margin, jive times repeated,
T & S.]

Regina etc. Ovvino Hoptono militi locumtenenti Turris nostre
Turns london Salutem. Cum nos nuper in Curia nostra coram nobis

consideravimus quod Jacobus ffen nuper de london Clericus,
Georgius Haydocke nuper de london predicta Clericus, Johannes Mundyn
nuper de london predicta Clericus, Johannes Nutter nuper de london
predicta Clericus & Thomas Hemerforde nuper de london predicta
Clericus de diversis altis prodicionibus, Unde ipsi convicti sunt &
attincti, de turre nostra london & deinde per medium Civitatis illius
directe usque ad furcas de Tyborne trahantur, & super furcas illic
ibidem suspendantur, & quilibet eorum suspendatur, & viventes ad
terram prosternantur & quilibet eorum prosternatur, & interiora sua
extra ventres suos capiantur & cuiuslibet eorum capiatur, ipsisque
viventibus comburantur & capita eorum amputentur & cuiuslibet eorum
amputetur, quodque corpora eorum in quatuor partes dividantur &
cuiuslibet eorum dividatur & quod capita & quarteria ilia ponantur
ubi ea assignare voluerimus. Et ideo Tibi precipimus firmiter iniun-
gentes quod die mercurij proximo futuro videlicet duodecimo die
instantis mensis ffebruarij apud Tower hill cum vicecomitibus Civitatis
nostre london convenias & dictos Tacobum ffen, Georgium Haydocke,
Johannem Mundyn, Johannem Nutter, & Thomam Hemerforde eisdem
vicecomitibus ibidem deliverari facias, ut ijdem vicecomites execucionem
de eis in forma predicta fieri faciant, prout nobis inde respondere
voluerint. T[este] C. Wray apud Westmonasterium, x° die ffebruarij
Anno regni nostri vicesimo sexto.

XXII.
ABOUT GEORGE HAYDOCK AND HIS COMPANIONS

This account of the martyrdom is preserved in Father Grene's
Collectanea M., part ii, (ff. 206-209), now in a Jesuit archive abroad, and
I am indebted to the Rev. Father Van Meurs for the transcript. The
writer of the Concertatio Ecclesice Anglicancz (ff. 134-139) drew freelv
from the original, and from his Latin I have supplied in square brackets
some of the passages which Father Grene has omitted, and some variant
readings.

The following relation is copyed verbatim out of that wck was sent to

F. Southivel in the English Coll: at Rome by a friend, who

was present at his marlyrdome, but he is not named.

The examination of Mr G. Haddock at his first apprehension,

copyed out of a letter of his own handwryting [to a fellow prisoner.

Pax tecum. In brief— for what touches my examination— they asked me,]

5 8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 584

Commissioners : What are you? Ha d do eke : A Priest.

Com: Where is your father? Ans : He is dead.

Com: Where did he die? Ans: I do not know.

Com: You lie. Ans: I do not lie.

Com.: How long have you bin beyond the seas? Ans : Eight yeares.

Question: Where studyed you? Ans: At Doway 4 yeares; at
Rhemes a quarter ; at Rome three yeares and more.

Q: What did you study at Douay? A : My grammer.

Q : At Rome ? A : Logick and philosophy, 8z half a yeare Divinity.

Q: Where were you made Priest? A: At Rhemes.

Q : Why not at Rome ? A : Because I was forced for my health
sake to come downe.

Q : What was the oath of the colleg at Rome ? A : To be obedient
to the Pope, to be priests, and to come into England at our superiour's
commandment.

Q : Have you made that oath ? A : Yes.

Q : Came you hither to performe the othe now ? A : No, not
immediatly ; but I came for my health.

Q: Can you absolve us being penitent? A: By my authority I may;
but as yet I have not learned without book the words of absolution.

Q : Why have you not learned them ? A : Because I cannot study,
being sick.

Q : Can you say masse ? A : Not without one to help me.

Q : Have you said Masse since you came over ? A : Noe.

Q: Where is Pitts' chamber ? A: I know not. They replyed that
I did lye.

Q : Will you sweare that you know not where it is ? A : Noe.
They replyed : that then I knew where it was. I sayd Noe. We wil
make thee, quoth they, tell.

Q: Is not your father gatherer for the Seminary of Rhemes?
A : Yes. We know it well enough quoth they, and if we might catch
him this double traytor, he shal smart for it.

Q: Where is your brother? A: I know not.

Q : Hath he taken your fathers office in hand ? A : I think not.

Q : Where is he ? A : I know not.

Q : Where lodged you in London ? A : Norrise the pursuivant
knoweth the house and the name.

Q : Who brought you thither ? A : I came late in the night
thither, after I could finde no lodging in Holborne.

Q : How mett you with Pitts there ? A : By chance ; for when
Norrice and Sledd came thither, he was at dinner there and then I
saw him. You lye, quoth they.

Q : What priest have you mett withall in London ? A : None.
They said I did lye. I replied that I did not lye, for I had no time
to seek them, by reason of my late coming.

Q: What did you with Mr Townly att the Gatehouse and with
Mr Hesket att the Fleete? A: I went to see how they fared.

Q : What did they tell you ? A : Nothing, but that my father was
dead.

Q . What tokens did Dr Allen [send to them ? A : None.

I5$4 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 59

Q : To what place did Dr. Allen] appoint you to goe in England ?
A : To none for I tould him that I would goe to my father's. They
sayd I did lye.

Q: What was sayd of F. Campian's death, [and his fellowes? A: It
was generally said that he was wrongfully put to death] and all
men did crye out of the Queen's tyranny all France over, and the K.
of France did make his martyrdome to be printed at Paris and to be
cryed about the streets.

Q: What books are in printing in Rhemes or in other places?
A: I can not tell. You lye, quoth they.

Q: What treason was in working against the Queen and the realme?
A : I can not tell.

Q : When wil the Earl of Westmorland come into England with
his army and the Pope bull to take the Queen and burne her. A : I
do not know.

<2 •• Will the Pope send now more men into Ireland ? A : I do
not know.

Q : What Jesuits are come from Rome into England ? A : I know
none but F. Persons. Then they shewed me the names of five which
be now in England — F. Holt, Perkinson, [Faunt], Heywood, and a
Spaniard.*

Q : How many students are at Rome ? A : 60.
Q : What be their names ? A : I gave some, and then they shewed
me a paper which contained them all.

Q : Where Persons was ? A : I know not.
Q : Saw you him and Campian at Rome ? A : Yes.
Q: What did they consult there of? A: None of the inferiours
such as I was did know.

[Q : What do you think they consulted ? A : I suppose about
their journey to England.

Q : Will you swear to that ? A : I will.]

Q : How long was Campian in the College ? A : A day or two.
Q: How many sermons did he make, and how many did you
heare ? A : I heard none, because I was sick ; but it was said he
made one.

Q: Write the names of all the priests you know in England?
A : I know none at Rhemes, because I was there but a little while,
and was at commons in the towne : but yet I gave them a few names,
and I gave them some 20 names of the priests that be in England,
but they were such as were in hold and prison, two or 3 excepted, f

Q : What newes can you tell us ? A: From beyond the seas I
can tell little, but that the New Testament is printed and shal be sent
after Easter into England : there was also a great talk of the marriage
of the Queen and Monsieur, where of some think there wil come good
and some other think the contrary : they be all in health in both the

* There was strictly speaking only one Jesuit then in England, Father Holt being
in Scotland. Christopher Perkins was indeed in England, but he had apostatised.
The form of the next name is uncertain. Perhaps it is some alias of Father
Langdale, another apostate. There was no Spanish Jesuit in England.

f The Latin translation in the Conurtati* stops here (f. 135^).

60 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 584

seminaries, and hope the best of our country. The Pope is liberall to
them both : he hopeth to heare of the conversion of England before
he dye. There be many knaves and spyes at Rome, but God be
thanked they have mett with . . . some of them ; for one which called
himself Hierome Vaine is dead there in prison suddainly, noe man
knoweth how, etc.

In the letter this was added as followeih.

At my apprehension I had 71' in gold of the which I gave Norris
two Angels to lett me goe, wch was agreed upon : but he deceaved me,
and when I was sent to the Gatehouse he sayd his fee was a noble,
I gave it him. The next day ... I was sent to the Tower, and the
knave watched . . . that have . . . and came & tould the Lieutenant of
my money, who took it from me, saying that Norris should have it,
as he thought, and if he had it not, he would restore it : he never
gave me but 2osh of it againe.

The Martyrdome of Mr Haddock, Emerford, Fenn, Nutter, priests.

The 6 day of February Mr Heywood and five other priests were
brought to the Kings-bench barre, indited of high treason for conspiring
at Rhemes and Rome, as it was surmised against F. Campian. They
all pleaded not guilty and so were conveyed to the Tower. F. Haywood
was in Jesuit's weed, so grave a man as ever I sett my eyes upon, he
wore a coate of black very low and upon the same a cloke of black,
downe almost to the grownde. He had in his hand a black staff and
upon his head a velvet coyfe and there upon a broade seemly black felt.

The 9 [sie] of February the five priests were brought againe to
the barre, and arrained upon the former endightment : they pleaded and
protested innocency. Their old friend Sledd gave in evidence against
them : The Jury found them out of hand Guilty, and the Judge gave
sentence of death. Whereupon the priests soung Te Deum and such
like godly verses.

Upon Wednesday being the last day of the Terme, these five priests
were drawen from the Tower to Tyborne upon hurdles ; the first that
was brought into the cart under the gibbet was Mr Haddock, a man
in complexion fayre, of countenance milde, and in professing of his faith
passing stoute. One of the Sherifs called Spencer* much incensed
against them, together with certaine ministers bad Mr Haddock confesse
the fact and ask the Queen forgivenesse. Whereupon Mr Haddock
calling God to witnesse, protested upon his soule that he was not
guilty of the treason, and therfore would not aske the Queen forgive-
nesse : and further sayd, 'I take her for my lawfull Queen, I have seyd
this morning these many paternosters for her, and I pray God she may
raigne long Queene. If I had her in the wildernesse I would not for
all the world putt a pinn towards her with intent to hurt her.'

Then seyd the Sherif Spenser, ' There is since thy arrainment worse
matter found against thee [by Munday the spye]': Whereunto answered
Mr Haddock, ' You have found nothing since ; and soe belyke I was
wrongfully arrained.'

* The writer of the Comertatio (f. 138^) follows the story of Haddock from here
onwards, but does not seem to have known the account of the other martyrs.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 6l

Then Antony Munday was brought in, who uttered these speeches,
1 Upon a time you and I, with another whose name I have forgotten,
walking together at Rome, the other wished the harts* of 3 of the
nobility being of her counsell. Whereupon you sayd, M' Haddock,
To make up a masse, I would we had the hart of the Queen.'

Then sayd Spenser and other of his officers, 'Away with the villaine
traytor.'

But Mr Haddock, moved f with these foresaid talke and speeches
sayd as followeth. ' I am presently to give an account [of all that I
have done during life before the tribunal of God] ; and as before
God I shal answer, I never spake nor intended any such thing. And
Munday, if thou didst heare me speak any such thing, how chanced
it thou earnest not to the barre to give this in against me upon thy
othe.' ' Why,' sayd Munday, ' I never heard of your arraingement.'

Then said Spencer, 'Didst not thou call the Queen heretick?' 'I
confesse,' sayd Haddock, 'I did.' Whereupon Spencer together with
the ministers and other of his officers used the aforesaid speeches of
treason, traytor, and villaine.

Mr Haddock sayd secretly a hymne in latin and that within my
hearing, for I stood under the gibbet. A minister being on the cart
with him, requested him to pray in English that the people might pray
with him. Where upon Mr Haddock put the minister away with his
hand, saying, 'Away, away, I wil have nothing to doe with thee.' But
he requested all Catholics to pray with him and for his country. Where
upon sayd one of the standers-by, ' Here be noe Catholicks ': ' Yes,'
sayd another, ' we be all Catholics.' Then sayd Mr Haddock, ' I meane
Catholicks of the Catholick Roman Church, and I pray God that my
bloud may encrease the Catholick faith in England': whereunto sayd
Spenser : ' The Catholic faith, the devel's faith. Away with the traytor !
Drive away the carte ! ' And so Mr Haddock ended his life, as con-
stantly as could be required.

When the cart was dryven away, this Spenser presently commanded
the rope to be cut, but notwithstanding the officer strock at the rope
sundry times before he fell downe ; and the reporte of them that stood
by the block was that at what time the tormenter was in pulling out
of his bowells, Mr Haddock was in life. By his own confession he was
28 yeares of age.

After Mr Haddock was taken to the block Mr Hemerford was
brought unto the cart ; he was very milde, and sometime a scholler
of Sl John's College in Oxford. Spenser bad him confesse and aske
forgivenesse as before : but he protested innocency as Mr Haddock had
done ; yet sayd, ' Where in I have offended her, I ask her forgivenesse,
but in this fact of treason alleaged against me, I never offended.'

Then sayd a minister, master of art of Sfc John's College of Oxford,
'You and I ware of old acquaintance in Oxford, by which I request
you to pray openly and in English, that the people may pray with you.'
Then said Mr Hemerford, ' I understand latin well enough, and am not

3fc Concertatio reads capita for harts, both here and in the next line.
f Ibid, adds nihil.

62 documents relating to February

to be taught of you. I request only Catholicks to pray with me.'
Where upon answered the minister, 'I acknowledge that in Oxford
you were alwaies by farre my better. Yet many times it pleaseth God,
that the learned should be taught by the simple.'

One Risse termed a Doctor of Divinity, asked Mr Hemerford
whither he would hold with the Pope or the Queen, in case the Pope
should send an army into England. Whereunto Mr Hemerford answered,
That in case they were sent in respect of the Pope's own person, then
he would holde with the Queen ; but if it were sent to suppresse heresy
or to restore the land to the catholick faith, then he would holde with
the Pope. His speech was short being not permitted to speak much,
and in substance the rest of his speech, not here sett down verbatim,
was to the same effect that Mr [Haddock's] was. He was cutt downe
half dead : when the tormentor did cutt off his membres, he did cry
'Oh! A!' I heard my self standing under the gibbet.

Mr Fenn was the third that suffred, being bidd to doe as before,
answered as his fellows did & sayd. ' I am condemned for that I with
Mr Haddock at Rome did conspire, & at which time Mr Haddock
was a student at Rome and I a prisoner in the Marshalsea, or at the
lest I am sure that I was in England, but to my remembrance, I was
a prisoner in the Marshalsea. Therefore good people judge you whether
I am guilty of this fact or noe.'

A minister called Hene avouched a place of Sl Paul whereunto
Mr Fenn said : ' I am not to be taught my duty by you.'

The rest of his speeches were to the same effect his fellows were.
Before the cart was driven away, he was stripped of all his apparell
saving his shirt only and presently after the cart was driven away his
shirt was pulled of his back, so that he hung stark naked, where at the
people muttered greatly, and the other sherif, called Massam, sayd to
the officers, ' You play the knaves. They be men. Let them be used
like men,' and alwaies commanded that they should hang until they
were dead. Notwithstanding the other sherif commanded that they
should be cut downe presently, and soe was Mr Fenn, but his com-
panions following him were permitted to hang longer.

Mr Nutter was the 4th man, sometime schollar of Sl John's College
in Cambridge, and Mr Munden was the fifth & last : they denyed
the fact, acknowledged the Queen Majesty to be their Queene and
prayed for her, as the former had done, and soe in most milde and
constant manner ended their life. Many a one in my hearing sayd,
'God be with their sweet soules.'

What I have putt downe I hard myself, and therefore I may boldly
speake it. If you please, you may shew it to your friends, provyded
alwaies you tell not my name.

Ende 0/ this relation sent to F. Robert Southwell afterwards
martyr as above noted fol. 206a,

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 63

XXIII.

THE PURSUIT OF JOHN BOSTE

February, 1584.

Record Office, Dom. Eliz. Addenda, xxviii, n. 58, i.

In No. xi above we have seen evidence of Boste's endeavours to do
good in his native county by letters, books, and by sending other priests,
though not yet able to go there himself. In the summer of 1583, however,
he seems to have gone north,* and in January the Privy Council ordered
Lord Scrope, Warden of the Western Marches, to take energetic measures
for his arrest, and that of another future martyr, Monford Scott. The
house of his brother, Laurence Boste, of Dufton, was therefore raided,
and so was that of Andrew Hilton (of Burton), who was still in the ward of
the Sheriff of Carlisle. Their papers were seized, as we have heard, and
they were examined upon their knowledge of the martyr, and their
answers are printed below.

Lord Scrope's letter enclosing these examinations, and the other papers
forwarded to London, are reported at some length in the Calendar, and
with it should be read Scrope's undated letter in the Border Calendar,
1 560-1594, p. 91, which belongs to this period, though there conjecturally
assigned to 1582. In it Scrope says that Lancelot Boste's wife had asked
whether Francis Dacre's house at Crogelyinge was to be searched, a
question which he interprets as meaning that John Boste might be there.
Boste had certainly been about Carlisle in December and January, but his
whereabouts was not betrayed at this time, and our next news of him seems
to show that he next worked in Northumberland. "Mr. Mr. (sic) Boste
and Hawette, ii Seminarie priestes, use these parts," says the P.H.W.
about Northumberland. This is the spy of whose sources of information
we have already heard something. His information (Dom. Eliz., clxxv,
n. no) is conjecturally ascribed to the end of 1584.

Thexaminacion of Lancelot Boast gent., taken the sixt daie of

februare 1583 before the right honorable the lord Scrope lord

warden of the west marches, and the right Reverend father the

lord Bisshop of Carlile, by vertue of lettres from the lords of

her maiesties most honorable privie counsaile.

There beinge fownde with this examinate an exhortacion to papistrie

written by William Hart, ¥ and beinge asked howe he came vnto yt,

he answereth that he can not well tell, but he supposeth that yt was

left him by John Boast his brother, together with a booke called The

Discoverie of the Translation, § and saithe that his saide brother was

at his howse abowt three weeks before this examinacion, but knoweth

not where he is at this present.

The saide Hart was executed latelie at Yorke for highe treason
and so this examinate supposeth.

* A spy reported that Boste and Gyrbryte.(Kirkbride), both erroneously called
Jesuits, "haunt Cumberland and Westmorland," and "do much hurte there." The
spy's letter is not signed, and the date, July 1583, is only conjectural {Border Calendar,
1 560-1 594, n. 168.)

^This paper, now same volume, n. 58, iv, is known from the Latin translation
printed in the life of Bd. William Hart {Concertatio, fob \\2.b), where it is headed
"ad afflictos Catholicos," and there is another Latin version in the Westminster
Archives, iii, 229. The English begins: — "As good fathers are wont before their
departures," &c.

§ For this book see above, No. xi,

64 documents relating to February

And for an other exhortation movinge likewise to papistrie fownd
allso with him, he taketh yt to be written with the hand of his saide
brother, and thinketh that yt was left by him with the other exhortacion
and saide booke.*

Beinge examined of the lettre from Richard Hutton [of the xvijth
of, cancelled} written in September withowt yere, he saithe that yt was
written in September 1582, and for the man which is returned in the
same lettre Non est inventus, he saithe yt was his saide brother John
Boast ; but his companion mentioned in the saide lettre to be hanged
at Tiburne he knowethe not who yt was. f

Towchinge an other lettre from the saide Richard Hutton written
allso to this examinate of the date of xxvijth of October withowt yere,
wherin credit is referred to the bearer ;§ beinge asked who that bearer
was, he saith he knoweth not.

An other lettre beinge fownde with him from Andrewe Hilton to
him of the date of the first of November 1582, wherin the saide
Hillton writethe that yt was towld him by his cosine George Rumney
that a Reames testament was left with this examinate for him,U beinge
asked yf he sent the said Hillton the saide testament, he saithe he
did send yt, but by whom he knoweth not.

[Examination of Andrew Hilton.'] On same paper as last.

Andrewe Hilton gent, at the same time examined first towchinge
the pointe of the counselles lettres concerninge him, viz. whither he
did not write in June and Julie was twelvemoneth two lettres to one
William Robinson his cosine. Saithe that he hathe noe cosine called
by that name, neither that he hath written anie lettres to anie suche
effect as is conteined in the saide counselles lettres to anie called
Robinson or anie other.

Towchinge the lettre fownde with him of the xviijth of June withowt
yere,|| he saithe that yt was written unto him from one hopton beinge
then at Buckland in Barksheire with one Mr Nicholas Pulleine vicare
there and vncle to this examinate, who as this examinate saithe is well
acquainted with the saide Hopton, who is a preist as he supposethe.

And beinge demaunded what the good newes were which the saide
Hopton mencioneth in the saide lettre to have received from this
examinate, he saithe they were of the good agreement betweene this
examinate and his saide vncle Mr Nicholas Pulleine and none other.

* See the next number.

•f" This letter is now, same volume, n. 58, viii. It is curious that both the
examiner and the calendarer have misunderstood the passage, and represented Boste
as having been accompanied by one of the martyrs. The passage in the original
runs, "for the man, I returne a non inventus. [This we now know to have been
John Boste.] I se hym not synce the last terme. [Trinity term 1582, ended July 4.]
He, which came in company with him I se at Tyburne hanged, Sec, there is talke
that this terme [he] is returned, as yet it is not certen."

§ This letter is now Ibid. , n. 58, ii.

IT This letter is now Ibid., n. 58, iii.

I; This letter is now Ibid., No. 59, iii, erroneously dated 1584, instead of 1582.
In this letter Hopton sends him news of the martyrdom of "your old friend Mr. Fourd
of Lye"—?'.*. Blessed Thomas Ford. As Ford was Hilton's friend, he may also be
the martyr alluded to by Hilton, see note f ante. And if so, the companion may
have been Hopton.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 65

To the lettre of noe date signed with J. H. he saithe that he received
the same from the above named John Boast abowt a yere and more
sence, * abowt which time he received the Rheames testament from
Bost's mother. Beinge asked who was the messenger mencioned in
the saide lettre, he saithe he knoweth not nor from whence yt was
written.

Beinge demaunde whether he wrote the lettre of the xvijthof September
withowt yere, directed to Tho. Hilton his cosine, f he acknowledged
the lettre to be his and yet written and signed with his name by one
Thomas Sewell then his servant. And saithe that the saide lettre
was written in September was was two yeres, this examinate beinge then
in Norfolk upon his bonde with suerties to returne againe to his warde
at Carlile before Martinmas§ then next followinge. And saith that
the saide Tho : Sewell nowe dwelleth in Norfolke, and latelie served
one Mr Yaxlie of Yaxlie Hall in Suffolke.

Beinge demaunded when he sawe or was in companie with the
aforesaide John Boast, he saithe that in the saide time that he was
abroade upon bonde he met with the saide Boast betweene Mayden
heade and Collbrooke, James Warcop clarke and one beneficed within
a mile and halfe of Norwidge in Norfolke beinge in his companie,
whiche bothe returned backe againe with this examinate to Collbrooke,
where they lodged all night at the signe of the Cocke. And saithe
that the saide Boast at this time rode with a clokbag behinde him,
apparelled in a cloake of ratts color, a white frise Jerkin laide with
blewe lace and in a paire of buffe lether hose. The morrowe after
this examinate rode to London and the saide Boast into Glocester-
sheire. And that within six daies next after this examinate retorninge
from London went from his owne howse beinge the parsonage of
Busket in Barksheire on foote to Leachelaide in Glocestersheire, where
he met with the saide Boast againe beinge in the companie of
one Mr Arthur Cappes at the howse of one John Lee, where they
continued together not above two howers and then the saide Boast
went with this examinate to his saide howse in Busket, where they
remained together three daies. In which time the saide Boast towld
this examinate in the presence of one Willkinson, who at that time
was servant to Mr Robinson nowe provost of the Queenes Colledge
in Oxon, that he served the Lord Muntacute as a servinge man, but
in what place he knoweth not. And then this examinate askinge the
saide Boast for one which he thowght served the saide Lord Muntacute
who was some time servant to his said cosine Yaxlie, the saide Boast
knewe the man well, and saide that he was the said Lord's porter.
And this examinate saith that he asking the saide Boast yf he had
ben beyonde the sea, he answered that he had ben at Dowaie, and
that for avoidinge of daunger he returned into England twoe monethes
before the limitacion of the proclamacion.U

* This is the document printed No. xi above.

f This letter is now Ibid., n. 58, vi. A Thomas Hilton afterwards turned traitor.

§ St. Martin's, 1 1 November.

f Boste left Rheims, April II, 1581. The "Revocation of Students from beyond
the Seas" was ordered not by statute, but by proclamation, dated January 10, [1581 1,
see C.R.S., iv, 2. The students were to return four months after its publication.
There is a copy of this proclamation in the British Museum.

66 documents relating to February

This examinate further saithe that the saide Boast towld him that
he and others were abowt to have had a masse in the howse [of this
exam, here, cancelled} of James Warcop this examinate's cosine, being
beneficed abowt Norwiche as is aforesaide. Which Warcop cominge
suddenlie up into the chamber where the masse showld have ben saide
dysapointed the purpose. And this Examinate thinketh that the saide
Boast was the preist that showld have saide the saide masse for he
knowethe him to be a preist.

Towchinge an other lettre written unto him, signed with D. L. of
the first of October withowt yere, this examinate saithe that the same
was sent him from one Percivall Kirk bride by a boie or a girle of
his : he knoweth, as he saithe, the said Kirkbrid's hand, and that the
saide Kirkbride hath used to signe his lettres unto him with the saide
lettres of D. L.*

Beinge demaunded whither he hathe written anie advertisment to

anie person of the state of Scotland, or hath received anie Scottishe

newes written unto him from anie ther, "f1 he saithe that he neither

certified anie nor received anie him selfe, to his remembrance.

[Here follows, on the same sheet, the examination of James Harington.

The whole is signed}

Jo : Carliolen H. Scrope.

Endorsed. — 6 Febr. 1583. Thexamination of Lancelot Boast taken
by ye L. Scrope & ye B. of Carlisle.

^c This letter is same vol., n. 59, i. It is a curious letter, and one would have
liked to know more about the writer, before giving it entire credence. Lord Scrope,
it is true, abuses him as a strong Papist, which is a compliment so far as it goes, but
it does not go far enough to make us accept all his opinions without further question.
Hilton he upbraids for some exaggeration or other, but does not descend to particulars.
Vet the papers now before us seem to suggest that Kirkbride himself was more guilty
of extravagance than Hilton, for there were found in his house five distinctly
superstitious prognostications about the time "when the mass should last for aye"
(summarised in the Calendar, n. 58, v).

However this may be, the interesting point is that Kirkbride warns Hilton against
Mr. James Laburne, whom some writers have regarded as martyr, while others have
rejected his claims to that title. Kirkbride's letter does not directly affect this
question, for it is evidently written before Laburne's death. The Calendarer, who
has supplied the year 1584, is evidently wrong. It must be 1582. The passage may
be quoted in full.

"Also I meruell verye much that you wyll have any kynde of dealinge with
Mr. Laburne, seynge he is a man distracte & suche a one as hathe no gouernment
of hym selfe, which knoweth not what he doth, neyther howe to fast nor yet to pray,
& [?fore] God, yf this chaunce had not happened, you had receyued from me before
this tyme the hole maner of his disease wrytten at large, with speciall warnynge that
you shoulde have no deal[inge] with hym, but rather to pray unto God for hym. For
that I am perswaded of hym, that those thynges whiche he doth are ... to be accompted
peccata, but rather are to be accompted [? poena] peccati, punishments dewe unto hym
for -ynne ; & so I have hard those which are learned reporte of hym & others in his
case" {Dom. Eliz., Addenda, xxviii, n. 59, i).

In my Acts of English Martyrs, 1891, pp. 212-221, I argued rather strongly in
favour of Layburne's being placed in the same rank as the other martyrs. But my
present feeling is that Bishop Challoner, who refused to put him on the same plane
as the rest (though some had done so before him), was right, and the above extract,
especially when joined to Birket's contemporary letter {Ibid., p. 212), confirms the
justice of Challoner's opinion.

t This refers to the conclusion of No. xi.

I584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 67

These papers tell us so much about Mr. Hilton, that some further notes
concerning him may be of use to the biographer of Boste, who, living
as he did for his flock, could not but be pre-occupied with this friend,
whom the persecutors honoured with the stigma of being "a great Papist,"
"of evil disposition," and "not conforming in matters of religion."

Andrew Hilton — Hylton (so he signs himself), Hilton, or Helton— of
Burton, Warcop parish, Cumberland, "married Alice daughter of John
Aglionby of Carlisle, and by her had issue (1) John, (2) Winifred,
married to Leonard Musgrave of Johnby in Cumberland, (3) Julian,
married to an Irish Lord, and afterwards to a sea captain.

"John, son and heir of Andrew, married Mary dau. and coheiress of
— — Saxton of Byham Hall, Essex, and died about the year 1630"
(Nicholson and Burn, History of Westmorland and Cumberland,
1777,1,611).

At the Summer Assizes for 24 Elizabeth (1582), Andrew Hilton had
to appear, and his name was returned among those of " the princypall
Recusantts convycted in the northe parts," and the return also mentions
his " havyour in Landes and goods." "Andreas Hylton, gen. [valet], in
terris et tenementis, per annum, x1'" (Dom. £liz.,c\v, «-35, i).

His examinations printed above allude to his relations with Nicholas
Pulleyne, Vicar of Buckland, his uncle, and from Hopton the priest's
letter already mentioned, it seems that Pulleyne and he were then
educating or paying for Andrew's son " litle iacke," who is evidently
the same as John Hilton, Andrew's heir. "The vicar," says Hopton,
"will not speak to me, but will give what you require for the boy."
Andrew, or his friends, wanted the boy to go to Oxford, but Hopton
dissuades this, as the boy would have to go to the Protestant church,
and incur "great charges." The passage, though obscure, is worth
quoting.

" For litle iacke, in truth yow wer better let him staye, wher he learneth
some what, & [does] not goe to Ch[urch], as [he would] in Oxon : wher
for his yeres & skill [he is] altogether vnfitte, & yet must goe to church.
For to construe logicke, when of him selve hit shuld be understode,
groweth to great chargs, but not to a grett schollar. What your vncle
hath had of yours, he was constrayned to iumpe so farre with yow, vpon
certaine speach of bargaine betwyxt yow. Looke what satisfaccion yow
require, he will content yow, or els be accountant to you for ye same, for
your boyes findinge." {Dom. Eliz., Add., xxviii, n. 59, iii. The name
Hopton is perhaps an alias, for it does not appear in the Douay lists.)

As these papers fell into the hands of the persecutors, there is reason
to fear that poor " litle iacke" was afterwards brought up a Protestant;
there is, at all events, nothing to show that he in later life continued his
father's fight for his religion. Lord Scrope advised that the latter should
be sent up to London, where he might perhaps be forced to betray the
other Catholics of the neighbourhood. I do not know whether this was
actually done, but I suspect that he and his wife were eventually consigned
to an even more cruel inquisitor— Lord Huntingdon, President of the
Council of the North. The Yorkshire Catholic who wrote in 1595 an
account of the sufferings of his co-religionists, says that Mr. and Mrs.
Hilton were freed upon bond from the house of the pursuivant Outlaw,
in the second week of Advent, 1593 {Collectanea F, in Foley, Records,
iii, 763).

68 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 584

XXIV.

AN EXHORTATION BY BOSTE AGAINST GOING TO

PROTESTANT CHURCHES

n.d. ? 1584

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., Addenda, xxviii, n. 58, viii. Same hand
as No. xi above.

Only one page of this paper is extant; I.H.S. is at the top both of
the front and back. It is alluded to at the beginning of No. xxiii.

Ihs.
[Previous page missing'] & then ys beloved againe of them and
rewarded with great benefits for the same. Contrariwise he that semithe
to be disobedient and ether dothe contrarie to ther wils or els neclectith
that whiche he was tawght plainly and distinctly to doo, is rether a
pretended basterd, then a very child in dede. So that he that strivith
against god or his holy churche or neglectithe the commandement therof,
ys rether to be thowght a depe dissembler or an enemy then a child
of god that ys willing in plaines and trewth to obey the same, [and]
(except he fully repent) justly deservithe the curse of god and his holy
spouse, for that he doth not the thing required of them. And wheras
St. Paule gods blessed apostle moued the Romanes, & in them us,
and by hym his church also biddith take hede of them that maketh
discordes and lettes, not only besides but clerly against that good doctrine
whiche we have all lerned, — if we avoid not the same as muche as we
canne, we here not as children of the churche owght to doo the voice
of ower mother. And seing that now, thanks be to god, these dissen-
tious persons are well knowen & marked on [by] ower elder bretheren,
I mean the auncient doctors of the churche, and also pointed at
plainly by them that yet be lyuinge, and so for ower instruction well
avoided of them. If then we will not doo the like, but quite contrarie
follow these dissenters and ione with them also in companye, and that
in greatest matters of all the religion in the service of ther lewde
churche, what excuse shall we have? Doo we goo with them not
knowinge that we doo evill? No, we know that ther service ys not
of God, for then yt should be one with owers. Dens enim est author
pads, non dissentionis. " God ys not the author of dissention but of
peace." And by his holy church yt ys not taught, for then they coold
prescribe antiquitie, universalitie and consent. The antiquitie therof
ys not grete, for none of their chefe matters ys yet half an hundreth
years old, and yet yt ys not receyved but [in] a few narrow corners,
and that without any consent (optimorum) of the best lerned or
vertuousest sort. Nether haith yt ever ben confirmed with the blood
of holy martirs. And as for generall counsels, from tyme to tyme every
counsell lawfully assembled haithe condemned all [such] enterprises
and doctrines. And that yt ys not of god, if ther were no moore to
say but this it were sufficient, that ther ys no unitie in ther doctrine
of ther religion. The chefe authors therof nether ever agreed [with]
the Catholike Churche in doctrine nether amonge themselves, as longe
since appered, and that with the gretest men of their clarfgy]. Canne
that be of god, where no unitie ys ? How canst thow be in charitie

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 69

when thow art not in unitie? Wher canne god be served wher
ther ys no charitie? This ther religion then, having no unitie, wher
then is charitie? Wher charitie ys not ther ys not god, for "god
ys charitie," Deus charitas est: so that y' religion haithe not god
nether in the author nor in yt. Charitas dei diffusa est in cordibus
nostris per unitatem. Agreing herto St. Augustine saithe Non est
particeps divinae charitatis, qui hostis est unitatis, " He ys not partaker
of gods charitie that ys an enemie of the unitie." This maye anye
man see, except he wilbe blinde of purpose, that ther religion and
doctrine ys without all godly unitie, and if ever yt haithe ben tawght
by holy churche, they canne easely prescribe [sic] who was the first
bishop of that religion, and who the second and third ; and conse-
quently they must derive the matter by succession to ower tyme.
And againe, if they canne shew the first bishop of ther religion and
doctrine, then cann they also shew how we came foorthe from them,
how we forsooke them, who first declined from them, and when and
wher he was, and who after receyved the same, and how yt succeded
to this ower tyme. But as they cann never be able to shew the one,
so am I able to say they can never declare thother. Yet ys the
Catholike Churche able to shew thers by successione, and how they
declined from the same with all the circumstancs and in what matters.
But of owers many have catologes of the bishops' succession since
St. Peter's tyme untill this day, whiche are commen in every mans
hands that haith any skill in lerninge. S* Augustine saith Ecclesia ab
ipso Christo inc/toata, per apostolos provecta, certa successions serie usque
ad haec tcmpora toto terrarum orbe di/atata, "The churche was begunne
from Christ hymself, and caried abroad by the apostles in certeyne
order of succession, and even unto these ower days increased and
shewed to the hole world."

Now wold I faine lerne of the whether thow goest to the churche
to pray or dissemble with that companie theire ? I suppose thow wilst
answer that thow goest to the church. Then I axe, to what churche?
If thow goest to the Catholike, then thow findest suche service and
none other then this xvc [year] haith ben said in the Catholike Churche.
But this canst thow not finde ther. Doost thow goo to summe new
church of late erection, or to summe elder then that whiche ys the
Catholike Churche ? To an elder thow canst not resort, for the religion
therof canbe derived from the apostles tyme. If thow ioinest thyself
with a latter, then Priorem fidem irritant fecisti, " Thy former faithc
thow haist shaken of," and so Damnationem habes. If thow goest to
yt, and haist no minde to yt, wherfore goest thow to yt that dissenteth
from the Catholike? Thow gevest ear to the minister, whose hole
ministerie ys nothing but schisme and dissention. [Rest missing.]

XXV.

LANCASHIRE CATHOLICS BROUGHT BEFORE THE

ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSIONERS

17 January to 14 February, 1584
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxviii, ». 16.

7°

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

February

The names of Such persons against whome wee have proceeded
aswell in a generall Search made in the County of Lancaster
the xvijth of Januarie last as at two Severall sittings holden at
Wigan and Prescot in the County afforesaid the xijth and xiiijth of
this Instant ffebruarie TjSj.

Esquiors and Wyffes of Esquior8.
i William Kirkbye of Rawcliffe

2 Isabell wyffe of the said William

3 Mary Wyffe of William Tatton

4 Alyce wyffe of Thomas Bradeley

5 George Ireland of Lydeat

6 Anne the wyffe of the said George

7 Anne Mafsy of Rixton Wydowe

8 Dorathie Wyffe of William Mafsy of Rixton

9 Mre Carington of Rixton Wydowe

Gentlemen and Gentlewomen,
i Christofer Carne of Halton

2 Katheryne Wyffe of the said Christofer

3 Alexander Barlowe of barlowe

4 Mary Wyffe of the said Alexander

5 Gabriell Lancaster of Prescot

6 Ursula Wyffe of the said Gabriell t Conformed.

7 John Ashton of Bamferlonge

8 James Pemberton of Whiston the younger

9 Katheryne Wyffe of the said James
io Alyce wyffe of James Pemberton thelder

1 1 Anne wyffe of James Browne

12 William hulton of hulton parke the yonger

13 Ellenor Wyffe of Rauffe Slade

14 Mary Gerrard 1 three yonge gentlewomen who

15 Ann Gerrard r had never before bene at the

16 Mary Clyfton J Church

Commen persons.

1 Edward bowman ) e , . f , ,
1T ~ ,, > of hampisfeld

2 Henry Lowell j ^

3 Katheryne Wyffe of John Glover

4 William Tootell

5 Thomas ffarbor

6 Richard Travis

Gentlemen and Gentlewomen.

1 John Leigh of Barlowe

2 Mary Wyffe of the said John

3 Roberte Holland of Clyfton

4 Roberte Holme of Newton

Priestes. Committed.

1 James Bell

2 Richard Hatton

3 Thomas Williamson

4 John Alblaster

5 John Lawe

i5*4

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Committed.

These persons
are bound
for their
appearance.

Commen persons.

1 Henry Jackson. One yl in most despitefull manner

did spitt at the holy Bible when he was
required to laie his hand on the same to
take an oth to be examined

2 John Rushton

3 Henry Grimshawe

Esquiors and Wyffes of Esquiors.

1 Alexander Barlowe of Barlowe

2 William Orrell of Turton

3 Anne wyffe of Thomas Houghton of Houghton

4 Thomas Ashton of Croston

5 Elizabeth Wyffe of the said Thomas

6 Anne wyffe of henry Butler

7 Awdrey wyffe of William Thornborowe

8 Margret Wyffe of George Midleton

Gentlemen and gentlewomen.

1 William Stopfurth of Bispham

2 Blaunch wyffe of the said William

3 Anne the wyffe of Thomas Whittingham

4 Margret Wyffe of William Rushton

5 Elizabeth wyffe of George Houghton

6 Jane wyffe of Richard Eltonhead

7 Elizabeth wyffe of Mathew Travis

H. Derby

W. Cestren
Endorsed. — Feb: 15, 1583. The certificate to the Lords of the
proceedings in the search Januar. 17 and the 2 sittings 120 et 140
februarij.

XXVI.

INFORMATION AGAINST MONFORD SCOTT, AND

CATHOLICS OF NORFOLK AND SUFFOLK

13 March, 1584

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxix, n. 19.

We have already seen signs of the determination of the Government to
arrest Monford Scott; search is made for him first in the north (No. xxiii),
now in London, and, as we shall soon see, also in Norfolk. The amount
of information given by Richard Lacey, if it be all reliable, must have
made life hard both for this future martyr and also for his own brother,
Brian Lacey, who was to suffer in the same cause.

The Confession of Rycharde Lacey of
Brodishe in Norffolk written and taken
the xiijth day of Marche 1583.

Before Sr William First the forsaid Rycharde Sayeth the Satterday next
Heydon knight* and after thende of Hillary Terme last being the xvth
William Blenerhasset day of February last he was at Clerken Well neere
Esq- London in company there with one Bryan Lacy his

brother, and as they passed from thence towardes Islington the said

72 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

Bryan toulde him that one Moundforde Scott a preist had placed the
foresaid Bryan in service with Sir John Arundell knight and said also
thatt the forsaid Moundforde Scott had appointed him the said Bryan
to go downe into Suffolk to the frindes of the said Scott for money,
and thatt he should make as much haist as conveniently he could
into Lincolnshire to Mr. William Yaxley his howse of Boiston, and
there to mete the forsaid Scott, & so the aforsaid Scott and Lacey to
go to Mr. Barnby his place in Yorkeshire, and from Mr. Barnbies to
Mr. Thomas Burton's who was, as he thinketh, my Lord bishoppes
Chancelloure of Durham and dwelleth aboutt Tinsdaill or Ridsdaill
in the borders of Englande next adjoininge to Scotlande, and so frome
thence into Scottlande, & so to passe outt of Scotlande over the seas.

He sayeth also thatt vpon Thursday beinge the xijth day of this
presentt moneth of Marche one John Dover and Robert Hartley did
say vnto this examinate thatt Sir William Haydon and Mr. John
Stubbes coulde not benefitt him any manner of way, & thoughe they
woulde make large & faire promises vnto this examinate yett they
neyther woulde nor coulde performe the same, butt the said Dover
and Hartley said thatt if the forsaid Sir William Haydon and Mr.
Stubbes coulde gett the forsaid Bryan Lacey this examinates brother,
they woulde racke him even till the nayls should starte from his fingers,
and with these and like wordes the forsaid Dover and Hartley did
perswade with this examinate thatt he should nott open any matter to
ye forsaid Sir W. Haydon or Mr. Stubbes within any case which
shoulde towche ye religion of the said Scott or Lacey.

Also he sayeth thatt Bryan Lacey aforsaid tolde him thatt he had
left certeine (Catholike erased) bookes (for so he called them erased)
att one Anthony Bourne's howse of Brome in a Cloke bagge, which
bookes he said came from beyonde the seas since Hallow-masse last,
and also this examinate sayeth thatt he spoke with the said Bourne
vpon Friday last being the vjth day of this presentt moneth of Marche,
who toulde him thatt the foresaide bookes were burnt, but this examinate
is otherwise perswaded, for he sayeth thatt he thinketh the forsaid
bookes do remaine still vnburnt in the howse of the forsaid Bourne.

This examinate also sayeth that Sir Miles Yare parson of Sturson
nere Skole in Suffolk sayeth masse commonly in his parloure Chamber
in his owne howse, and also he sayeth thatt in the said chamber ar
all thinges necessary perteyninge therto.

He sayeth also thatt the forsaid Moundforde Scott hath perswaded
with this examinate that onles he were sworne to the Quene at a
Leatt he might turne to the popishe religion, the said Scott callinge
itt the Catholicke Religion without any offence to the quene, and also
the said Scott toulde this examinate that the pope was Supreme heade
of" the Church of Englande vpon danger of his soule for my soule
\inserted\

He also sayeth thatt the papistes do say thatt my Lorde of
Lecester, Sir William Haydon knight, Sir Charles Fremingham knight,
and Mr. John Stubbes esquier,* are most cruell Tirauntes against all
Catholickes, And further this examinate sayeth that the papists do

* Fur John Stubbs see C.X.S., iv, 25.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 73

curse & banne the afornamed honowrable and worshipfull, yea that
they curse them (if they coulde) even to the devill, sayenge thatt they
are arch-heretickes, and thatt they are a very plague vnto all Catholickes.

He sayeth also thatt the papistes do saye that thei do knowe
whatt is done against them in the Court, & thatt they have theire
secrett frindes there thatt give them knowledge thereof presently, &
thatt my Lord of Lecester is the only man of all other in the Courtt
thatt holdeth with the protestanttes, & whom only in ye Courtt the
papistes do feare, & this examinate sayeth also that the papistes do
say thatt they haue as much favoure in ye Courtt as the Protestantes
haue. Also he sayeth thatt he hath hearde the papistes say thatt they
looke for a golden day, & when the said day shall come he sayeth
that the protestantes shall drinke of the whippe and smerte for this
yeare calling them heretickes butt esspecially they say thatt these arch-
heretickes aforsaid, viz. My Lorde of Lecester, Sir William Haydon,
Sir Charles Fremingham, & Mr. John Stubbes shall then go to the
pott [& be executed cancelled].

This examinate also sayeth thatt the forsaid Scott aboutt 5 yeres
ago att whatt time this examinate dwelt with Mr. Edward Suliarde,
did perswade this examinate to their Catholicke religion, and gave him
a book intituled A notable discourse against heresies, and then this
examinate said thatt he coulde like well of theire religion, butt for
thatt itt was a bloody religion, & their most desier was bloode and
nott mercy, & this examinate sayeth thatt for these wordes he was
putt outt of his said service.

He also sayeth thatt he knoweth one Mr. Vaughan a preist and
one Mr. Dallison somtime a scolmaister at Wederdin hall, but now
by reporte, & as he thinketh a preist, and they resorte to Mr. Edwarde
Suliardes place, to Mr Lyonell Mosse's place of westroppe in Suffolk,
to Mr Barwickes place of Bawton, & to many other places, where they
say masse att any time when they come to any of the said places.

He sayeth also thatt Mr Vaughan is a proper well maid man of
a measurable stature and hath a reade thinne bearde and goeth in
apparell like a [ruffian cancelled] gentleman, and is aboutt the age of
ffortye yeres.

He sayeth also thatt Mr Dallison is a very litle man, and hath a
litle blacke bearde. He is hoven shouldred, hath a soft speache and
goeth in a lyvery like a servinge man, and he is (as he thinketh)
almost ffifty yeres of age and kepes most in Lincolnshire.

Also he sayeth thatt the persons followinge ar ayders and main-
teyners of popishe masse preistes and do geve them both money and
other things necessarye ; namely Mr Edwarde Suliarde and Mr Thomas
Suliarde both of Wederdin, Mr Barwicke of Bawton, Mr Lyonell Mosse
of Westroppe, Mr Robert Mosse of Twetsell, Sr Miles Yare parson of
Sturson, one Glamfeilde of Hawxon, Anthony Bowrne of Frome, Mr
Baxter of Rainsforth Hall and one Lomax of Monkessone [as he
thinketh cancelled] with many others.

Also this examinate sayeth thatt one Mr Godshale and one Mr Moore
and one Marshm ar common cariers of papisticall bookes and letters
from one papist to an other. Richard Lacey.

74 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

This present Satterdaye beinge the [blank in MS.] of Marche my
brother Henrye Lacey tould me that my brother Briane Lacey, my
cosine Skott, and my cosine Charles Radclyffe wer together in Sowth-
warke, and that he went to the Bridge with my brother Briane, but
my brother Briane would not suffer my brother Henrye to go any
further with him and this was sythence the end of the last terme.

Rich. Lacey.

XXVII.

THE MARTYRDOM OF JAMES BELL

April, 1584

Westminster Archives, iii, p. 364; Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, n. 20;
Concertatio, ff. 160^-163^.

The mutual relation of these texts is not perfectly clear, but it would
seem that all are descended from some slightly older Latin text, which
was edited with amended latinity in the Concertatio (=C), and translated
by the writer of the Westminster MS. (=W.). The Stonyhurst writer (=S.)
probably had both the Latin and the English before him, for he some-
times distinctly follows the one, sometimes evidently copies the other.
All the variations between W. and S. for the first two paragraphs are
given, and they show that they are so near to one another that the
further tabulation of minute variants is not necessary, the more important
only are afterwards mentioned. It is not possible to give all the variations
from the Latin of C, such few as are of any importance have been duly
noted.

The Conuersion Apprehension and Martyrdom of the reuerend1
Father James Bell Prieste, martyred at Lancaster 20th day2 of April
anno Christi3 1584.

1. Father James Bell, prieste, hauing conuersed with Heretikes4 said
englishe service and ministred their fewe bare Sacraments nere xxtl
yeares in diuerse places of England,5 accordinge to the Institution of
the English parlament,6 in the yeare of our Lord7 1581, being then
aboue8 thre score yeares of age, and hauinge no benefice at all, nor
any other9 competent condition to Hue vpon, repared into Lancashire,
his natiue cuntrieJ0 and there maide suite to say the english Seruice
at a certayne chappell, without cure of soules, where11 albeit he should
haue but a very smal stipend, yeat he was contented (and desired1'2 to
bestow the remnaunt of his ould yeares cancelled™) therewith and14
(being in part a catholicke), and not minded to serue at any parish
church or15 other place of greatter charge, only desired a poore liuing
for the remnaunt of his ould yeares.16

2. He maid his suite to a gentlewooman whose husband had the
placeing there of a Minister for that purposse. The good gentlewooman

1 the reuerend, S. omits. 2 20th day, S. thexxtie. 3 Christi, S. dni. 4 hauinge...
Heretikes, S. for xx,ie yeares & odde. 5 nere ... England. S. omits. 6 S. inserts but.
7 S. inserts God. 8 then aboue, S. now about. 9any other, S. noe. 10his . . .
cuntrie, 8. where he was borne. lxsay . . . where, S. to be curate in a chappell
that was without a charge and cure of soules, for the which. 12 contented and
desired, S. contented. 1 3 This author's correction shows that the English is trans-
lated from the Latin. The first idea was to follow the order of the Latin exactly,
as a comparison with C, fol. 160, shows. The altered order is the result of a second
thought. 14 remnaunt . . . and, S. rest of his life there. 15and ... or, S. rather
then to serue in any. 16only . . . yeares, S. omits.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 75

being her selfe catholike and hauing pittie and compassion of his
miserable estate in sinne, begane very earnestly and religiously to
dehorte the old man from that vile and wicked kinde of seruice, which
contrarie to his owne sacred function he had so long vsed. She put
him in mind that he was maid Priest to say Masse and to minister
the Sacraments after the catholike vse and manner in the vnitie of
the catholike church. The which he had not only neglected to doe
for xxei yeares more or lesse, to the great daunger of his soule, but had
also exercised the contrarie abominable deuises of Heretikes, with many
good woordes beseeching him to haue better care of his owne soule,
and of the good which he might doe to others, both by his example
and laboure in part of satisfaction for his former euel liffe. By which
christian admonition, though the poore man was not fully at that time
conuerted, yeat by Gods prouidence falling sone sicke immediatly after,
then begane he to consider more effectually of the good counsell
which had beene geuen him. This gentlewooman also visited him in
his sicknes and once agayne exhorted him to remember his state and
vocation, and to resolue him selfe to Hue and die as it became his
holy function.* Which tooke such effect, through God's special grace,
that he fully resolued and presently promised to God to abandon al
hereticall and schismatical actions and proceedings, betaking him selfe
wholly to his priestly function agayne desired most earnestly to haue
a catholike Priest to heare his confession, promising through God's
grace to folowe his direction in al things, and to doe as he should
be appointed. And the same day he was reconciled by a graue and
vertuous Priest, whom the good gentlewooman brought vnto him
within a fewe houres after.

3. Straight after his soule was thus happily cured, his bodie also
recouered his former health, and so he exercised him selfe in the
woorkes of penaunce with al humilitie and diligence, shewing forth
the woorthie fruites thereof. And so soon as he had lerned agayne
to say his Office in the Breuiarie and Masse, and was admitted agayne
(after certayne monthes) to the holy Altare, he was very diligent and
painful amongst poore catholike people, teaching and instructing them
in sounde doctrine and good example of liffe.

4. When he hadd thus truly fedd the poore flocke of Christ by
woord and example, for the space of towe yeares and more, in the
month of Januarij anno 1584, as he was traueling alone and on foote
from one catholikes house to an other, he mett with one of the common
promotoresf or spies. Of whom Mr Bell (thinkinge him to be an
honest man) asked the way to a certayne towne. This naughtie felowe
suspecting forthwith that this good old man was a Priest, begane to
examine him whence he came and whither he would goe. Mr Bell
making a stay to answere to theis questions, the felowe asked him

* to remember . . . function, S. omits, C. introduces a simile of the sheep saving
the shepherd.

f So also W. C. "jQuendam sycophantam obviam habuit ex eorum numero qui
homines de maleficiis suspectos undique perquirunt, & magistratibus sistunt." cf.
C. A. M. Fennell, Stanford Dictionary, sub Promoter, quotes Holland's Transition
of Plutatch, 1600, p. 421— "The sycophant or false promotor."

76 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

what he was, to whom he answered boldly and freely that he was a
Priest. " Wei " quoth the busie felowe, " then thou shalt goe with me,"
and so he went with him without any resistance at al.

5. The promotor brought the old father to a Justice of peace,
before whom he confessed agayne that he was a Priest, but that he
had not liued for manie yeares togeather according to his priestly
function and calling, and that now he was reconciled and was desirous
to say Masse, if he knewe where to haue a place and other things
necessarie for that purposse. He tolde the Justice also, that very lately
he had receiued authoritie to heare confessions and to absolue, and
that the same authoritie came from the Pope. They dealt with him
to goe to the church, which he vtterly refused to doe, lamenting and
asking mercie at god's hand that he had euer sayde or heard their
schismatical seruice. And so was sent to Manchester and there
imprisoned, sometimes in the lothsome dongeon, sometimes in an other
place amongst other Priestes.

6. In prison he was often examined tooching the reconciliation of
him selfe and others, of the Pope's supremacie and authoritie in
England, of the Queens vsurpation of spiritual superioritie, of Pius
quintus bul, of her excommunication* and such like. And for his
resolute and plaine aunsweres was carried to Lancaster at the next
general Sessions in lent folowing, in very rude and barbarous manner,
his armes pinyoned and his leggs bound vnder the horses belly, no
respect had either of his reuerend yeares or sacred vnction. "f There
he was examined agayne before Hudleston and Parker in most of the
same Articles, wherin his felowe martyr John ffinch and other towe
Priestes§ were examined. Of his aunswers in particulare we haue no
certayntie as yeat, but by the conclusion it is manifest that they were
plaine and constant.

7. Vpon Wenesday in the Sise-weeke this vertuous ffather was indicted
and arreigned (with the other three, as hath benne sayde before) for
affirming the Pope of Rome to be head of the catholike church and
that part of that church is in England. He aunswered at the barre
very constantly, so often as he could heare what they said vnto him,
for being something hard of hearing he answered not to somethings at
al because he heard them not, which the Judge and other heretikes
doe suppose to proceed of feare.

8. The other day therefore, after they had first examined John
ffinch at the barre, they called this old man next, thincking verily (as
diuers confessed afterwardes) that he would haue yelded in some thing
or other to their willes for the sauing of his life, nor it is noted to
be an vsual and common practisse of the persecutors (in that cuntrie
especially) to deale but seldome and that very secretly with such as
seme most stout and constant, but to be very busie and importunate
with such as they thinke be weake and frayle, making their aduantage
when such do relent as well for their owne creditt with higher powres,

* of Pius . . . excommunication, C. and S. omit,
'f no . . . vnction, C. and S. omit.
§ and . . . I'riestes, C. and S. omit.

I584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 77

whom they seeke to please and flatter, as also for the ouerthrowe of
other weaklings and the sclaunder of the catholike causse which they so
barbarously persecute. But (God's name be glorified) they were once here
ouereched in their diuilissh pollicie by the mightie operation of the right
hand of the highest who chooseth the weakest things of the worlld to
confound the strong.* For the whole cuntrie knoweth howe this poore
old and impotent man was examined and threatened standing at the
barre amongst theeues and murtherers and what terrible woordes and
captious questions they vsed and proposed vnto him, exaggerating their
crueltie which they ment to vse against him by declaring at large the
manner of execution of Traytores, assuring him to be so handled
except f he would shewe him selfe a good subiect and acknowledge
his fault for extolling the pope's authoritie, and crave mercie and pardon
thereof, discoursing also after their manner what a disloyall thing it is
to be reconciled, to allowe the Pope's authoritie, to denie the Queene
her emperial right and title (for so they call the denying of the quene's
supremacie in spiritual causses). After much such speach they asked
him whether he were reconciled or no. He answering (as he had donne
often before)§ that he was reconciled. "O that is hiegh treason," say
they. " It is nothing elles but the holy Sacrament of penaunce," quoth
he. "Hast thou authoritie to reconcile?" saith one of the Judges.
"I haue authoritie" quoth he, "to absolue from sinnes." "What," quoth
an other, "canst thou forgeue sinnes?" "I,U that I can," saith he, "to
him that will confesse his sinnes and be truly penitent for them." At
this they|| scoffed and made them sport a whyle. " Why," sayd the
ould father unto them, " I forgeve not sinnes by myne owne power,
but in that I am a priest and so have autoritie to absolve from sinnes."
" I marry," say they, " thou hast autoritie from the Pope, but not from
God." And then they laughed and scorned, as though the good ould
man had answered absurdlye ; and would not suffer him to declare his
autoritie more at large. Then the Judge asked him whether the Queene
weare supreame governour in all causes in England, as well ecclesiasticall
as temporall. "Noe,"sayth he; "for she hath not to iudge in spirituall
causes and matters of fayth ; but the Pope is to deale in those matters,
and under him byshops and priests." "Whose part wouldest thow take, if
the Pope or any other by his autoritie should make warres against the
Queene?" "We ought," quoth he, "to take parte with the Church
of God, for the Catholicke religion." " Call the rest," sayth the Judge.
And soe he examined the other two priests of the Supremacie. They
both confessed the Pope to be supreame head of of the Church in earth
and denyed the Queene to have any such preheminence." "Well,"
sayth the Judge, "yow are rancke traytors too, and doe deserve to
be hanged as well as the rest ; for yow denye the the one halfe of her

5(t by the mightie . . . strong, S. omits.

"^exaggerating. . .except, so also C. (but misprints in for iti =■- except), but
S. omits. After this S. follows W. verbatim.

§ C. and S. omit the parenthesis.

f "I"=aye.

|| The Westminster MS. breaks off here with p. 366. What follows is from
Stonyhurst Anglia, i, n. 20, fob 52.

7 8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

Maiestie's right, but these other traytors (meaninge Mr Bell and Fynche)
doe denye her all." These two weare examined noe farther ; for the
Judges had commaundement geven them by counsell (as it is knowne
synce) to execute but two at the most at that syse. This not with
standinge, the Jurie pronounced Thomas Williamson, Richard Hatton,
James Bell priestes and Jhon Fynch guiltie of the crime wherof they
weare all endited. The Judge gave sentence of death first upon John
Fynch and then upon Mr Bell. Uppon the other two priestes he gave
sentence of losse of goodes and perpetuall imprisonment, as in case of
prenmnire for the first tyme of denyinge the Queenes supremacie in
causes spirituall. Father Bell did not understand well which of the
two sentences was geven against him ; but asked of the shrives men,
who repeated his sentence unto him word by word. When he hard
and understoode what it was he thanked God very cherfullye and and
lookinge upon the Judge sayd ; " I beseech yow, my Lord, for the love
of God adde also to your former sentence that my lippes may be
pared and my fingers ends cut of, wherewith I have heretofore sworne
and subscribed to hereticall articles and iniunctions, both against my
conscience and the truth." All that night followinge (which was the
last he had in this life) he bestowed in prayer and meditation, wishinge
(if it pleased God) more tyme to doe penaunce in ; and in very few
woordes exhorted all the condemned prisoners to the Catholicke fayth
and to true repentaunce, desyringe (as hath bene sayd) his fellow
martir Jhon Fynch to instruct them more at large. In the morninge he
reioyced greatly e in God and gave Him thankes for for all His bene-
fites, utteringe these woords, " O blessed day, O the fayrest day that
ever I saw in my life." He desyred a minister that was there, not to
trouble him, " For I will not," quoth he, " beleve thee, nor heare thee
but against my will." When he was taken of the hurdell, they caused
him to looke upon his companion, that was a-quarteringe. When he
saw the hangman pull out his bowels ; " O why," sayth he, " doe I
tarrye soe longe behinde my sweete brother; let me make hast after
him. This is a most happy day." This beinge spoken, he fell to his
devotions, prainge expresslye for all Catholickes and for the conversion
of all heretikes, and soe ended this miserable life most gloriouslye,
committinge his soule to almightie God : where it enioyeth, with the
rest of the blessed sayntes, eternall blysse. Whether, by his prayers,
our Lord bringe us by happy martyrdome ; for Jesus sake, Who is the
kinge of all martirs. Amen.

Endorsed by Perso?is — Apprehention and martyrdome of Father

James Bell 1584.

XXVIII.

THE MARTYRDOM OF JOHN FINCH

20 April, 1584

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, A 1, n. 19.

For the relation of the text to the Latin life printed in the Concertatio,
ff. 164-17 1, see the previous number.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 79

The liffe and martyrdome of Jhon Fynch, martyred at Lancaster
the 20 of April anno 1584.

Jhon Finch, borne of honest and welthye parents in the parish of
Ecleston in the countie of Lancaster, was ever frome his chyldhode
of a curteous and gentle nature. He followed his booke and lerninge
till he was xxli yeres of age ; at which age he lefte the schoole and
went to London to certayne of his cosins siudentes in the Inner Temple,
through whose helpe and direction he sought for to serve some maister,
under whom he might gett both credit and preferment, and also serve
and honour God. But not fynding any to his contentation (for he
was disposed to serve none but such a one as feared and served
God syncerely), he stayed there for the greatest parte of a yere. In
which space he marked and noted, more then ever he had done before,
the diversities of opinions in matters of faith and religion : the dayly
troubles and losses which many men sustayned constantly for the auncient
and catholike religion ; the contynuall mutations and changinges from
Protesteancey to Puritanisme, and from that againe to infynite other
sectes and heresies, with the great differences also of behaviours and
manners which divers religions not only yelded, but also taught and
mayntayned, especially concerninge the observation and violation of holy
feastes, fastes, vowes of chastitie and such like sacred bondes, most
religiously estemed of by all true Catholikes, smalely counted of by
the Protestantes and utterly contemned by the Puritans and Athiests.
By the consideration and wayinge of these thinges and of many other
contrarieties in religion, through the especiall grace of God, he was
moved (as he hymeselfe would often reporte) to thinke more deeply
of the dreadfull day of death and iudgment ; where, as he had lerned,
ignorance in matters of such importaunce should not excuse any man.
And there upon fully resolved with hyme selfe, never for any cause
whatsoever, to transgresse the lawes and customes of the holy catholike
church, by breaking such dayes of fastes and abstinence, as all his
auncesters and forfathers, synce our nation was fyrst christened, had
kept and observed before hyme. And so returned in this mynd home
into his countrey againe.

Shortely after his retorne, by the aduise and counsell of his parents
and frends, he matched in mariadge with a vertuous and modest yonge
woman, with whom he had a good farme and stay to lyve upon, and
was not so drawen thereby to follow the world, but that he remembered
our Saviour's admonition, seekinge first and principally after the kingdom
of heaven, exercisinge and occupyinge hyme selfe much in the former
considerations and in fervent praier, ioyninge thereunto the good in-
structions and godly exhortations of divers Catholikes with whom he
conferred ofte in matters partayninge to soules health, the true fayth
and syncere servinge of God. Fynally he determined and resolved
with hyme selfe to lyve and dye in the Catholike Romain church,
and * procured hymeselfe to be reconciled to the same church.*
After his reconciliation he carefully procured and diligently frequented
the holly masse, Catholike sermons and catechisings. He went ofte
to confession and received the Blessed Sacrament, he exercised much

j|c to ifi underlined,

80 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

prayer and all kind of good workes, making it his most special care
and trade of life for many yeres together to guide and direct Catholike
priests to Catholike men's houses, where hyme selfe also would very
charitablie instruct and perswade the meaner and simpler sort in the
necessary points and articles of the Catholike religion, labouringe by
word and example to wynne sowles from schisme and other synne to
the unitie of the Catholike Church and amendement of life.

By which charitable exercise, the more he pleased God and profited
his [fellow] Christians,* so much the more the heretikes and pervers
persons were moved to malice against him. In so much that, whereas
they might at all tymes when they listed have taken hyme and caried
hyme whither they would, yet deeminge his apprehension alone to be
but a smale revenge and a meane pray, because they knew he litle
feared them or their prisons, they fell to theyr ordinary shifte of crafte
and subteltie, and dealte with a false companion, who had married a
noble man's concubine, to request and desyre this diligent and zealous
man to bringe one or twoe or moe Catholike priests, if he could fynde
them, to a certaine place and church some wiues, "f to heare confessions,
to say Masse, to preach and to conferre with some (as he falsly pre-
tended) which were desyrous to be Cathojikes and to be reconciled.

This blessed man herkened to this request gladly and promised
with all his endevour to satisfie his desyre. But because it was then
the holy tyme of Christmas and all Catholike priestes were fully occupied
in other places, he could gette but one and that was Mr George Ostlife§
seminarie priest, whom he brought to the place appointed, meaninge
after Noeltyde to have brought thither Mr Laurence Jhonson (who
was afterwardes martyred at London 30 Maij anno 1582) and some
others if they should have thought it necessarie. This malicious fellow
and his mates, albeit they would have bene content to have expected
longer for a better pray, yet fearinge belike that none would come
the second tyme, because they found in deed no such matters to be
done as they had pretended, thought it good to sease upon the present
pray [buttie interlined}. So that night they sent a glove to the Earle
of Derbye (which was the token betwyxt them ; the glove being well
knowen unto hyme, because he had given the payre to his love
before) ;1T the which assone as he had received it, the Erie of Darbie
[did] ride to the place hyme selfe in great hast with a few in his
company; and so before day apprehended the good priest and this
blessed man his guide and conductor.

Theis good men were no sooner in hold but the heretikes spread || a
rumour immediatly that Jhon Fynche had betrayed a priest and caused

* MS. reads, his euen christian ; Concertatio, piis hominibus utiliorem se praebuit.

f| A line seems to have fallen out. Concertatio, p. 167, reads, ut . . . sacerdotes
ad diem et locum condictum perduceret, ut mulieribus quibusdam post puerperium
templum repetentibus benedictionem sacerdotalem ex ritu Catholico impertirent,
confessiones acciperent, &c.

§ Concertatio, Osterlifus.

*§ Ibid., p. 165 />, omits the worst insinuation against the earl. Itaque comes
Darbeius, accepta a foemina ilia insidiatrice (cuius supra meminimus) chirotheca (hoc
enim erat inter ipsos struendae fraudis symbolum) noctu conscen-o equo, &c.

This is a correction. The original reading followed the Concertatio, "This
good man was no sqoner in hold but they, Sec"

15^4 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 8 1

hyme to be taken, and that he had also bewrayed to the Earle many
other Catholikes with whom he had conversed and in whose company
he had hearde Masse. And, albeit that very few Catholikes and not
many Protestantes did beleive this malicious lye (because both Fynches
zeale and syncerite and the heretikes customable lyinge and impudencie
were sufficiently knowne in that countrey); yet it was so faced out for
a moneth or twoe, that few durst controule it, though every man almost
knew it to be most false and fayned. And to make this slaunder
more probable, or at the lest to be the longer uncontrowled, they would
not send this holly confesser to any prison, but kept hyme still in the
Earles house, but in such sort that no Catholike or suspected person
was permitted to speake with hyme. And thus dayly they raised and
fathered new slaunders upon hyme ; for what soever they could lerne
by any other meanes or probably coniecture of the Catholikes doings,
they would geve out still that Jhon Fynch had bewrayed and revealed
the same.

Whylest they kept hyme thus in the Earles house, they omitted
no diligence nor arte to pervert hyme and to make hyme betray the
Catholike causse in some pointe or other. Sometymes they would
sett hyme in the stockes, otherwhyles threaten hyme with torments,
often charge hyme with treasons. Then they would put hyme in mynde
of the lacke and misery his wife and familie should sustayne through
his constancie. An other tyme they would promise him great rewardes
and preferment, if he would discover and disclose who were reconciled,
where priests were intertayned, where they sayd Masse; if he would
geve them the names of such priests as he knew, and detect unto
them such Catholikes as he knew did not frequent theyr church ; or
if he would goe to theyr service and sermons hyme selfe; or to say
only that he would goe. And if he would do none of this, yet at
least to suffer them to say so for hyme and not to denye it. For
which sylence only they would have accounted hyme a conformable
man and sett hyme at libertie, with thankes and rewardes.

The earle used often and very vehement perswasions to perswade
hyme to agree to all the forsayde, or at lest to the later pointes ;
and amongest other thinges he would have terrified the poore man,
by laying to his charge that his doings declared hyme to be a traytor
and not a true subiect. "For thou dost," sayth he, "obstinatly dis-
obay her maiesties commaundement and shewest thy selfe to be an
obstinat and rebellious traytor, in that thou refusest to goe to divine
service at her maiesties commaundement." "No," sayd Fynch, "if it
may please your lordshipe, I ame not obstinate, but I deny to goe to
your church, or to any service or sermon, which is not allowed by
the Catholike Church. I am a true subiect for all this ; for the prince
cannot commaunde any subiect to do any thing against the Catholike
religion. In temporall causes I ame most ready to obay her, but to
goe to church is a matter of religion and against my conscience."
"What saiest thou then," quoth the Earle, "is not the Queenes maiestie
supreame head of the church of Ingland and Irland in all causes
both ecclesiasticall and temporall?" "No," sayth Fynch, "for the
Pope's holyness is head of the whole church of God through out

82 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

the world and it is impossible for any woman or layman to be head
of any parte thereof in spiritual causes." The Earle being in a rage
with this answer, in a fury up with his fiste and gave the poore man
a great blow upon the face, addinge thereto many rough and opprobrious
wordes, unfytte and unseemely for a man of that howse and blod ;
all which the holly confessor bare most paciently and gave hyme this
myld answer only. "If your lordship will needes aske me such questions,
I must needes answer them."

This pageant beinge ended, albeit they suppressed it as much as
lay in them, yet it burst out against their willes and was bruted abrod
in most partes of that shyre. They move hyme once againe to goe
to their service, which he refused to doe ; whereupon he was committed
to the new Flette, lately erected for Catholikes, at Manchester. And
whereas he and many others were imprisoned there, for that they would
not goe to their hereticall service and sermons, yet Chaterton the false
bishop of Chester, Worsley the keper and others devised that every
day at dynner tyme a minister should come in and read and expound
a chapiter of their Genevian bible ; so that the Catholike prisoners
should eyther be constrayned to heare hyme or els to losse theyr
dynner, as this good man and some others did very often until he
had instruction and advise from one whom he durst trust and follow
in such doutes of conscience : that, seeing he came to that place
purposly and with intention only to take his meale and repast, and
not to heare heresie eyther read or taught, he might saffly sit still at
the table and eat his meal, especially protestinge there (as he did),
that he abhorred all false translations of Scripture and detested al
hereticall doctrine whatsoever. By this meanes at last, when the heretikes
saw the ministrie and their minister to be so contemned and despised
by the Catholike prisoners, they seased from this table exercise.

This blessed man and divers others which were not able to pay
the great charges of the Fleet, were removed not longe after into a
miserable and lothsome prison, which was made for the porer sort of
Catholikes, the which is termed by the heretikes the Howse of Roges
or of Correction. From thence they caused some of the prisoners
to be drawne by force and streingth of men to the church, such was
their folly or rather malice to torment their body. Which was not
done neyther without their owne great travayle and paine ; for in this
styrre and wrastelinge, this Jhon Fynch, beinge of great streinth and
very unwillinge to be brought to the place which of all other he lothed
most, kepte iiij or v so occupied that they might have done any worke
at whom with greater ease. This they did upon a stomacke against
this man, especially because they sawe hyme most loth to shew any
manner of conformitie or consent to their wicked service and procedings.
They drewe hymee to the church with such fury and barbarous crueltie
as though they had drawne a beast to the slaughter, hallinge hyme
by the heeles through the streetes upon the stones in such sorte that
his head was very sore wounded and all the stones besprinkeled with
his blod. It was a pitifull spectacle to the beholders and much be-
wayled by the people.

To this affliction, insteede of a playster for his sore head, they

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 83

added divers other torments. Fyrst, after this combate, they thrust
hyme into a deepe, darke, cold and stinkinge dongeon, which was in
the myddest of a bridge, there to rest his werye bones upon the
cold and moystye earth and to refresh his spirites with the unholsome
and dankysh ayre.

Secondly they pinched hyme with extreme hunger ; fedinge hyme
on fishdayes with sodden beanes only, and upon other dayes with
smale pecees of beasts lyvers, and they would be suer to geve litle
inough of both. He contynued in this distresse, sometymes whole
weekes and otherwhiles whole monethes together. In so much that
he would often most hartely desyre his keper, for God's sake, that he
might speake with the pseudo bishop, hoping by entreatye to have
obtayned of hyme some release of his miseries. In the ende, after
longe and ernest shut, with promise to his keper, that (if he might
speake with the sayd bishope, he would goe to church) he was brought
to his presence. Where beinge urged upon his promise to go to church,
"I promised," quoth he, "to goe to the church in deed, that I might
thereby come to your speach ; but I ment the Catholike church."
The heretikes were mervellously offended with this answer ; for they
had now geven out a rumour, which was spred both farre and neere,
that Jhon Fynch had yelded to their religion, and so fell into al sortes
of raylinge and vilanous termes against hyme. But he, litle regardinge
their threateninge and barbarous words, requested the false bishop,
that he might speake with hyme alone and aparte from al other
companye. " No," sayth Chaterton, " I will not, except I have one
sword and thou an other." "Why," sayd the poore man, "I meane
no harme to your person. I beseech yow, let me be bound fast to
a post, and so speake with yow." "Nay," sayth this stoute bishope,
"I ame not a frayde of thee; but I will not speake with thee alone,
except I have one sword and thou an other."

In fyne they appoynted certayne men to drawe hyme to church,
as they had done often before. But Fynch seeing them ready to lay
theyr handes upon hyme, chose rather to goe with them quietly then
to put them and hyme selfe to that payne and travaile he had done
before. But shortely after he greatly repented hyme selfe of this, and
was much troubled in conscience therewith ; partely because the
adversaries triumphed over hyme, as though they had gotten some great
victory ; partly by reason of false reportes which were now freely spred
abrode and brought to his eares of his relentinge and referringe hyme
selfe to the queenes lawes; and partely for that in deed he doubted
lest perhaps he had done amisse : for he was ever of a delicat con-
science, and especially at this tyme, beinge kept close from all councel
and conference with Catholikes. By reason of which thinges and
peradventure for some other evil intreatinge, which as yett be not
come to mens knowledge, he fell into great feare and anguish of mynde.
In so much that the heretikes reported, if any man list to believe
them, that he seemed to be in desperation; the certaine truth whereof
no man could ever lerne as yet. This only is most certayne and true
that being brought forth out of the dongeon on day, he desyred to
goe on the backesyd of an howse, as it were to ease hyme, and there

84 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

he lept into a water : to what ende God knoweth ; the heretikes say
that he would have destroied hyme selfe ; others thinke that he did
it for penaunce, for his former suspected offence, for that he went so
quietly and gently with them to ye church. Which is very probable ;
for that, being in the water, he stode still upon his feet, the greatest
parte of his body being in the water, but his head drye and not once
touched with any water at all. And there he contynued still without
movinge, until they drove hyme out with stones, using no other meanes
or violence to gett him out. From thence he was retorned into his
lothsome dongeon and there kept very close and sure. In this meane
whyle the heretikes were so farre from all charitie or confort for his
soule, that they handeled hyme worse then ever they did before, in
shorteninge of his diet and gevinge most rigorous and terrible wordes
and threates : which is a playne demonstration that they ment by such
meanes, if God had not extraordinally [sic] assisted His servaunt with
singular grace, to have driven hyme into the gulf of desperation.

But the more his calamities encreased and the more they grew to
extremities, the more our mercifull God, by His internal and secret
consolation, did supporte and supplye the want of external confort ;
in such sort that His afflicted servaunt thyrsted every day more and
more to dedicat life and blod for God's honor and in ye defence of
ye Catholike fayth. He wished often and prayed fervently, as the
heretikes them selves do reporte, that God would accept of hyme and
make hyme worthye to follow Mr Laborne. And as the general sessions
drew nerer, so he became more confortable and his zeale and desyre
of martyrdome encreased. Especially upon Passion Sunday, which was
the next day before the sessions begane, when he had heard that three
priests were sent to Lancaster, there to be arrayned for religion (which
is now termed treason), he lamented much that he was lefte behinde.
"O Lord," sayth he like an other St. Lawrence, "why do not I goe,
with my deare fathers, to be tryed whether I be a true member of
Christ or no? For God's sake, let me goe after them. Carrye me
to the sessions. Let me also go [? with] after Mr Laborne : I believe
as he did; why ame I not suffered to be tryed as he was?" With
these and other such speaches, he besought his keper to move his
sute; that he might go to Lancaster to the Sisse.

Hereupon he was brought presently before the superintendent, who
examined hyme of many thinges ; and amongest other what he thought
of Pius 5 bull, and whether the Queene were iustly excommunicated
or no. He answered roundely that if Pius 5 had excommunicated
her, she was indeed excommunicated, and that iustly to, as he thought.
When the parliment bishop with others, saw him so emest and so
resolut, being hyme selfe very desyrous to be ridde of this blessed
man (who never honored hyme but much disgraced hyme), contrary
to his former determination had with others his fellow commissioners,
now havinge gotten the consent of one or twoe, resolved to send the
prisoner out of hand to the Sessions, there to be arraigned and tryed.
And so upon Monday in the morninge this happie man was set upon
a bare horse without any saddle, his armes pinioned and his legges
tyed under the horses belly; and so the fyrst night he came to Preston,

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 85

which was xxiiij* myles of. All that night he was sett in a place
called the Kydcotte, beinge a cold, lothsome and stynkinge place, the
which had bene so defiled by certayne dissolut persones that had bene
imprisoned there a litle before, that he could neyther lye nor sytt
downe, but was fayne to stand all night longe till the morninge, without
any slepe or rest [ease cancelled} at all. Assone as the daye appered
he was taken from thence and carried forward in the same manner
as before to Lancaster which was distant xxu myles more. He was
no sonner come thyther, but they shute hyme upe in a very strayte
and uneasye place a parte and severall from all other prisoners. Within
twoe howers after his arryval, havinge as yet gotten neyther sleape
nor meate, he was brought to be examined before Randall Hudelston
and Brian Perker, both iustices of peace and commissioners in causes
ecclesiasticall ; men of all theyr fellowes the most busie, but of leste
accounte and credite. Beinge come unto them he requested to have
some tyme and convenient place to take his natural rest, before he
should answer matters of importaunce, because that both his bodye
and senses were much feebled and distempered with extreame labour
and travaile after his so longe and so close imprisonment and want
of sleepe ; but his request was not graunted. Then he desyred that
he might have the articles (whereunto he should answer), in wrytinge,
and to be allowed penne and paper to writ his answers with his
owne hand ; wherto they willingly graunted. And presently that same
Tewsday in the eveninge they gave hyme the articles, and received
his answer; the summe [copies cancelled} whereof do follow.

Articles proposed to Jhon Fynch, with his answers.

1. Fyrst, whether he had bene beyonde the seas at any tyme, namely
in any of the Pope's seminaries of Englishmen. Answer — "I was
never beyond the seas."

2. Where he had bene and by whom he had bene releived the
last six yeres. Answer — " I have bene in prison three yeres and three
monethes [quarters cancelled} of the syx ; the rest I was with my
mother. And I ought not to revele such as have bestowed any
charitie upon me."

3. What priests know yow, and what be their names; where do
they remayne, and whyther do they resorte ? Answer — " I ame not
bound, neyther is it lawfull [for me cancelled} to answer to this
question."

4. Have yow ever bene conversant with seminarie preests or with
Jesuits? Answer — "I have bene conversant with some seminary priests;
but not with any Jesuist, for which I ame sorry."

5. Are yow reconciled? Answer — "I trust I ame reconciled to
God and to His Church."

6. Have yow hard Masse ; where and how often ? Answer— "I have
hard Masse, I thanke God. I may not tell where, and I cannot tell
how often."

7. What thinke yow of Pius 5 bull of excommunication of the
Queene, and whether is it lawfull or no? Answer— "I have hard

* Concertatio, viginti miliaribus distat.

86 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

sometyme of that bull ; but I know no certentie thereof, therefore I
cannot answer."

8. Do yow take Queene Elizabeth that now raigneth to be the
lawfull queene of this realme or no? Answer — "I take her to be,
and do professe my selfe her subiect."

9. Did the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland with the
rest of theyr associates in the North, take armes and rise lawfully
against the prince or no? Answer — "I know not for what cause they
rose, nor what warrant they had ; and therefore I cannot answer."

10. Do yow take the Queene to be head of the church of Ingland
and Irland or no? Answer — "The Pope's Holynes is head of the
whole Church in earth; and it is impossible that the Queene or any
other woman or layman should be Head of the Church."

11. Whose parte would yow take, if the Pope or any other by his
authoritie should make warres against the Queene for reforminge of
religion? Answer — "If it were fore [the Catholike cancelled} religion;
then would I take parte with the Pope and Catholike Church."

12. Have yow bene perswaded or have yow perswaded any other
to forsake their alleageance to the Queene or no? Answer — "I was
never perswaded, nor perswaded any other."

13. Have yow reconciled any or no? Answer — "I ame not of
that highe vocation to minister that sacrament."

In the ende of his answers he added these wordes : — " Whereas
I, beinge a privat man, may erre in these my answers, I referre my
selfe herein and in all my doings to the iudgment of the Catholike
Romaine Church.

By me Jhon Finch."

Assone as he had delyvered up these answers he was retorned againe
to prison.

The next day beinge Wenesday, three priests : father Thomas
Williamson, father Rychard Hatton, father James Bell and this laye
man Jhon Finch were arraigned and indited, that they had advisedly
and maliciously affirmed the Pope and Bishop of Rome to have
authoritie and iurisdiction in Ingland and to be head of the Catholike
Church and that a parte of that Church is in England, contra formam
statnti in hac parte provisi anno Elizab. i°. The inditement being
read, their answers were required. They all severally, repeating in effect
the same wordes againe, confessed that they so beleived ; but pleaded
" Not Guiltie," because that so to say is no treason.

Upon Thursday they were brought all fower to the barre againe
amongest theves and murtherers. And fyrst of all Jhon Fynch was
further examined by the iudges and vehemently urged concerninge
Pius 5 bull of the queenes excommunication ; what authoritie the Pope
had to depose her; and whose parte he would take, if the Pope or
any by his authoritie should make warres against the queene for the
restoringe of the Romish religion; with such other bloddy questions.
To which he answered very resolutly that he was to follow and obay
whatsoever the Pope should commaund or appointe to be done, for
the reforminge of religion, and that he was to take parte with the

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 87

Catholike Church against whomesoever. After hyme father Bell and
the other twoe were examined at the barre ; and so the Jeurye was
sent out. Who at their retorne, beinge asked their veredict of Jhon
Fynch, answered "Guiltie." Which when the blessed man heard, with
smyling countenaunce he gave God thankes. The Iudge gave sentence
that he should be drawne hanged and quartered, etc.* This sentence
being pronounced, the holy man loking upon the Iudge with a cherfull
countenaunce and lowd voyce sayd ; Benedicam Dominum in omni
tempore, semper laus eius in ore meo, and turninge hyme selfe to
the people added the next verse followinge, In Domino laudabitur
anima mea, audiant mansueti et laetentur. He prayed most most hartely
for the iudge, confessing hyme selfe much beholding unto hyme,
wishinge (if it pleased God) that he knew by what meanes he myght
gaine the iudges soule to God ; and told the shirefes men that he
would gladly take any payne whatsoever to have the iudges soule or
any of theirs also.

After his condemnation he was put in a larger prison together
with father Bell (who was condemned also for ye same cause) amongest
the common prisoners that were condemned for capitall crymes. There,
by God's providence, opportunitie served so well that he confessed hyme
selfe to his fellow Martyr father Bell. When he had done, his owne
brother and divers others of his kinsmen and neighbours came to
hyme to comfort hyme in this his last conflict and affliction ; but
they found hyme so merry in God and so ioyfull of the next dayes
banket (which he expected) that they were all mervelously comforted
and edified by his rare fortitude.

All that nyght, by the advise and consent of father Bell (who, for
age and weakenes was not so able to take paine hyme selfe), he most
ernestly and Christenely exhorted the condemned felons to the Catholike
fayth and true repentaunce ; assuring them and pledging his owne
soule for theirs, that (if they beleved the Catholike fayth and desyred
to be confessed of all theyr synnes, with full purpose of amend-
ment of theyr life and never to synne deadly againe, if they should
lyve longer), that they should most certenly obtayne the kingdom of
Heaven ; though not without some temporall paynes first suffered for
their synnes past. Whereupon some of the prisoners shewed great
signes of hartye repentaunce, and so dyed in great hope of salvation j
though others had not grace to be so happie.

Upon Fryday the xxt[ daye of April 1584, the executioners came
at the accustomed hower. This blessed man most ioyfully byd them
welcome and thanked God for His infynite and innumerable benefyts
(especially for this death, which now he went to receive) J exhorted
all the people to the Catholyke fayth and to good life; and desyred
a minister (who was there to perswad hyme) not to trouble hyme.
"For I ame not," quoth he, "of your religion, neither will I be for
any thinge that yow can say. God geve yow grace to amende." And
so used very few wordes, eyther upon the hurdell or upon the [gallowes
cancelled} ladder ; but contynually occupied hyme selfe in secret prayers

* Concert atio, f. 171, gives the sentence in full.

88 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

and meditation, until by gloriouse martyrdome his blessed soule forsoke
the body and was made partaker of the everlastinge and unspeakable
ioyes.

Endorsed by Father Persons. — The martyrdom of Jhon Finch 1584.

XXIX.

THE EXAMINATION OF GEORGE DOUGLAS

13 August, 1584

Record Office, Dom. Elizabeth, clxxii, n. 65.

We have hitherto known very little about the early life of George
Douglas, the Scottish priest martyred at York on 9th September, 1587,
so little indeed that one cannot conclusively prove that the George Douglas,
who here comes before us, must be identically the same person, though
the indications, which we have, look that way. Two Yorkshire writers have
left us such few details as they could pick up about the stranger, who
only came among them to suffer and die. The one is in Collectanea F,
printed by H. Foley, Records S.J., iii, "]$$ ; the other in Collectanea E, in
Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs, p. 327. They say that he was an " old "
priest {i.e. one ordained before the Seminarists, who at the time of writing
served most English missions), that he had spent some time as a " school-
master " [i.e. as a tutor), that he studied and taught in Flanders. These
details agree well enough with what "this examinate's" answers tell
us of his previous life, and indeed there is nowhere any serious difficulty
in making the identification, whilst it would have been extraordinary
that two Scottish priests of the same Christian and surname, should have
succeeded one another in the same country, at the same period, and have
suffered for the same cause. I therefore treat them as the same person,
though there do remain some doubts. Thus the writer of F "heard"
that Douglas left England "with" Dr. Harding (i.e. about 1560), whereas
"this examinate" was teaching at North Luffenham till about 1574,
when he went abroad (which, however, might be represented as going
"to" Dr. Harding). Again the writer in Collectanea E understood that the
martyr had failed to confess his faith in its entirety until his confinement
in York Castle, whereas "the examinate," though too canny to run un-
necessary dangers, does not seem to have prevaricated on any point of
principle. Perhaps, too, the term "old priest" maybe used explicitly for
" Queen Mary priest," and this would increase our difficulties considerably.

When the House-Boohs and other Records of York have been made
accessible to students, we may hope that further light will be thrown on
this and similar questions.

To the right Honourable Sir Francys Walsingham Knight

principall Secretary to the Quenes Maiesty geve these

with speede.

Maie it please your honour to be advertised that there was at

Glaston in the Cowntie of Rutland apprehended and brought before

us one George Dowglas a Scottishe Prieste (as he saith) apparelled in

course canves doublit and hose, and being demaunded what Pasport

he had, said that he had a Pasport of the Mayor of Dover and that

it was taken awaie from him at Gravesend by a boye in his chamber,

in the night, and being searched we fownd no letters abowt him

whcruppon we sent him over to Apethorp to Sir Walter Mildemay his

honour, who returned him vnto us wishing in his letters that we should

15^4 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 89

staie him untill his Examination in writing might be sent to your
honour And that we might heare from yow. Whervppon we have sent
herinclosed his examinacion desiring yr honours direction how we shall
further proceede in the said Cause.

From Wing the xiijth of August 1584. Humbly yr Honours at
Commandement — Anthony Collie, Sherriffe of the Countie of Rutlande.
Jamys harrington, Kenelme Dygby, R. Smythe, Henry Herendon.

Post note. — Stamforde the xvij daye of Auguste at viij in the night.
Endorsed. — Thexamination of George Douglas, Aug. 1584.
Paper seal. —

[Enclosure]

Rutland. The examynacion of George Dowglas Scott born in Edinburgh
son unto John Dowglas Burgis of Edenburghe taken at Wing
in the County of Rutland the xiijth day of August A°Dn 1584
before us Anthony Collie Esqre High Sheriff of the said county
Sir James harrington Knight, Kenelme Digbie, Roger Smith
& Henry Herenden Esquires, fower of the Justices of the
quenes maiestie for the peace for the said county afsigned.

The said Examinate being apprehended at Glaston in the said county
for travelling without a Passport or license and brought before us,
being examined confefseth as followeth, videlicet That about July last
past he came from Antwarp to Flushing and sailed from Flushing to
Callys for fear of the Spaniards lying besides Graveling and Dunkirk.
And from Calais the same night sailed to Dover, and was by the way
between Flushing and Calais robbed by pirates who robbed the self
same time a boat of Dover laden with rye and other victualls. And
at his landing at Dover one Mr Barnes one of the masters of the
Queens Majestys ships, was there present. And that he went to the
Mayor of Dover and had a Passport to pafs into Scotland either by
sea or by land. And at Gravesend a boy who lay in Chamber with
him stole his doublet and the passport in it, which dublitt a Scotsman
called Gilbert Ruyle dwelling in Gravesend gave him the same night.
And so went to London and there talked with a Schoolmaster called
Mr Monkaster and requested him to get him a passport by that token
that he hath an usher under him which is a Scot. And from London
went to Oxford and there talked with Doctor Omfrey and desired a
pafsport of him and sent a Sadler a Scott dwelling in the same town
to Mr ViceChancellor to procure a pafsport, but could get none. And
from thence came to Northampton and so into Rutland because he
had acquaintance in Rutland having kept a Latin School in North
Luffenham in the said Cowntie about sixteen years last past. Which
upon our own knowledge is true that he hath been there schoolmaster.
And being demanded whether he were Priest or no, he answered that
sithence his going out of Rutland about ten yeres past he was made
Priest at Parys at Notredames Church. And within a quarter of a
year after he was made Priest he went into Flanders and kept school
in divers places there and read Philosophy and Arithmetic & such like.
And now being desirous to pafs into his country was robbed by the

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 584

sea as before he saith. And further he saith that he is known to
Mr Archibald Dowglas son to the Lord of Wittingham in Scotland who
as he saith ys now remayning in London. And that Mr Archibald
Dowglas and this Examynate were brought up Scholars under John
Dowglas Archbishop of Sfc Andrews Uncle to the said Examinate, who
saith he is of the house of Byngedward of the Earl of Anguishe his
house* and desiered of us to have a pafsport.

George Dowglas.

Anthonie Collie Sheriff

Jamys Haryngton

Kenelme Dygby

R. Smythe

Henry Herendon.

XXX.

THE CAROLS OF RICHARD WHITE

1577 to 1584

Llanover MSS., and Cardiff Free Library— Welsh MS. 23, Ph. 2954
(vol. i, p. 255).

Of the witty and courageous martyr Richard Gwynne or White, we
already possess two accounts which are fairly ample. The one in Latin
in Bridgwater's Concertatio Ecclesice Anglicance, 1588, pp. 173-203 ;
the other in English, the contemporary manuscript of which is at St. Beuno's
College, North Wales. It has been printed in The Rambler, i860,
pp. 233-248 and 366-388. The English Life says, "As for his know-
ledge of the Welsh tongue he was inferior to none in his country,
wherein he hath left to posterity some precedent in writing, eternal
monuments of his wit, zeal, virtue and learning" (p. 235).

The following verses, which have been not long since discovered and
identified by Mr. Hobson Matthews, fully justify the biographer's praise.
"Wit, zeal, virtue and learning" are all clearly there; though we, who
cannot read Welsh, must of course forego the most charming part of
the poems. The "zeal" of the writer is inevitably overemphasised in a
literal translation, and even if we imagine the edge taken off some of
the harder sayings by charm of rythm, cleverness of epithet, or the swing
of alliteration (a point which the poet has evidently at heart), we should
still not be able to deny that this spirited Welshman was sometimes
carried into the faults usual to men of his ardent character, and that he
was a good hater as well as a warm lover. The paean over the

-X- Archibald Douglas, called the Parson of Glasgow, one of the murderers of
Darnley, was at this time in exile at the court of Elizabeth. The Archbishop of
St. Andrew's was John Hamilton, not John Douglas ; indeed there was no John
Douglas among the Scottish Bishops of that period. This variation of Hamilton
for Douglas is nevertheless to be noticed, because we find a constant tradition am«ng
the later writers of Catalogues, that about the year 1583 or 1585, a certain N. Hamilton
(N. stands for Nomeh, i.e. Some name or other, as we should say X), a Queen
Mary priest, suffered either at York or Lincoln (see above Table of Catalogues). It
is not impossible that this is a confused report of our martyr.

The Douglases of Bongedward, or Bonjedburgh (two miles north of Jedburgh),
are mentioned not unfrequently in the Registers both of Privy Council and of the
Great Seal, of Scotland for this period, and in particular George "the younger."
Thus indirectly pointing to the existence of a George the elder, such as " this
examinate." We shall see below that some at least of this family were on the side
of Queen Mary and the Catholics.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

assassination of the Prince of Orange was, no doubt, not unnatural
considering the circumstances. It is true that "There has not in Europe
been a dismal man nurtured of old like this man." Both the good and
the bad qualities of the prince were calculated to irritate his opponents
beyond bearing. The hyperbolical praises lavished on his memory were
just what was likely to draw out the exaggerated strictures from this
warm-tempered Welshman. The hypocrisy of persecuting the Catholics
in this country (and White amongst them) because of a political assassina-
tion in Holland, might, with reason, have exasperated him. Nevertheless,
the poem is one which we must now regret, and indeed condemn, for it
is plainly wanting both in forbearance and in good feeling.

It should be added, however, that the other records of the martyr
show that under other circumstances he could be and was both calm
and patient, and even merry under his troubles. Though he had his
moments of weakness, as his biographers declare, he was a very amiable
character, a devoted husband and father, a "teacher of youth," who won
and kept the strong affection of his scholars.

The Carols of Mr. Richard TVJiite were, as I have said, discovered
not long since by Mr. J. Hobson Matthews, and the text, translation and
comments which follow are his, with the exception of some suggestions
and expressions of opinion on obscure passages (of which there are
unfortunately many) by a high authority on old Welsh — Mr. David Lloyd
Thomas, M.A., and they bear his initials. Some further thoughts and
more elaborate suggestions from him will be found in the Appendix. The
translation has been intentionally kept as literal as possible. J. H. P.

Carols I to V are from the Llanover MSS., dated 1670, which is
written in the North Wales dialect. The copyist was William Pugh of
Penrhyn in Lleyn, Carnarvonshire, of good family and a good Catholic,
who died in Monmouthshire in 1680. He had been a captain in the
King's army at Raglan, and practised as a physician, but was a priest
and a monk of the Order of Saint Benedict.

Carol I. [The Church of God is One.]

1 Gwrando gyngor gwr Oth wlad Hear the counsel of a man of thy f

Di ai cay fo yn rhad y Cymro ~, c°untuyi! ■» r 1 n 1 •

,_. r r • 1 ii- 11 Thou shalt have it freely, Cambrian,

Yw fyfyrio or hath* lr gell To meditate upon, from the pathway to
Di a fyddi well oddiwrtho the bower ;

Ni chadd Adda, cynta dyn, Thou wilt be the better for it.

Onid vn Paradwys TJ Adam' £he <jrst man' had

. „ . r ' r But one Paradise ;

Ag vn Eglwys fru, ar frynn, And there is one church, up on a hill,

sydd, lie maer cymyn cymwys. Where is right communion.

Ni roed i Noe vn Hong ond vn, There was given to Noah but one ship)

10 Yw gadw i hun rhag boddi, To save himself from drowning;

Ag vn Ffydd ond vn nid oes And there is no Faith but one;

A hon a roes Duw Cell And God Mosl HiSh eave thaL

Mae achey hon, O lin i lin, Her genealogy, from line to line,.

O Fab Duw Frenin freiniol, From the Son of God, the gracious King,

Yr Hwn ai rhodd ar Beder Sant Who placed her upon Saint Peter

Ag ar ei blant ysprydol. And on his sPiritual chlldren-
* This is possibly the English word ' ' path " gallicised. [D.L.T.]

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

1584

May hi yn amlwg fal yr haul,
A hon ywr ddidrael ddodren,
Er mynd rawg o din y Fall
20 Rhwng y dall ar wybren

Ffydd Cuffredin, rowiog raith,
Mewn tair iaith* may hi tarrio
Mewn cydvndeb ar bob gair
Ag vn Mab Mair ywr Athro.

Dwr a lludvv ag escirn saint
Sydd favvr ei braint ai gwrthiau
Fal i cnyddis ym mhob gwlad
Faint yw rhad y creiriau.

O gwnaeth Luther, glafer glee,
30 Yn dyscu ffrei o newydd
I rioed etto wrthiay da
Miruie a golia yw celwydd.

Nag o gallan brofio chwaith
A dvvyn im rhaith ddiogel
Blannu o Luther hon yw muse
Heb gaffel dusc gan Cythrel.

Os cyttunodd dau yn i muse
Ar bynciau dysc o newydd
Minne fyth i ddwyn ei clod
40 A fynne fod yn drydydd.

Mae nhwy yn gwadur Scryther Ian
Gidai maen gelwydde
Ar Doctoriaid, gidar Saint,
Oedd fawr ei braint ai gwrthie.

Gochel hon a chais y Ffydd,
Rhag bod dy ddydd yn agos
I roi cyfri ar ben brynn,
A meddwl hynn, ddechreunos.

O gofynnir pwy ai cant :
50 Dyn dan warant Iefsu,
Yn dymuno ar Dduw bob dydd,
Ar ddwyn Ffydd i Gymru.

Richard White ai cant.

She is conspicuous as the sun,
And she is dowered beyond price,
Though smoke mounts from Satan's pit,
Between the blind man and the sky.

The Universal Faith, abundantly right,
In three tongues it tarries
In unity on every word,
And the only Son of Mary is the Teacher. v

Water, and ashes, and bones of saints,
Of great privilege and miracles,
Increase it in every land ;
So great is the grace of relics.

If Luther, the cunning flatterer,
Teaching strife anew,
Ever yet wrought good miracles,
I myself would believe his lie.

Or if they can prove, either,
And bring to my sound judgment,
That Luther planted it [the Faith] in

their midst,
Without being taught of the Devil —

If two have agreed in their midst,
On points of new doctrine,
Myself would ever bear their praise,
And be a third [amongst them].

They deny the Holy Writ
With their mean lies,
And the Doctors, with the Saints,
Of great privilege and miracles.

Beware of this and seek the Faith,
Lest thy day be near
To give account on topmost hill ;
And think of this when night shades fall.

If it is asked who sang this :
A man under the protection of Jesus,
Begging of God, every day,
To bring Faith to Cambria.

Richard White sang it.

Carol II. [The Rosary.]

1 Duw a ro yr awen i brudydd o Bryden God grant inspiration to a poet of

I ganmol y Seren Siriol ^ Britain,

A . 1 • 1 t-, To praise the cheering star

A wnaeth lawn dros Eua gynt, Wh£h made amends %x Eve of oldj

An dug m 1 hynt annianol. And brought us to an amazing course.

Pymtheg meddwl yn gyfan yn gwbwl Fifteen thoughts, entire altogether ;
Oi gwybod, mae gobaith mawr inni By knowing them there is to us great
A down ni i wybod Pllaswyr Fair, Let usXie to know the Psalter of Mary,
A hon a gair, yn weddi. And that is got in praying.

* The "three tongues," in which par excellence the Scriptures were preserved,
were Hebrew, Greek, and Latin.

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Pymtheg Pader ir Gwr yn Ei gader, * Fifteen Paters to the Man in His ch
Cadam yw Cddwad mor a thir J Strong is the Saviour of sea and land ;

A deg Aue ar ol pob vn, And ten Aves, after each one,

I Fair i hun a ddwvdir. To Mai7 herself are said-

The next Carol contains a summary of Father Robert Persons' Brief
Discours contayning certayne Reasons why Catholiques refuse to goe
to Church, the introductory letter to which was signed "John Howlet."
It bears date 1580, and must have come out at the end of that year
(C.R.S., ii, p. 28). The "Reasons" are all given by White, but of
course only in brief poetic way. The references to Persons' rare volume
are taken from the copy in the British Museum.

Carol III. [Against going to Protestant Service.]

1 Gwrandewchddatcan,meddwlmaith, Hear a song, a great thought,

Sydd O waith perreryn Which has been made by a pilgrim.

Gwfi a gyrch garchar dwys, I know one who will go to a deep prison,

Cynn mynd i Eglwys Calfyn. Sooner than go to the church of Calvin.

A naw achos gantho sydd, And reasons nine has he>

A rhain y fydd tystiolaeth And these will be witnefs,

I fanegu i chwi paham To show you why

Nad af fo i gam wasanaeth. He win not &° to a w,onS service-

Cynta rhefswm yw haint dun The first reason »J< is the infection to

10 Fal glud y glun y coegni T ., a man' . fl , tn;\ug.htiness

„. , ° . i. P, , \ ° . .. Like a canker in the bone, their

Wrth dy feddwl dug yn dwyll will infest thy mind as a deceit)

I ddwyn dy bwyll ath siommi. To steal thy reason and to cheat thee.

Yr ail yw scandal, neu syrhad, The second§ is scandal, or injury,

A gwae pob gwlad ai caffo And woe to every land which is infected

Hynnu yw achos mawr oth wall This™ ui great cause of thy fault,

Su yn peril i arall syrthio. Which makes another man to fall.

Y trydydd sydd, ragorol nod, The thirdl!" is— a special point,
Dy fod O Ffydd Gatholic, £hat thou art of the Catholic Faith.
/~*1 ..,.„■' , ' .. From their church keep thyself wisely
Oddiwrth 1 Uann, ymgadw yn gall, away,

20 Rhag mynd mewn gwall ddychymu. Lest thou walk into a pitfall.
Od ei dithe yn i muse If thou goest amongst them,

I wrando dusc dy elynnion, To hear the teaching of thy foes,

Dyna arwydd digon clyr That is a sign clear enough,

Nad wyt ti gowyr Gristion. That thou art not a true christian-

Y bedwerydd, ddadyl dwys, The fourth || — a matter for grave

Rhag mynd mewn i eglwys estron, , .debate—

° ^J pv, J ' Against going into an alien church,

Ydyw Scysma, penna hwr, js Schism, chiefest whore

A ddoeth or TwT O Babilon. That came from the Tower of Babylon.

Hf. 'Y Gwr yn Ei gader,' 'The man in his chair.' An ancient bardic phrase to
describe the Almighty.

"fi "The first Reasone — Perill of Infection" (Persons, p. 6).

§ "The second Reason — Scandale" (Ibid., p. 7).

T " Thyrd Reason— Goynge or not goeynge to the Church is now made a signe
distinctive " between Catholic and Protestant. It is in practice accepted as such by
both sides, and therefore to go is accepted as a sign of confessing or denying the
church (Ibid., pp. 15V.-18.)

|| "The Fourth Reason— Schisme " (Ibid., pp. 18-29.)

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

1584

Hon su yn yscar Duw a dun,
30 A gwae bob vn nis gochel,

0 gyttyndeb yr Holl Saint,

Y ddwyn tan ddaint y cythrel.

Y gainc oddiwrtb y prenn a dyrr
Ni wna hi ar furr ond crino,

Ar aelod elo oddiwrth y corph
Ni ddaw mor ymborth iddo.

Os Eglwys Dduw a ddwaid paid,
Mi a wn nad rhaid ond hynny

1 ddfin ffyddlon su yn y bud,
40 A rotho ei frud a gredy.

Y neb ni wrando ar Eglwys Dduw,
Mae hwnnw yn buw yn anghyfion,
Ag ai gwado yn ei fuw

Fo ai cymmer Duw fo yn estron.

Y pymmed peth, heb gydd heb gel,
Pob vn a ddel y\v gwrando,

Mae yn gyfrannog o bob bai
Fal pad fai fo yn athro.
Rhag difsemblio, yw'r chweched peth
50 A drwg ywr areth honno,
Dangos bod yn beth nad wyd,
Fal vn mewn rhwyd yn rhodio.

Rhwng y ddwy stol nid ym dawr,
Maer din ir llawr yn Uithro,
Dau wynebog Duw nis car,
Rhag maint y bar sydd arno.

Gochel hon, ywr seithfed saeth

Su yn gweithio gwaeth nag ange,

Os drwg melltith Dduw in plith,

00 Mae yn ddrvvg i llith ai llyfre.

'Tis she that severs God and man,
And woe to everyone who does not
beware, [AU Saints,

Going from amid the communion of
To filch the fire from the Devil's fangs.

The branch which is cut from the tree,
Doth but shortly wither ;
And the limb that goeth from the body,
Food cometh no more to it.

If the Church of God saith "Forbear,"
I know it needs but that
To a faithful man who is in the world,
Who will give his mind and believe.

He who hears not the Church of God,
He lives unrighteously ;
And he who shall deny her in his living,
God will take him for a stranger.

The fifth things (without hiding,
without concealment),
Everyone who will come to hear them
Is participator in every wrong,
As if he were a teacher.

For fear of difsembling is the sixth
thing, f
And bad is that saying — [are not,
To show yourself to be the thing you
'Tis like a man walking in a net.

Between two stools, if he does not mind,
The man slips to the floor.
God loveth not the double-faced,
For the greatnefs of the wrath which
is on him.
Beware of this, the seventh shaft, §
Which worketh worse than death ;
If bad (is the) curse of God in our

midst,
Bad are their lefsons and their books.

Y Beibl Seisnig sydd chwym chwam, The English Bible is topsy.turvy,

Full of crooked conceits,

Yn llawn o gam ddychmygion,
Ar gwennidog chwannog chwith
Yn llyvvio llith ir llygion.

Am bregethwr, fritt o daliwr,
A fo yn dilior seintie,
Ne riw bedler llesc o radd,
A fettro ladd y Pabe.

Am yr scythyr su yn ben
70 Rhyw sarrig sen ganddeiriog
Nid a honno buth yn Ian,
Nes mynd mewn tan yn ffaglog

Yn lie allor, trestel trist;
Yn lie Christ mae bara,

With the greedy, awkward minister,
Colouring a lefson to the laymen.

For preacher, a slip of a tailor
Who destroys the saints ;
Or any pedlar, feeble of degree,
Who can attack the Popes.

Instead of Scripture, which is chief,
Some surly, angry scoff —
It will never come clean,
Until it goes blazing into a fire

Instead of altar, a sorry trestle ;
Instead of Christ, there's bread ;

*"The fifte Reason — Participation" {Persons, pp. 29-33).
»fi " The Syxth Reason — Dissimulation" (Ibid., pp. 33 v. -42).
§ " The Seventh Reason — Noughty Service,"

1584

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Yn lie offeiriad, cobler crin,
Yn cammy i fin yw fwyta.

Yn Her creirie, tinker tost
Yn gwneuthyr bost oi gnafri ;
Yn Her delwe, gwagedd sal,
80 Ar rhain ni thai moi codi.

Ag fal dymma'n wythfed rann,
Od ei di, yw Han vn amser,
Dy holl grefydd, peth sudd waeth,
I gid it aeth yn ofer.

Mewn scymyndod, gormod gwall,
Ni wyr y dall moi gyflwr,
Ni chaiff dun vn gronyn gras,
Mwy na Syddas Fradwr.

Colli rhinwedd Eglwys Grist,
90 Treigyl trist tragwyddol,
Gwrthod gwrthie gwaed yr Oen,
Ag ynnill poen vffernol.

Collir gerdod, ympryd maith,
A cholli gwaith a gweddi,
A Saith Rinwedd Eglwys Dduw,
Ag yno buw mewn brynti.

Colli cymmyn yr Holl Saint,
A cholli braint awdyrdod
A roes Iefsu Grist i Hun
100I ddun i fadde pechod.

Ag fal dymmar nawfed hawl,
Or sawl ag sydd anffyddlon
Mewn gay grefydd trwyr holl fiid,
Am fynd yng hud ar estron.

Nid a'r Pagan llesc i ddusc
I ymgymmysc ar Iddewon ;
Nid ar Twrc su fab y Fall,
Att y Hall, su Gristion.

Gweision Diawl, ni chyll moi gradd
mDros ddiodde, i lladd ai llosci ;
Tithe yn was ir Gwr an gwnath,
Ei dithe yn waeth na rheini.

O daw gofyn, er lleshad,
Ym mhle i cad y cantor,
Syr Sion Howlet, Brydydd fraeth,
A gwae na wnaeth i gyngor.

Mr Richard White ai cant

Instead of priest, a shrivelled cobbler,
Making crooked his lip to eat it.

Instead of holy things, a miserable
tinker,
Making a boast of his knavery;
Instead of the images, empty niches,
And those it will not pay to put up.

And then there is the eighth part : jJc
If thou go to their church at any time,
Thy whole religion (what is worse)
Has for thee altogether gone in vain.

In excommunication (too great a lofs)
The blind man knows not his own state ;
A man will get not a grain of grace
More than Judas the Traitor.

'Tis to lose the virtue of the Church
(A misfortune sad, eternal), [of Christ
To withstand the wonders of the Blood

of the Lamb,
And to gain the fire infernal ;

To lose charity and long fasts,
And to lose work and prayer,
And the Seven Virtues of the Church

of God.ifi
And there to live in foulnefs.

To lose the communion of All Saints,
And to lose the privilege of authority
Which Jesus Christ Himself did give
To man to pardon sin.

And then there is the ninth argu-
ment^
Derived from those who are unfaithful
In false religion throughout the world,
For they go astray together.

The wretched Pagan will not go to
learn,
To mingle with the Jews ;
The Turk, son of Satan, will not go
To the other who is Christian.
, Servants of the Devil, they will not lose
their degree [i.e. caste], They would
rather suffer themselves to be killed and
burnt. Thou, a servant of the Man who
made us, Thou dost become worse than
those. [tage),

If there comes a question (for advan-
In what place is found the singer —
Sir John Howlet is the fluent Bard,
And pity that his counsel has not been
followed.

Mr Richard White sang it.

*"The Eyght Reason— Loosing the Benefit of Catholique Religion" {Persons,
p. 44 v.).

if An old Welsh phrase for the Seven Sacraments.

§ "Nynth Reason— Example of Infidels and heritikes" {Ibid., p. 52).

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

1584

Carol IV. tTiie Reformation.]

Adda ag Efa ar Neidir fraeth Adam ard E ve^and the smooth-

Ar prerman gwnaeth ni ynjgaethion^^^f^^P^1^ slaveS)

Gabriel, Mary, and Jesus and His Crofs,
These set us free.

Gabriel, Mair ag Iesu a'i Groes

Y rhain a'n rhoes ni yn ryddion.
Dwaid Ave mewn gwir Ffydd,

Llawen fydd yr angylion ;
Yna y crynna'r cythrel coch,
A llawer och i'w galon.
A bregetho yn erbyn Mair
10 Ni cholia'i air a ddwytto,

Y mae hwnnw yn fab i ddiawl,
A lloniad Pawl, tra fynno.

Nid wrth fwyta cig yn ffest
A llenwi'r gest Wenere,
A throi meddwl gida'r gwynt,
Yr aethon gynt yn Seintie.

Nid wrth wisco llowdwr mawr,
A thynnu i lawr eglwysi,
A chyscu yn hir wrth din y drwl,
20 A chanu llol i'r babi.

Gwadu Aberth Crist yn llwyr,
A gwrthod cwyr yn olau,
llosci'r delwe, cablu'r Saint ;
A gostwng braint y gwiliau.

Tincer, pedler, cobler, crydd,
A gwydd oddiwrth y brwyde,
Pibydd, cogydd, cigydd, cog,
Sy'n llowio Hog bregethe

Say Ave in true faith,
Joyful will the angels be.
Then will tremble the red Devil,
With many a groan from his heart.

He who preaches against Mary,
Believe not a word that he may say ;
Such an one is the son of a devil,
And the cheerfulnefs of Paul,* when
he may.

Not by eating flesh speedily,
And filling the paunch on Fridays,
And turning one's opinion with the wind,
Were folk made saints of old.

Not by donning big pantaloons,
And pulling down churches,
And sleeping long by the side of the

couch,
And singing lullabye to the baby.

Denying the Oblation of Christ en-
tirely, And opposing wax for light,
Burning images, speaking evil of the
Saints, And contemning the privilege
of the holy-days.

Tinker, pedlar, cobbler, shoemaker,
And a weaver from the looms,
A piper, a turnspit, a butcher, a cook,
Handle the profit of sermons.

Os da gan arth i baittio wrth bawl, If a bear likes being baited at a pole,

30 Os da gan ddiawl i groesi,
Mae yn dda it tithe wrando i Hath
A myn'd ym mlith i cogni

O daw gofyn pwy wnaeth hyn —
Dyn a fynn fanegu
Na char nai trwst nai trestel prenn,
Dros roddi i ben yw dorry.

Mr Richard White ai cant.

If a devil likes to be blefsed with the

sign of the crofs,
You should like to hear their talk
And go amongst their empty chattering.

If there comes a question who made
this — A man who wills to show That he
loves neither their noise nor their trestle
of wood, But would rather allow his
head to be cut off.

Mr. Richard White sang it.

The following Carol describes the well-known sequel to the trial of the
Oxford bookseller, Roland Jenks, at the Oxford Assizes, 5 July, 1577.
After he had received the barbarous sentence of having- his ears cut off
for selling Catholic books, there was an outbreak of gaol-fever, which
attacked the Lord Chief Baron Bell, about half the members of the Bar
then present, and numbers of the bystanders and neighbours, and carried
them off in very few hours. See below, p. 139, Challoner, Missionary
Priests, vol. i, Introd., p. 12.

* I would suggest that "Pawl" is a scribe's error for "Sawl," and that lloniad
is used ironically. The reference would then be to the witch of Endor. [D.L.T.]

i584

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

Carol V.
1 Angau su yn y Sefsiwn Mawr,
A swrn ar lawr Rhudychen ;
Fo ddug bym cant dan i raw,
I yrru braw yw berchen.

Cythrel ffyrnig, safnog swrth,
A bachey wrth ei gynffon ;
Hwn sydd waeth nar Ystys Bel,
A fu yma yn hel tylodion.

O grud Iefsu, hud y groes,
10 Nid oedd i oes o ond penyd ;
Iawnyn ninnay fynd ar i 61
I gael tragwyddol fowyd.

Gwnawn yn penyd, tra fon buw,
Ni ai cawn o yn Dduw trigarog ;
Ef an gelwiff, ni bernhawn,
Ag yno i cawn yn cyflog.

Dan y Bigael rhaid in fod,
Cyn cael y cymmod cymwys ;
Mewn cytyndeb Duw ar Saint,
20 Fal dyna fraint yr Eglwys.

Llei bur gwenith, llawn ywr gwyg,
Yn Hog, mae Hug yn darllen ;
Cymmer dithe gyngor call,
A nad ir dall dy arwen.

Dithe ddwydi : Mi a yn i muse
I gymryd dusc o rywbeth ;
Mi ochelar peth sudd ddrwg,
Rhag mynd mewn gwg ag affaeth.

O bydd nadroedd, garw i rhith,
80 Ag yn i plith lysowen,
Od ei di yw dal a ddwylo noeth,
Nid wyt na doeth na chymen.

Gwell it fyned, peth sydd fwy,
Ym muse y clwy gwahanol,
Na mynd vnwaith yn ei muse
I geisio dusc ysprydol.

Os wrth ei ffrwyth i adweinir prenn,
Mae yn sal y senn er es ennyd ;
O dei di geisio frigs ar ddrain,
40 Nid wyt lain nag ynfud.

Os da pesweh ir hen wrach,
Os da bach ir pyscod,
Os da du rew hanner ha,
Mae nwythe yn dda i cydwybod

O daw gofyn pwy ai cant,
Athro plant o Gymro
Sydd yn cymryd carchar beth,
Yn buw mewn gobeth etto.

[Death at the Oxford Assizes.]
Death is at the Great Sefsion,
And his fetlock on the ground of Oxford ;
Five hundred have been brought under

his spade,
To strike terror into their owner. jJc

A fierce devil, of fell jaws,
With hooks on his tail ;
He is worse than Judge Bell,
Who has been here persecuting poor
people.
From Jesu's cradle to His Crofs,
His life was naught but penance ;
Just it is for us to walk in His foot-
steps,
To gain eternal life.

Let us do our penance whiles we live;
We shall find Him a merciful God ;
He will call us, we shall be judged,
And then we shall obtain our reward.

Under the Shepherd must we be,
Ere we can gain our proper peace,
In the unity of God and the Saints,
For such is the privilege of the Church.

Where the wheat was, full is the vetch ;
For lucre a layman is reading.
Take thou counsel wise,
And let not the blind lead thee.

Thousayest: "I will go amongst them

To take knowledge of something ;

I will avoid the thing which is evil,

Lest I go my way under disfavour and
frowns."
If there are adders, of fierce aspect,

And in their midst an eel,

If thou goest to take hold of it with
bare hands,

Neither wise nor commendable art thou.
It were better for thee to go (what
is more)

Amidst the plague,

Than to go once into their midst

To seek spiritual knowledge.
If by its fruits a tree is known

(The taunt is a poor one for a moment);

If thou goest to seek figs upon thorn-
trees,

Thou art nothing lefs than a fool.

If a cough is good for an old crone,
If a hook is good for the fish,
If a black frost is good at midsummer,
Those people have a good conscience.

If there comes a question who sang
it—
A Cambrian teacher of children,
Who is undergoing imprisonment,
Yet lives in hope.

* The allusion seems to be to the Queen, or the Protestant leaders. [D.L.T.]

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

1584

Cowydd Marwnad yn llawn cabledd

ir prins 0 Orens.
1 Tydi Orens tew daeredd
da gan bawb dy gau n y bedd
Ti yrraist draw in tristau
tydi weithian taw dithau

pan glywais o drais adrodd
araith imi wrth y modd
mi genais nid oedais daith
Te dewm tua dwywaith

dyn a gwn da iawn ei go
10 ai lladdodd wellwell iddo
oer fegin a yrr fygiad
gwyddiad dyn mae 'go oedd ei dad

gyrru heb serch Anherchion
a dyn a fydd dan ei fon
fon dyn oi din dan adur
distrewi dwst ir awyr

ai ben ir rhiw buan yrhydd
paff oi flaen pwff flonydd
Llycheden mewn llwch ydoedd

20 yn gyrru °i Aaen garw floedd

lie discynno tro trais
taer gigle tyrr y goglais
Chwistrell yn daenell o dan
o ryw dwll a red allan

rhyw fellten oer gethrengau
a phawl ing a phel Angau
ni cherdd vn cam heb framu
ni phaid er dim o phovvdwr du

goreu rhaith fu gwaith y gwr
:i0 vn roi dyrnod ir darniwr
Golias gwael fu ei awydd
a las gynt oi luaws gudd

Corr a las fel cawr yw lu
o lias hwn mae'n lies hynny
lies goleu lias y gelyn
llwydded Duw fu r lladdiad hyn

Haw dduw gwyn yn llwyddo gwir
ydyw discyniad dysc enwir
discynnodd eu dysc vnwaith
40 mewn poeneu rhoed eu pen rhaith

drwg y gedy drwy gydias
Dylie wawd diawl ei was
or wlad isaf ryfelwr
ir isaf ei gyd fo roes y gwr

Funeral Ode, full of reproach of the
Prince of Orange.

Thou Orange, fat (and) tedious,
Everyone is glad that thou art enclosed

in the grave.
Thou drivedst yonder to sadden us ;
Do thou thyself now be silent.

When under opprefsion I heard
A speech recited to me which pleased

me,
I sang aloud (I did not wait)
Te Deurn about twice.

A man with a gun (very good [was]
his understanding)
Slew him (well done to him !).
A cold bellows will drive a smoking.
(Be it known that his father was a smith.)

To send salutations without love
A man there shall be under the stock.
A stock tight at its bottom under the

breach
Sneezing dust to the air,

And its head to the slope ; Quick will
it give
A lump from before it, a puff of trouble.
It was a lightning flash in dust,
Driving before it a harsh shout.

Where it [the bullet] alighted, there
was a time of oppression.
(? Quick it heaps up flesh for tickling)
A syringe squirting forth fire,
From a sort of hole it runs out

Like lightning, cold spikes,
And a narrow pole, and a ball of death.
It will not walk one step without ex-
ploding, [powder.
It will not cease for any black [? magic]

According to best judgment was the
man's work, Giving a blow to the [?]
breaker-in-pieces. Goliath (vile was his
eagernefs) Was slain of old amid his
manifold coverings, sfs

A dwarf has been slain, like the giant
his host, If this man has been slain, that
is an advantage,
It is a bright benefit that the enemy has

been slain ;
God's prospering was that slaying,

It is the hand of the Blefsed God
prospering the True.
It is called the descent of learning.
Their learning descended once;
Their Sovereign was put in pains, f1

Thou wilt keep evil through the
junction, The Devil owes a panegyric
to his servant. The warrior from the
Low Countries, This man was given
to the lowest of all —

* The allusion is to Goliath's body being hidden in armour.

f The reference may be to the fall of Satan, or to Luther the Heresiarch. [D.L.T.]

1584

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

lie mae Luther cerfer cig
ai swm advvyth somedig
He mae vffern Hem affaith
am lysu'r gwir laswyr goeth

He mae Baram oil heb oeri
50 A Bel hwnt yn ei bol hi
lie mae Ridley llwm yw'r adladd
yn y su ei groes isa gradd

lie mae Juel ai ffel ffau
ai goel Addysc gelwyddau
He mae Salbri'n sorri n surr
ar trwyn slwt y translatiwr

lle'r a'r lhvynog difiog ei don
ai gau nifer genafon
lie ra Goodman i dramwy
60 i ddilio mant na ddel mwy

lie ra ffwlk yn lhvyr i ffo
fol di orffwys fel y darffo
lie ra Dafydd lied yfwr
ap Howel goch apla gwr

lle'r evvch i gyd trwmfyd tro
oni mendiwch in mundo
a'r gwr caeth ar garre ci
dan Beilad yn din Baili

o chae Orens ni cherir
70 mewn poene tan penyd hir
ni bu'n Europ yn oerwr
ar faeth gynt o fath y gwr

od oes ei fath diswydd fo

llwyddiant i r neb ai lladdo.

Mr white.

Where Luther is, that carver of flesh,
And his sum of disappointed mischief ;
Where Hell is, the sharp effect
Of rejecting the true pure psalter ;

Where Barham is, all without cooling,

And Bell* far off in its [».<r. Hell's] belly;

Where Ridley J is, bare is the aftermath,

[?] In the hifsing his crofs of lowest

degree ;

Where Jewel§ is, and his crafty den,
And his belief, a doctrine of lies ;
Where Salisbury is, chafing sourly,
The dirty-nosed translator ;

Whither the Fox will go, of ferocious
tone, And his false number of mifsion-
aries ; Whither Goodman H will go to
walk about, To work (his) jawbone let
him come no more ;

Whither Ffulk will go, in full retreat,
An endlefs belly as he finished.
Whither David will go, the copious
drinker, [prudent man.

Son of Howel the red, || the more
Whither you will all go (a hard fate),
Unlefs you mend in mundo.
And the captive bound with the

[?] thongs of a dog,
Under Pilate in the court of a bailiff. J
If thou shalt get Orange, he will not
be loved,
In pains of fire a long penance, [man,
There has not been in Europe a dismal
Nurtured of old, like this man.

If such there be, may he be without
office ;
Success to the man who shall kill him.
Mr White.

* Sir Robert Bell, Lord Chief Baron, and Sergeant N. Barham, who were struck
down at the Oxford Assizes mentioned above.

^ Ridley and his cross appear to refer to Bishop Nicholas Ridley, but the
meaning is obscure.

§ The reference to Bishop Jewel is clear, and Salbri seems to mean William
Salisbury, who translated the New Testament into Welsh. But he was still living,
so that one would have expected bydd, "will be," not mae, "is."

IT John Foxe, the martyrologist, and Gabriel Goodman, Dean of Westminster,
who assisted the translation of the Welsh Bible. The latter had taken part in the
persecution of White (Rambler, p. 236).

il William Fulke, the Puritan divine, who disputed with Campion, and David
Powell, the historian.

I Ci, "the dog," is a name for the devil, and the allusion would be to sinners,
but the meaning, especially that of last line, remains obscure. [D.L.T.]

IOO

documents relating to December

XXXI.

INDICTMENTS AT NORWICH OF THOSE WHO RECEIVED
BLEST BEADS FROM MONFORD SCOTT

5 Dec, 1584
Record Office, Coram Rege Roll 26, 27 Elizabeth, Michaelmas.
Crown side, rot. 3. Formularies repeated at full length in the roll.

[Abstract]

Indictment found on Friday, April 24th, 26 Elizabeth, at the Gaol
delivery of the Guildhall of Norwich, before the Commissioners and Judges
of the commission of oyer and terminer, viz. that Mumford Scott, late of
the above city, cleric, on 1st June, 24 Elizabeth {i.e. 1582), brought into
this realm, that is to Norwich, from the See of Rome, one " orbiculus
consecratus," called in English "a hallowed beade," and afterwards on
the 20th of June gave and delivered the same to John Nedeham, vintner
in the same city, with the intention that the said John should carry and
use the same in contempt of the Queen, and in contempt of the Act of
Parliament of the 2nd of April of the 13th year of the present Queen.
Also that the said John Nedeham, on the said first of June, knowingly,
&c, received the said bead, &c. Also on the same Friday, at the same
Gaol delivery, the Jury found that the said Munford Scott [as before]
brought into the country a hallowed bead, on the 1st of October, 24 Eliza-
beth, and gave it, on the 20th day of January, 25 Elizabeth (1583), to
Robert Dunne of the same city, mason [&c, as be/ore].

Also that a person unknown brought in a bead on the 1st of
September, 25 Elizabeth, and on the 27th of September, 25 Elizabeth,
gave it to James Haber, vintner [&c, as before].

Venire for trial awarded, and writ to sheriff to bring up prisoners.

Saturday next after the i8t/i of St. Martin {i.e. 5th December),
Robert Dunne and Dorothy his wife and James Haber appear and render
themselves prisoners, and are committed to the Marshal.

Asked how they will be tried, they severally produce their pardons
under the great seal, dated 17th November, 1584, under condition of
finding securities for good behaviour. They are released.

Adhuc de Termino Sti. Michelis : Regina

Alias Scilicet die veneris vicesimo quarto die Aprilis
Ovitas Norwici : ss. Anno regni dne Elizabeth nunc Regine Anglie
per indictamentum . • ° , . ... . P ~ ., *? ,

xxvi E.R. vicesimo sexto ad deliberacionem goale Guihalde

civitatis predicte de prisonariis in ea existentibus ea
vice deliberandis ibidem tentam, coram honorabili viro Henrico domino
Cromwell, Thoma Gawdye, milite, uno justiciario domine Regine ad
placita coram ipsa tenenda assignato, Francisco Wyndham uno Justi-
ciario suorum de Banco, Willelmo Heydon milite, maiore Civitatis
Norwicensis pro tempore existente, Francisco Gawdye seruiente ad
legem, Edwardo Flowerdewe seruiente ad legem, Nathaniele Bacon
Armigero et aliis Commissariis et Justiciariis dicte domine Regine,
virtute et aucthoritate literarum patentium ipsius domine Regine
eis et aliis directarum ad inquirendum &c. de quibusdam pro-
dicionibus &c. et ad audiendum et terminandum assign[atis] — per
sacramentum xiicim juratorum extitit presentatum quod Munfordus
Scott nuper de dicta Ciuitate, Clericus, primo die junii, Anno regni
dne Elizabeth Regine nunc Anglie &c. vicesimo quarto, intulit in hoc

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS lol

regnum Anglie, videlicet apud Ciuitatem predictara a sede Romana
unum orbiculum consecratum, Anglice vocatum a hallowed beade, et
postea videlicet vicesimo die Junii anno vicesimo quarto predicto apud
Norvvicum predictam in Com. ciuitatis predicte, tradidit et deliberauit
predictum orbiculum Johanni Nedeham de ciuitate predicta vintner,
adtunc et adhuc subditus dicte dne Regine, ea intencione quod idem
Johannes dictum orbiculum gereret et uteretur, in contemptu dicte
domine Regine, & contra formam statuti in parliamento dicte domine
Regine nunc secundo die Aprilis anno regni sui decimo tercio apud
Westmonasterium in hoc casu editi et prouisi ; et contra pacem dicte
domine Regine &c. Et quod predictus Johannes Nedeham, sciens
predictum Munfordum Scott predicto primo die junii Anno vicesimo
quarto supradicto in hoc regnum Anglie, videlicet apud Norwicum
predictum in Com ciuitatis predicte, predictum orbiculum consecratum
a sede Romana predicta sic vt prefertur intulisse, postea videlicet dicto
vicesimo die junii anno predicto apud ciuitatem predictam de predicto
Munfordo Scotto predictum orbiculum consecratum recepit et acceptavit
ea intentione ad ilium orbiculum gerendum et vtendum in contemptu
dicte domine Regine &c. et contra formam statuti predicti et contra
pacem domine Regine &c.

Item alias Scilicet dicto die veneris vicesimo quarto
Civitas Norwici ^je Aprilis Anno vicesimo sexto supradicto ad delibe-
anni'xxv^E R Um raci°nem gaole Guihalde, civitatis praedicte, coram
prefatis commissionariis et justiciariis per sacramentum
x}jcim juratorum predictorum similiter extitit presentatum quod Mun-
fordus Scott nuper de dicta civitate Clericus primo die Octobris Anno
regni dne Elizabeth Regine nunc Anglie vicesimo quarto intulit . . .
orbiculum consecratum . . . et postea videlicet vicesimo die Januarii Anno
vicesimo quinto &c. tradidit et deliberavit predictum orbiculum consecra-
tum Roberto Dunne de civitate predicta, mason, &c. [exactly as before].

Item Alias Scilicet [as before, rot. 30 v] extitit
Civitas Norwici presentatum quod Munfordus Scott, . . . primo die
xxvi1 E.R.' Decembris anno regni . . . vicesimo sexto intulit . . .

orbiculum &c. . . . et postea videlicet decimo tercio
die Decembris anno vicesimo sexto . . . tradidit & deliberavit predic-
tum orbiculum consecratum Dorothee Dunne modo vxori Roberti
Dunne &c. [at full length as before].

Item Alias Scilicet dicto die veneris vigesimo quarto
Civitas Norwici die Aprilis . . . extitit presentatum quod quedam persona
£ri E.R. ignota primo die Septembris, Anno Regni Elizabeth

. . . vicesimo quinto . . . intulit vnum orbiculum . . . et
postea videlicet septimo die Septembris, anno vicesimo quinto . . .
tradidit ac deliberavit predictum orbiculum consecratum Jacobo Haber
de civitate Norwici vyntener &c. [as before].

Que quidem seperalia Jndictamenta domina Regina nunc coram

ea postea certis de causis venir. fee. terminand Per quod precept

fuit vicecomiti quod non omitt &c. quin attach, eos ad respon-

dend &c. Et modo scilicet die Sabbati proximo post xviij Sti

Martini isto eodem termino coram dna Regina apud Westmonasterium
venerunt predicti, Robertus Dunne et Dorothea uxor eius et Jacobus

102 documents relating to December

Haber in propriis personis suis, et reddiderunt se prisone Marreschalli
Marescalcie dne Regine coram ipsa regina occonibus predictis. Qui
committuntur prefato (?) marreschallo &c.

Et statim de premissis eis et eorum omnibus superius seperatim
impositis seperatim alloquuntur qualiter se velint inde acquietari,
seperatim dicunt, quod dicta domina Regina nunc de gratia sua speciali
ac ex certa scientia et mero motu suis literis suis patentibus pardonavit

remisit et relaxavit eisdem Roberto, Dorothee [Jacobo] [Propterea]

. . . proferunt hie in curia Robertus, Dorothea, Jacobus litteras patentes
predictas premissa testificantes, que sequuntur in hec verba.

Elizabeth dei gratia &c. omnibus &c. cum Robertus Dunne
^Robert Dunne's indictment is here recited verbatim, then that of
Dorothy Dunne, then that af John Nedeham, then that of Margareta
Nedeham, uxor dicti Johannis, in the same form as the others, but
" Munford Scott intulit the hallowed bead die primo Octobris et postea
die decimo quinto Octobris et decimo tertio die Decembris tradidit
et deliberavit duos orbiculos," to the said Margaret — then the indict-
ment of Haber as before — and the pardon of all] ita tamen quod
stent nomina eorum racordata in curia nostra, et ita quod iidem
Robertus, Dorothea, Margareta, Jacobus bonam et sufficientem securi-
tatem inveniant iuxta formam Statuti anni tertii Eduardi regis tertii
de se bene gerendi . . . teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium, vicesimo
septimo die novembris, anno vicesimo Septimo.

Et ita Robertus Dorothea et Jacobus eant et quilibet eorum eat
inde sine die etc.

XXXII.

THE BANISHMENT OF PRIESTS

20 December, 1584, to 29 May, 1586

Record Office, Doni. Eliz., clxxv, n. 38 ; holograph, and Declared
Accounts, Pipe Office, 542.

After the assassination of the Prince of Orange, 10 July, 1584, a
notable change came over the character of the persecution. The murder
was a disgraceful crime, which, however, had been promoted by Spain,
the great Catholic power. Of course everybody knew even in those days
that assassination could not be permitted, but an excuse was found in
this way. The prince was born a subject to the King of Spain, and it
was his violence which now prevented ordinary legal measures being
taken against him, wherefore, said the politicians, he must be dealt with
extra judicially. The crime in its results was disastrous, not only to
the cause of Spain, but also to Spain's co-religionists, and especially to
the English Catholics. The English politicians raised the cry that
Elizabeth was in danger of a fate like that of the prince, though in
truth her life was never for a minute in peril. The country responded
with enthusiasm, but, alas ! religious animosities were also excited to the
utmost. A new parliament was elected, which passed the laws known
as those of the 27th year of Elizabeth, making it high treason for
priests ordained by jurisdiction derived from Rome to enter England,
and there were proportionate punishments for all who entertained them.
This legislation marks the highest pitch of cruelty reached by the
persecution. So grim and thorough was the method, that priests in
prison were to be banished, in order that if they returned, proceedings

1584 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

103

under the new act might be taken against them. In the following
paper we see Elizabeth personally urging on the execution of the decree
of banishment. The Royal Commission of which mention is here made
is extant (Dom. Eliz., clxxvi, n. 9), but it bears date 15 January, 1585.
The more important paragraphs have been printed in H. Foley,
Records S.f., iii, 288. Twenty priests were banished accordingly: —
John Hart, Edward Rishton, William Tedder, Samuel Conyers, Arthur
Pitts, William Warmyngton, Richard Slacke, William Hartley, Richard
Norris, William Deane, William Bishop, Robert Nutter, Thomas Stephen-
son, John Collyton, Christopher Thompson, Thomas Worthington, John
Barnes and William Smyth ; also Fathers Jaspar Heywood and James
Bosgrave, of the Society of Jesus, and a gentleman, Mr. Henry Orton.

Though all are described as Jesuits, only Heywood and Bosgrave
had been enrolled in the Society, though one or two others, Hart and
Stephenson, afterwards joined. Hartley, Deane and Nutter were after-
wards Martyrs ; Worthington became President of Douay College.

On the 28th of February an account of their sufferings was sent by
Doctor Allen to Rome {Letters of Cardinal Allen, p. 248). Another
account is given by Edward Rishton at the end of the third book which
he added to Nicholas Sander's De Schistnate Anglicano {English
Translation, ed. D. Lewis (1877), pp. 326-331). Dr. Worthington also
commemorates the event in his various Catalogues of the Martyrs.

Eleven of these exiles had been prisoners in the Tower, and were
"dismissed" from thence on the 21st of January {C.R.S., iii, 18). On
the 28th of February, and again on the 15th of July and 22nd of November,
1585, and finally on the 29th of May, 1586, various payments for the
transport of the priests were made by Privy Council warrants. We do
not know the days of the various shipments, and these payments are
of course long after date. The Douay Diaries (p. 13) records the fact
of twenty-two priests being sent from York in September, with thirty
more from London, as well as two laymen. But only twenty-four names
out of the seventy-two priests are there given. (See also p. 193.)

(0
Thomas Wylkes to Sir Francis Walsingham

May it please your Honour, I had only conference with Mr. Attorney
General and delivered unto him the several minutes drawn by me for
the conveying away of the Jesuits, praying him according to such
direction as I received from the Lords to confer with the Lords Chief
Justices and others, and upon view of the commission to set down in
what sort those warrants were to be made, and what course were fyttest
to be held in the execution of the commission, according to the contents
of the same, wherein I required him that all expedition might be used,
for that her Majestie had been earnest with your honour and the Lords
for the dispatch thereof: and this is as much as I can report thereof
unto your Honour and so I take my leave most humbly this xxth of
December 1=584. Your honours most bounden

Tho. Wylkes.

Addressed.— -To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham,
Knight, Principal Secretary to the Queen's Majesty.
Endorsed. — 1584, 20 Dec. From Mr Wylkes.

io4

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

(ii)

Payments by the Treasurer of the Chamber
(Rot. 67a.)

To William Bowll one of the ordinary yeomen of her Majesty's
chamber and Anthony Hall citizen and skinner of London upon the
Council's warrant dated at Somerset House ult° Feb. 1584 being
appointed and authorised by the Lords of her Majesty's privy Council
to have the charge of the conducting and transporting of certain Jesuits
and seminary Priests out of this realm into the parts of Normandy in
France in consideration of their charges and travail in that service — xu.
(Rot. 69*.)

To John Hart of Dover in the county of Kent Mariner upon a
warrant signed by Mr. Vicechamberlain and mr Secretary Walsingham
dated at Greenwich xv° Julii 1585 for his pains being employed as pilot
in the Transporting over of such Jesuits Seminaries and Mass priests as
were banished and sent over under the charge of William Bowll one of
the yeomen of the guard, and Anthony Hall the space of xij days — xls.
(Rot. 79.)

To Robert Ashburnham and Edward Bell upon the Council's
Warrant dated at Richmond xxij0 Novem. 1585 for conveying into the
parts of Normandy (by direction given by the Lords of the Privy
Council to the Lord President and Council at York) xxtieij Seminary
priests which were imprisoned at Hull and York, and by her Majesty's
commandment banished the Realm, which priests they received and
landed at Newhaven in Normandy, in performing whereof they em-
ployed their travail by the space of five weeks for the transporting
of the said xxtleij Seminary Priests and for their own expences and
diets with other charges disbursed in the said service as by certificate
appeareth — lijH.*
(Rot. 81.)

To Anthony Hall and Thomas Stocker upon the Councils
warrant dated at Greenwich xxix0 Maii, for transporting into the parts
of Normandy certain Jesuits and Seminary Priests banished out of
the Realm by order from the Queen's Majesty, wherein they have
disbursed more than was imprest unto them, as [by] their particular
accounts appeareth, viz. as well for their said surplusage as for other
their pains and travail in that service, — xiiijH.

XXXIII.

REPORT TO THE COUNCIL ON CATHOLIC PRISONERS

BY TOPCLIFFE AND OTHERS

18 March, 1585

British Museum, Lansdovvne MSS., clvii, f. 167. Draft, with insertions
by Topcliffe, which are below printed in italics.

It does not appear that the inquisition here described decided the

fate of any Martyr in particular, but it is very interesting because of

* On the same day Ashburnham obtained £10 for bringing a prisoner from
York to be tried for high treason.

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

I°5

the important part played in it by "the bloody question" — Will the
prisoners fight against the Pope ?

For the import of this question, and the consequences of not answering
according to the liking of Elizabeth's courtiers, see Dom Bede Camm,
Lives of the English Martyrs (1905), xxxiv-xxxvi ; J. Morris, Life of
Father John Gerard (1880,225,226; The Month (Nov., 1904), civ, p. 514;
Acts of English Martyrs, pp. 78-81, 113, 267, 297, 301 ; Allen, Modest
Defence (1584), p. 62, &c.

Of the prisoners in question, Edward Shelley and Thomas Webley
were subsequently martyred. William Wigges is to be distinguished from
another priest of the same name who was martyred in 1588. The priest
here mentioned seems to have been an M.A. of St. John's College,
Oxford, who died not in 1588 as was erroneously reported, but at Wisbeach
some time after the year 1596 (J. Morris, Troubles, ii, 235-237. See also
C.R.S., ii, 239, and T. G. Law, Jesicits and Seculars, p. 136). Hyde
had been arrested at Highgate by Newall and Worsely before 16 February,
1585 (Record Office, Treasurer of Chamber, Declared Accounts, Pipe
Office, 542, m. 66), and from the same source we learn that Christopher
Tailby had been arrested by the same pair of pursuivants before the
26th of January. The Prison Lists, in C.R.S., vol. ii, mention them and
William Bennet frequently. From the same Lists it appears that [William]
Crab, who we see here yielding to go to church, was afterwards arrested
trying to fly the realm, and committed to prison again. But eventually,
in order it would seem to provide room for those who were to be
arrested in connection with Babington, he was released again (C.R..S.,
ii, 242, 244, 251, 254). His name does not appear in the Douay Diaries,
so it may be a pseudonym.

[A draft of a letter to the Lords concerning the Seminary
Priests, &c. 18th March, 1584.]

Our humble duties done to your good Lordships, may it please
the same to be advertised, that wee have (with as greate care and
diligence as wee might) examined of late divers Seminarie priests,
recusants and dispersers of traiterous bookes, and others of the same
kinde with whom (howsoever it is perchaunce other wise reported) we
have proceaded with as great favoure as possiblie we might. For wee
have reexamined moste of them hoping to winne them, and manie of
them thrice examined, in confidence to doe them good : but every
one of them, savinge only Crab at the last tyme for his going to the
Church onely, th' oftener examined the more froward and pervers.

In which examinacions wee have not dealt with them concerning
any point of religion whereof to take advauntage or to encrease the
straitenes of their imprisonment, neither have committed any of them
to close prison, but such only as uppon our consciences we knowe
unworthy to live under her Maiesties protection. Of which sort are
Christopher Tailby and William Bennett priests, Leonard Hide and
William Wiggs Seminary Priests. Rafe Emmerson, Edward Shelley
and Thomas Weblie dispersers of traiterous bookes. Eche one of them
being so farre from acknowledging theire former faultes, that being
demaunded whether the pope hath done well in excommunicating her
Maiesty, in pronouncing her noe lawfull Queene, in discharging her
Subiects from theire obedience to her, in moving them to take amies
against her, and thereuppon being offered theire othe, theire answers

106 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

are, they will not sweare, or els they will not answer, or els they
knowe not.

And being further demaunded whose part theie would take, if
any Saunders, Erie of Westmerland, or the like, authorised by the
Pope, should by force assaile her Maiestie or her dominions, they
answer that they would take part with the Catholickes, or els when
the time cometh, then they will tell us, and most of them denye or
refuse to Sweare yt they bee Queene Elizabeths lawfull or trew subiects.
Of all which wee have thought good to certifie your Lordships to
th' end that, knowing of our proceedings with them, you maie in your
godly wisedomes consider [oppose cancelled^ the truth hereof certified
under our handes against th' untruth of such libellers and supplicationers,
who albeit theie speak faier, yet they seeme to carrie fowle and traiterous
harts, and if they hurt not, it is not for want of will to attempt it,
but for lacke of force to accomplish it. So redy to serve at your
honors commandments, we cease for this tyme to trouble your Lordships.
At the Gilde Haule.

Endorsed by Dr. J. Caesar. — A draught of a letter to the LI.
concerning the Seminary Prests, etc. i8° Martij, 1584.

XXXIV.

ARTICLES FOR ALFIELD AND ROE

30 March, 1585

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxix, n. 42. Walsingham's autograph.

The articles deal with the broad political questions of the time. The
Protestant party, in their boundless dislike and distrust of Catholics,
thought it good policy to keep up the cry of danger from a " Papal
league" of Catholic princes. The object of this paper is to elicit in-
formation in support of that policy. It is now plain that no such league
was ever formed or even decided upon, but there had been talk of
an alliance between Spain, Scotland, Lorraine and the Pope, in the years
1582 and 1584 (C.E.S., ii, 30; iv, 60, in. Letters of Cardinal Allen,
xxxyi, lxiv, &c). But everything then turned on the King of Scots, and
as it was uncertain whether he was really master of his kingdom, and
which side he would have taken if he were so, nothing could be decided.

On the 10th of June, 1584, the Duke of Anjou, heir to the French
crown, died, and the next in the line of succession was the Huguenot,
Henri of Navarre. Catholic France would not accept such a one as
king, and a renewal of the religious wars in France thus became inevitable,
and in them the Duke of Guise would be opposed to his sovereign. The
first six articles refer to this state of affairs, and especially to the
revival of La Sainte Ligae, amongst Frenchmen for the preservation of
Catholicism.

Article 7, regarding Morgan and Paget, was presumably occasioned
by the plot of Dr. Parry, who had been executed the month before.
Elizabeth was then intensely keen on obtaining evidence against Morgan.

The eighth article on the " repaire " of the Bishop of Ross to Scotland,
appears to be born of those erroneous informations with which Walsingham's
spies supplied him so liberally. The Bishop of Ross did not leave France
at this period, but he had talked of going, and his secretary, Patrick
Adye, together with Father William Crichton, S.J., had been arrested

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 107

on their way to Scotland and were now in the Tower. This explains
Walsingham's desire for news about them. On Father Holt, see C.R.S.,
iv, 92.

It is unlikely that either Alfield or Roe could have answered these
questions. Allen, in a letter to the Nuntio in Paris, expressly states that
the former was not acquainted with the plans of the party (Letters, p. 226).
The explanation of his being questioned in this manner was presumably
the dishonourable trick played upon him by John, afterwards Sir John,
Davis the great explorer. As a ruse in the warfare of piracy maintained
against Spain, Davis pretended to be disgusted at the base employment
put upon him by the English Government, and through Alfield proposed
to Dr. Allen that he should fill his ships with Catholic sailors, and take
service under the Pope or King of Spain against the Turk or other
enemies. Allen sent Alfield to the Nuntio at Paris (20 March, 1584),
and the matter was referred to Rome (2 April). The Pope accepted
Alfield and Allen's letters as signs of Davis's bona fides, but did not
desire his services (23 April), which, however, might be offered (it was
suggested) to Spain (Cardinal Allen's Letters, pp.226, 228, 422, 423).
This was apparently the end of the intrigue so far as regarded Davis's
attempts to trick the Catholic powers. His treachery was more successful
in hunting to death the priest on whose good nature he had too successfully
imposed, as will be seen below.

Of this intrigue with Davis, Anthony Tyrrell heard something, and it
is instructive to compare the first-hand papers printed in Cardinal
Allen's Letters (ut supra), with his characteristically exaggerated
version which is found in his Fourth Declaration, Record Office,
Mary Queen of Scots, xix, 81, § 1.

" In October last was 7 months [i.e. 1585] Aufield, a notorious traitor,
then living, informed D. A[llen] and ye D. of G[uise] that he had corrupted
one Davies, as I take it a western man, that was in great credit with
the Council with [Sir] F. W[alsingham], and should have had committed
to his charge three of her Majesty's best ships for the annoyance of
the K. of S[pain]. His intent and purpose was to have had one of the
best ships of the three to be manned with men of trust, such as would
willingly condescend unto anything that he would. The other two, of
whom he would make no account, should be taken at an advantage and
fired or else spoiled. With the other he would to the service either of
the D. of Guise or of the K. of S[pain]. This practice Aufield made
Fortescue [Ballard] privy unto, and should have been made acquainted
with Davies at the Marshalseas, who was accounted a fellow so politic
and deep of dissimulation, that of the Council, who thought to employ
him, he was without all suspicion. But more of this matter I never
heard, for A[ufield] the principal agent came over with A[llen's] books
and was hanged."

On Christopher Roe, called Thomas in the endorsement, and also in
the Calendar, see the Tower Bills (C.R.S., iv, 19, 20). He seems to
have been released on the 4th of August, 1585.

xxxth Marche, 1584
Articles to be mynstred vnto Tho. Avfelde and Roe

1. Whether they were made acquaynted with the cause of the
Duke of Gwyses takyng of Armes, &c, ageynst the Frenche K[yng],
by whom he is set on, and for what purpose he hathe taken them.

2. What partye they have hearde that the sayd Duke shoold have
within the realme of Fraunce, and what lykelyhod there is y he
shoold prevayle.

108 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

3. Whether they have not hearde that the D. of Gwyse after he
hath gotten his purpose in Fraunce shall be imployed eyther in
Scoteland or England.

4. Whether they have not charge from the ynglyshe Catholykes
in France to put the catholykes in England in hope of delyveraunce
by the Duke of Gwyse with the assistaunce of the Pope and the
King of Spayne.

5. Whether they doe not knowe or have hearde that there is a
plott layde for the depryving of the K. of Navar, of his Successyon.

6. Whether they do think or knowe that the Frenche King hathe
any secreat intellygence with the Duke of Gwyse.

7. What practyce they have ben made acquaynted withall for
the delyverye of the Scottish Queen and whether he had no speeche
with Tho. Morgan or Charles Paget for that purpose.

8. What plot they knowe hathe ben layd for the changing of
relygyon in Scotland, and what is the cause of the Bishop of Rosses
repayre thither, and what opynion they have of the scot K's relygyon.

9. Whether they be acquaynted with Creyton the Jesuiste, and
what was the cause of his repayre into Scotlande.

10. Whether they know not Howlt the Jesuiste, where he now is,
and when they last hearde from him, and, n, what intellygence hathe
passed between them towching the proceadings in Scoteland, and
whether the sayd Howlt hath put them in compfort of the K[ing]
of Scotts revolte in relygyon or any of the nobylytye of that realme.

Endorsed. — [i] Articles to be ministred to Tho. Rowe March
1583 {sic), [ij] Interrogatories for Aulfilde.

XXXV.

THE EXAMINATIONS OF EDMUND REYNOLDS
AND OF JOHN BARBER

1 May, 1585

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxviii, 72.36.

These papers show that a new line has been taken in the examination
of Alfield, the articles printed in the last section having- presumably led
to nothing. It appears from the third answer that certain informations
had been given to the Vice-Chancellor, but what they were does not
appear.

John Barber's story is somewhat confused; he is evidently very anxious
to excuse himself. But what a picture of the times ! A vice-chancellor
searching in a privy to recover Allen's admirable work, in order that he
may burn it publicly in the streets. A fitting manifestation of the moral
degradation and shameless violence which characterised the prosecution
of this Martyr.

The examinacon of Mr. Edmunde Raynoldes, taken by

D. Underhill Vicechancellor of the University of oxford the

first of Maye 1585.

1. First the said Edmunde Raynolds beinge examined wheather

he knewe one Alfeilde of Gloucester, he confessethe that he knowethe

Alfeilde the schoolmaisters sonne, and that he had bene in his company

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS I09

twise, once v or vj yeare since, and the last tyme was betwixt Midsomer
& Michaelmas last in oxford.

2. Item the said Rainoldes beinge examined wheather he received
anie books of the said Alfeilde, and of what names they weare, saythe
that he received ij books, the one against the execucon of Justice, the
other against Whittakers, &c, latelie made by this examynate his brother
William Raynolds. And he further saithe that the said Alfeild delivered
those twoe foresaid bookes unto him from his said brother as sent
vnto this examynate, and saithe that he payed nothinge for them.

3. Item this examynate being demaunded whether he ever received
any other books then those aforesaid of any other, or dothe knowe
if the said Alfeilde delivered any suche books to any other man in
oxford, or to any other elswheare. He utterlie denyethe that ever he
received any others then those aforesayde, and saythe that he is not
privie of any delivery to anie others. And as for a dosen bookes to
be delivered to this examynate by the sayd Alfeild or to any other
for him, he saythe it is a great untruthe and cannot be prooved.

4. Item the sayd examynate beinge asked what he dyd with those
ij foresayd bookes, saythe that he burned that against the execucon
of Justice, and the other he hathe in his owne Custody.

John Barber examyned saith as followethe

That he received a tronke with certayne bookes therin directed
unto him by a superscription, as he thinks from Mr. Awlfeild, to be
conveyed to Gloucester, and that he opened the same Tronke, and saw
therin one booke agaynst the execucon, and shutt the Tronke agayne
and carried it to on Joyners howse, and so it was sent (as he thinkethe)
to Gloucester. Hee saythe he never did see any bookes delivered by
the sayd Awlfeild to the sayd Mr. Reynolds, or to any others and
that his wyffe opened the Chest as she wrytes and conveyed the
bookes into a Privye wheare by the sayd vicechancellor's meanes
they weare fownd, and after burned in the open strete, the sayd
examinate saythe that he knowethe not whear his wiffe lyethe or
remaynethe. Jo. Underhill Vicechar oxon.

Addressed. — To the Right honorable Sr Frauncis Walsingham
Secretary to her Maiestie and one of her Maiestie's most honorabe
privie Counsell.

Endorsed. — 1585. Thexamination of Edmond Reynolds.

XXXVI.

THE ARREST OF THOMAS HOLFORD

18 and 23 May, 1585

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxviii, n.67.

The reader is already acquainted with William Chaderton, the
Protestant Bishop of Chester. His victim this time is Thomas Holford,
a native of Cheshire, who had been ordained at Laon (below Lahounde)
on the 7th of April, 1583, and had returned on the 4th of May (Douay
Diaries, 194, 195). The bishop had examined him with rigour, and
records one of his answers, which is wanting in the Martyr's written
replies, that "either Tyburn or Boughton shall have his carcase,"
i.e. he was ready to suffer in London (but there were other Tyburns else-

HO DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

where), or at Great Boughton, two miles east of Chester. To London
he was sent, but escaped after a remarkable adventure from his conductors,
who had got drunk. The story is told in Mr. Davis's Relation concerning
Mr. Thomas Holford, but the narrator is in error, as we see, in putting
the escape after the Babington plot. There is an early copy (1626) in
the Westminster Archives, vol. iv, n. 1, and a copy in Alban Butler's
papers at Oscott, p. 342. Challoner has printed it entire. But in my
edition, 1874, p. 122, line 35, after "what lack you, gentlemen," insert,
"a shoeing horn"? "Yea," said he. The tapster showed him a horn
tied to a string. But the tapster being gone, &c. &c. Also in line 38,
to " the little lane into Gray's-Inn-fields," add, "which I think is called
Turning lane." See also J. Morris, Troubles, ii, 54, 58, 60.

The Bishop of Chester to the Earl of Derby
Righte Honourable, my verey Singuler good lord my humble duty
remembred. I do right hartely thanke you for both those yr Lordships
most honoured letters of the 6 and 8 of this Instant mervaylinge
greatly howe some (of whome your Lordship wrytethe) are become
so presumptuous, and withal beinge most joy-full of my dear good
frend the Lord Chamberlayne his advancement to that place of trust
and Servyce* wyshynge with all my harte and dayly prayinge God to
move her Maiestie your lordship may succede hym, beinge as well
qualyfyed to discharge that place, as you have bene thoughte very
well to deserve yt. I am fully perswaded her Maiestie ys so gracyous
a lady, that she will not send your Lordship home into your country
unrewarded.

The Comifsyon was never more needfull, for the Contrey is full of
Semynaryes, and the people are bolde and contemptuous. Of late
Mr Sherif and Mr Lyversage being at the Nant Wyche apprehended
one Holforde a Semynary, and exaymined hym, but he wolde not
confesse any matter of importaunce, notwithstandynge because he was
suspycyous they sent hym to Chester, where I examyned hym, with
the Assystaunce of all the Justyces of peace present at this last
Quarter Sefsyons (for I durst not deale by Commifsyon) and he con-
fefsed hym self to have bene made priest in Fraunce, and to have
come over purposely to perswade her Maiesties subiectes to the
Catholyque faythe of the Churche of Rome saying that he will not
departe the Realme, but that ether Tyburne, or Boughton, shall have
his Carcase, nether will he be perswaded by any meanes to the con-
trarye, whereupon we have committed him as a traytor to close prison,
etc. If your Lordship thinke good, you may advertise my Lords of
hym, for he knowethe muche, but will nether take othe, nor utter any
thynge. I send yr Lordship Inclosed his examination and description
and so for this tyme with most humble Commendacions commyt your
Lordship to the Almighty Who longe kepe yr Lordship with muche
healthe, and honor in his feare and her Maiesties most gracyous favor.

Chester this 23 of May 1585.
Yr Lordships most bounden afsured and faythefull poore frend
alwayes to commaund to my deathe.

W. Cestren.

$ Charles Lord Howard's promotion to be Lord Admiral.

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS III

Truly Mr Sherif and Mr Lyversage deserve great Commendacion
for there Servyce.

Addressed. — To the righte honorable my verey singular good Lord
the Earl of Derby one of her Maiesties most honble Pryvye Counsell,
at the Courte hast these.

Endorsed. — 230 May 1585. BishP of Chester to the Earl of Derby.

1. Obstinacy of Holford a Seminary priest.

2. Necefsety of renuing ye Ecclesiastical Commifsion.

[Enclosure]

Maij 1 8° Anno Regni Domine Elizabethe Anglie Regine xxvij0
coram Reverendo in Christo patre Willelmo Cestrensi Epo, Hugone
Cholmondley, Rowland Standley, Georgio Calveley militibus et aliis
Justiciariis Domine Regine ad pacem servandam in Comitatu
Cestrensi, &c.

Thomas Holford of the age of xliiijtie yeares being examyned,
&c. . . . answerethe, that he was made a Canonicall Preist, according
to the order of the Churche of Rome, viz. of the Catholique Churche
at a place called Lahounde in France, but by what Bishop he knowethe
not. Moreover the saide Holford being examyned for what cause he
returned over into England, &c, answeareth, he came over into England
of purpose to perswade the people to the Catholique faith of the
Churche of Rome, and to minister the Sacraments, according to the
use thereof which he hath done now by the space of ij yeares last
past, for so long it ys since his last coming into England. Last of
all being demaunded whether he wold conforme him self to her
maiesties Lawes, and come to the Churche, &c. . . . he answeareth
that he will not, for that yt is against his conscience.

W. C.

The said Holford, is a tall, blacke, fatte, stronge man, the crowne
of his head balde, his beard marquezated,* his apparrell was a blacke
cloake, with murrey Lace, * open at the sholders, a strawe couloured
fustion dublet laide on with red Lace, the buttons red, cut and laide
under with redd Tafeta, ash coloured hose, laid on with byllmit§ lace,
cut and laid under with blacke tafeta, A little blacke hatte lyned with
veluet in the brymms, a falling band, II and yealow knitted stocks.

W. C.

Endorsed. — Examination of Tho : Holford Seminary Priest.

* Marquezated— " all shaven except the mustachoes " (Murray's Dictionary, vi,
p. 180).

^ Murrey lace — i.e. of mulberry, dark red colour.

§Byllmit— See Murray's Dictionary under "Biliment." This word is an
abbreviation of "habiliment," and signifies "that which is worn on clotnes,
"trimming."

|| A falling band— A collar of cambric falling on the shoulders, as opposed to
a ruff, which stood out.

112 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO June

XXXVII.

RECORD OF THE TRANSFER OF ALFIELD TO NEWGATE

[14 June, 1585]
Record Office, Controlment Roll, 2j Elizabeth, Trinity.
The date may be gathered from the Prison Lists, which, after Alfield's
death, record that Leonard Hyde and William Wigges (here erroneously
called Edward) had been in Newgate since the 14th of June, 1585
(C.R.S., ii, 270).

Adhuc de termino Sancte Trinitatis : Sandes
. q Leonardus Hyde clericus, Edwardus Wyggs clericus, Thomas
london ' Alfield clericus et Franciscus Arden generosus per Owinum
Hopton Militem locum tenentem Turris Domine Regine
london virtute literarum dicte domine Regine de habeas corpus ad
subijciendum etc. ei inde directi, et coram domina Regina ducti cum
causa, videlicet quod predictus Leonardus, Edwardus, Thomas et Fran-
ciscus ei commissi fuere per speciale mandatum Dominorum Privati
consilij Domine Regine salvo custodiendi causis ei adtunc penitus
incognitis. Qui committuntur marescallo &c; Et postea predicti
Leonardus, Edwardus, Thomas per curiam committuntur Gaole domine

Regine de Newgate ibidem remansuri sub custodiam vice-
Committuntur comitis comitatus Middlesex salvo custodiendi quousque
& Mar. &c-> et prefatus Franciscus Arden committitur Marescallo

salvo custodiendus quousque &c.

XXXVIII.
THE INDICTMENT OF ALFIELD

5 July, 1585
British Museum, Lansdowne MSS., xxxiii, n. 58, f. 130.
It has already been noted that Alfield was pursued to death with
unusual violence, and this paper affords a new proof of it. The statute
under which it was determined to proceed was the second chapter of the
acts of the 23rd year of Elizabeth's reign, directed against the publication
of ballads and tracts derogatory to the Queen's Government, a law under
which various Puritans suffered in later years. The book which moved
the persecutors' spleen was Allen's True, Sincere and Modest Defence
of English Catholiques (1584), which answered, with conspicuous modera-
tion, the defence of English Justice, published by Lord Burghley in
order to justify the charges against the martyrs. Allen's book took
some time to print, and the presentation copy to the Pope was sent from
Paris on the nth of September, 1584 {Cardinal Allen1 s Letters, pp. 239,
240, 424). The copies, therefore, which were disposed of by Alfield on
the io-20th of September, within the parish of All Saints', Bread Street,
as mentioned in the indictment below, will have been among the earliest
copies that reached England.

The book was as Alfield protested "a loyal book," tending powerfully
to induce the English Catholics to remain attached to Elizabeth in spite
of all the cruelties they had to endure. Loyalty to her was always a
characteristic of the Catholics in England ; and also of the exiles abroad,
except when some unusual strain prevented their keeping in touch with
their kinsmen at home. In his Modest Defe?ice, Allen was forced by
his challengers to face the most thorny questions, the effect upon allegiance

*585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

of the Queen's illegitimacy, of her insufferable persecution, of her ex-
communication, &c. Europe was changing its ideas on these subjects,
and the principles on which Allen wrote were neither distinctly medieval
nor distinctly modern, but they were decidedly "loyal" and moderate.
The best possible proof of that is furnished by the four extracts given
below. They were, from the nature of the case, the worst that could be
gathered; they were supposed amply to justify Elizabeth's Government
before the world for executing the priest who introduced the book into
England. Yet, if we look into the contexts of these extracts, we find
that even the appearance of extremity, which they may seem to bear,
is due to the dishonesty with which that context has been curtailed
or suppressed.

In the first extract Allen's meaning is, "If Campion and the rest
had rejected Elizabeth, they might have said so at their deaths, but
they ?iever did so." The indictment, as will be seen below, by dropping
the context makes him say, "Campion might have rejected Elizabeth
at his death."

The second extract is equally unfair, though the context suppressed
is not in such immediate contact with the passage incriminated, as it
was in the last case. The passage in question, "By the fall," &c. (p. 114),
comes at the end of an argument extending over chapters iv and v, and
can only be understood by looking back at the initial statement of the
argument (pp. 60, 61). Allen says, "We have committed nothing by
word or deed against our Prince or lawes, but have done all actes of
honour & homage vnto her, & suffered meekelie what punishement so
euer she would lay vpon vs for our Religion. For so most part of all
sortes of Catholiques haue done both in England & Ireland for this
twentie fiue years space, onelie a verie few nobles of both countries
taking once armes for their defence in all this long time of intollerable
affliction. Patience like this you shall hardlie find in Protestantes. . . .
No one tooke armes in all England vpon the Bull of Pius Quintus,
nor anie time since the publication therof. . . . The Clergie use all due
reuerence & respect, vttering in no preaching, speech or booke anie dis-
loyal worde against her Maiestie. . . . No not anie one priest of the
Societie or Seminaries can be prooued to have absolved anie one man
liuing from his allegiance, or to haue euer ether in publique or priuate
disswaded anie one person in the Realme from his obedience Further-
more it is certain that neuer Priest had anie such commission giuen
hitherto, by ether the Pope's Holines or other superiors in Religion or
College, to deale in anie such matters . . . Even in our [theological]
course concerning the Pope's preeminence no matter of depriuing or
excommunicating Princes is disputed, not so much as in generalities,
and much less particularising our Queene's case" (pp. 60, 61, cf. 65-67).

But because " they are ashamed of their statutes of new treasons, as
it seemeth," they now "vnduelie seek out our opinions by force & feare,"
as to the limits which may be set to tyranny in matters of religion ; and
our answers "which are not condemned by anie Christian school in the
world, nor vttered by vs but vpon forcing interrogatories," are wrested
into treason to her Majesty (pp.61, 62). Allen then protests that though
he is now forced to treat of this delicate question, he will do so, without
any application to England, in general terms which will suit Catholics
such as the Kings of France and Spain, not less than any others (p. 73)-
He then shows how Luther, Calvin, Goodman, have maintained that the
powers of kings had limitations, that there were innumerable instances
of the enforcement of such restrictions in the Old Testament, that the
laws of England had in the past recognised the Pope's rights in this
matter, and that in the early church, still recognised by Protestants,

114 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

there were many precedents for it. Near the end comes the argument
that, were there no such restraints, the providence of God would seem to
be deficient. " Let no man marvel that in case of heresy the sovereign
loseth his superiority," &c, as quoted below.

Who can fail to see that by omitting the commencement of Allen's
argument, its meaning will be entirely misrepresented when placed before
a prejudiced Protestant jury.

The third quotation given in the indictment seems to be made
ad capta?idtim vulgns. Allen is saying, With what justice can you
torture and kill all priests now, for what some Pope did years ago, in a
way no wise compromising others, and in "a quarrel which he thoiight
most just and godly?" The prosecutors cry, "The Pope's quarrel just
and godly ! O scandal ! "

The fourth extract is made in a like spirit. Allen is saying, After
all, your fears, your alleged dangers from religious wars are of your own
making. It was you who began. " Our contry's scourge proceeding
wholly of our notorious forsaking the Catholike Church." The prosecutors
reply, " Elizabeth has never left the Church. To say that she has is to
call her a heretic, and that is treason."

After considering the worst which the advocates of Tudor tyranny
could say against Allen's book, it will not be amiss to hear criticism
from an exactly opposite standpoint, that of a Papal theologian of a
somewhat rigid or medieval type. Father John Bridgwater's Concertatio
Ecclesiae Anglicanae, comprises a Latin translation of the work of Allen,
and in my copy there is a curious note written in the margin against
this very chapter iv, on account of which Elizabeth's Government took
Alfield's life. The writer was Fra Augs Pustola, Inquisitor of Verona, and
this worthy watchman over orthodoxy comments as follows: —

"In hac materia bullae Pii V'1 plura, turn in hoc capite turn sparsim
per totum hoc volumen dicuntur quae (meo iudicio) sunt caute legenda
et benigna piaque interpretatione adiuvanda. Alias si simpliciter et
ruditer intelligantur, videntur ei Bullae et auctoritati pontificiae detrahere,
vel laudare catholicos quia Bullae non obediverint. Et id[eo] memento
tu, qu[od] in quacunque materia est inhaerendum firmissimae doctrinae
Sanctae Ecclesiae catholicae Romanae, et specialiter in hac materia
Bullae, quam censeo iure emanatam esse, et robur firmissimum habuisse,
qu[ia] emanavit, in omnibus, ut disposuit [sic]. Et ita ecclesiam Romanam
Catholicam tenere opinor, cui in omnibus et singulis obsequentem me
perpetuo firmissime profiteor: quam tamen bullam forte Gregorius XIII,
successor Pii V, moderatus est, ut catholicos subditos Angliae in conscientia
non obligaret, quominus possent obedire in civilibus Elizabethae : et forte
innuitur infra, carta 323 [in fine], et carta 324. Et pro Bulla vide cap. 5
et 6" [the last words are clipped and uncertain"]. Again, p. 329, the
same writer writes, "Hie et carta 335 cum sequentibus auctor aperte innuit
Bullam Pii V robur habuisse, quia certum est Helisabetham praetensam
reginam fuisse tempore quo Bulla emanavit schismaticam et haereticam :
et idem aperte innuitur per totum cap. 5 et sextum."

The indirect conclusions to be drawn from these words is more
important than the opinion which they convey. They show that Allen
was here carrying loyalty to Elizabeth to a length which the foreign
Catholics, that is the majority of Europe, thought if anything too
advanced.

Endorsement. — Hawfield's Inditement.
London ss. Jurati pro Domina Regina presentant quod, cum per quem-
dam Actum in Parliamento Domine Regine nunc tento per
prorogacionem apud Westmonasterium sexto decimo die Januarij anno

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 115

regni sui vicesimo tertio, editum et provisum inter alia inactitatum et
stabilitum existit Authoritate Parliamenti illius quod si aliqua persona
sive persone post finem quadraginta dierum proxime sequentium post
finem illius Sefsionis eiusdem Parliamenti infra hoc Regnum Anglie
vel in aliquo alio dominiorum Domine Regine nunc vel in aliquo alio
loco extra dominia dicte Domine Regine, advisate et cum maliciosa
intencione versus dictam Dominam Reginam nunc, devisarent et scri-
berent, imprimerent vel exponerent, devisaret et scriberet imprimeret
vel exponeret, anglice sett forthe aliquem librum Rythmum Canticum
vocatum a ballade, literam sive scriptum continens aliquam falsam
sediciosam et scandalosam materiam ad defamacionem Regie Maiestntis
vel ad animandam excitandam vel movendam aliquam insurrectionem
vel Rebellionem infra hoc Regnum aut aliquod dominiorum eidem
Regno spectantium, vel si aliqua persona seu persone post finem pre-
dictorum quadraginta dierum sive infra hoc Regnum aut alia dominia
ipsius Regine vel in aliquo alio loco extra dominia dicte Domine
Regine advisate et cum malitiosa intencione versus dictam Dominam
nostram procurarent vel causarent, procuraret vel causaret, aliquem talem
librum Rythmum Canticum vocatum a ballade, litteram sive scriptum
scribi imprimi publicari sive exponi, anglice sett forthe, et offensores i 11 i
non existentes punibiles per statutum factum in Anno vicesimo quinto
Regni nuper Regis Edwardi tercij concernens prodicionem sive declara-
cionem prodicionis vel per aliquod aliud statutum per quod aliqua
offensio facta sive declarata fuit prodicio, quod tunc quelibet talis
offensio reputaretur et adiudicaretur felonia, et offensores in eodem
inde convicti et attincti existentes paterentur tales penas mortis et
forisfacture prout in casu felonie usitatum fuit absque ullo beneficio
clericatus sive sanctuarii allocando offensori in ea parte prout per
statutum predictum inter alia plenius apparet. Cumque hoc non
obstante quidam Willelmus Alleyn Theologie profefsor desiderans
dictam Dominam Reginam supremam Dominam nostram in odium et
malevolenciam apud omnes subditos suos inducere et quantum in
ipso fuit efficere ut omnes subditi ipsius Domine Regine existimarent
quod dicta Domina Regina fuit heretica et elapsa a vera Christiana
fide, et quod fuit apostata Princeps, advisate et cum malitiosa inten-
cione versus dictam Dominam Reginam quendam librum in partibus
transmarinis imprimi fecit continentem quam plurimas falsas sediciosas
et scandalosas materias ad defamacionem dicte Domine Regine nunc
et ad excitacionem insurreccionis et Rebellionis infra hoc Regnum
Anglie et ad subvercionem vere et sincere Dei religionis in eodem
Regno recte et pie stabilitam, videlicet in uno loco in eodem libro
hec Anglicana verba sequentia.

They (innuendo Edmundum Campion, Radulphum Sherwin et alios
falsos proditores nuper de alta prodicione attinctos) might have spoken
theire minde\s] boldely nowe at theyre pafsage and departure from this
worlde, as sythence that tyme we understande [that] a [eertaine] worship-
full lay gentleman (innuendo quendam Jacobum Leyborne nuper simi-
liter de alta prodicione attinctum) did, who protested both at his
arraynement and at his death that her Maiestie (innuendo dictam
Dominam Reginam nunc) was not his lawfull Queene, for two respects ;

Il6 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

the o?ie for her byrthe, the other for the excommunication, her Highenef
havinge sought neyther dispensation for the first nor absolution for the
seconded

Et in alio loco in eodem libro hec Anglicana verba sequentia, By
the fall of the Ki?ige from the fayth the daunger is so evident and
inevitable, that God had not sufficiently provided for our salvation and
the preservation of his [holy cancelled'] Churche and holy lawes yf there
were no waye to deprive or restraine Apostate Princes (falso innuendo
dictam Dominam Reginam fore Principera Apostatam). We see howe
the whole worlde did rwine from Christe after Julian to playne
Paganisme, after Valens to Arrianisme. after Edwarde the vjth with us
into Zwynglianisme, and would doe into Turcisme yf any powrable
Prince will leade his subiects that waye. Yf our fayth or perdition
shoulde on this sorte pajse by the pleasure of everie seculer Pri?ice and
no remedie for yt in the state of the Newe Testament, but men must
hold and obey him to what itifidelitie soever he fall, then we were in
worse case (innuendo cunctum populum huius Regni Anglie) then
heathens and all other humayne commonwealthes, which both before Christe
and after have had meanes to deliver themselves fro?n such tyrants as
were i?itollerable and evidently pernicious to humaine societie (falso pre-
tendens per illud dictam Dominam Reginam fore intollerabilem et
perniciosum tyrannum societati subditorum suorum). The bonde and
obligation we have entred into for the service of Christe and the Churche
far exceedeth all other duety which we owe to any humaine creature.
And therefore where the obedience to the inferior hindereth the service
of the other which is superior, we must by lawe and order discharge our
selves of the inferior. The wy/e yf she cannot live with her owne husband
beinge an infidell or an heretique ivithout iniurie and dishonor to God,
she maye departe from him, or contrary wyse he from her for the like
cause. Neyther oweth the innocent partie, nor the other can lawfullie
clayme, any coniugall dutie or debt in this case. The verie bonde slave
which is in an other kinde no lefse bounde to his Lorde and Master
then the subiecte to his Soveraigne maye also by the auncient imperiall
lawes departe and refuse to obey or serve him yf he become an heretique
yea ipso facto he is ?nade free. Finally the parents that become heretiques
lose the superioritie and dominion they have by lawe or nature over their
owne children. Therefore lett no man marveile that in case of heresie
the Soveraigne loseth his superiority over his people and Kingdome
(innuendo per illud quod dicta Dna Regina nunc perderet superiorita-
tem suam super subditos suos).

Et in alio loco eiusdem libri hec Anglicana verba sequentia And
as for Ins Holinef action in Ireland (innuendo invasionem per medium

* The context immediately preceding this passage is as follows : "And plaine it
is, that now at the houre of their death, being past further feare of men's lawes, yf
they had ment any thing against the Queene's person, or had received order by their
Superiours, or had thought it agreable to their spiritual profession to deale in other
matters then religion and conuersion of soules by preaching, persuasion, praiers, &
other preestly means; they might," &c. (as above).

The passage in the original is continued thus: "But none of all our Priestes
made any such answere, nor otherwise vttered any vnlawful speach that might ether
offend her Maiestie or the state present, irritate enimie or scandalize frend" (p. 29).

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

117

Romani Episcopi in Hibernia factam), we that are neyther so wyse as
to be worthie, nor so maliaparte as to challenge to know his intentions,
Councell and dispositions of those matters, can nor will neyther defend
nor condemne. Onely this is evidente that these small succors which
were given by him (innuendo dictum Episcopum Romanum) to the Irishe
or rather suffered at theire owne adventure to goe into those warres,
came uppon the ymportunate sute of the sore afflicted Catholiques and
some of the cheifest nobilitie of that Countrye, of whose continual/ com-
plaints, knowne calamities, and intollerable distrefses of conscience and
otherwyse, yt maye be, he was moved zvith compafsion and did that in
cause of religion against one (innuendo dictam Dominam Reginam nunc)
zvho7ne he toke in his owne iudgement rightly by his predecessor's sentence
to be deposed and in a quarrell in his sight most iust and godly [. . .]
And perhaps lie (dictum Episcopum Romanum innuendo) was the rather
readie to doe this for Irelande, for that the Sea Apostolique hath an old
clayme to the Soveraigntye of that Countrie. Et in alio loco in eodem
libro hec Anglicana verba sequentia. And this our Countries scourge
(innuendo hoc regnum Anglie) proceedinge wholye of our notorious for-
sakinge the Catholike Churche and Sea Apostolique (innuendo Sedem
Romani Episcopi) began first in King Henrie the eight beinge Radix
peccati of our dayes, Ubi revera Domina Regina nunc non fuit nee est
heretica nee elapsa a vera Christiana fide nee fuit nee est Apostata
Princeps, nee incidit in heresim, nee perdidit superioritatem et ius super
cunctum populum et regnum suum, et in quibus regnis revera nullus
Episcopus Romanus habet potestatem deprivandi sive deponendi ali-
quem Principem. Quidam tamen Thomas Allfild nuper de London
Clericus statutum predictum minime ponderans felonice ut felo dicte
Domine Regine nunc, decimo die Septembris Anno regni dicte Domine
Regine nunc vicesimo sexto, apud London, videlicet in parochia
Omnium Sanctorum in Breadstreate in Warda de Breadstreate Lon-
don advisate et cum maliciosa intencione versus dictam Dominam
Reginam nunc predictum librum predicti Willelmi Alleyne continen-
tem predictas falsas seditiosas et scandalosas materias in Anglicanis
verbis superius recitatas et quam plurima alia ad defamacionem dicte
Domine Regine nunc, et ad excitacionem insurreccionis et Rebellionis
infra hoc regnum Anglie diversis subditis dicte Domine Regine pub-
lican et exponi causavit, Anglice did cause to be published and sette
forthe contra formam statuti predicti in hoc casu provisi et contra
pacem dicte Domine Regine nunc, coronam et dignitatem suas.
Endorsed. — Hawfieldes Inditement.

XXXIX.
REPORT OF ALFEILD'S TRIAL

5 J^y. 1585

British Museum, Lansdowne MSS., vol. xlv, n. 74.

The effect of the substance of the matter, that was done

and spoken at the Arraignement of Thomas Allfeild a Jesuett

Preiste, att Newgate vppon Mondaie the Vth of Julie 1585.

First, he and his ffellowes were brought from Newgate & placed

at the barre : my Lord Maior, my Lord Buckhurste, the Mr of the

Il8 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO Jllty

Rolls, my Lord Anderson, Mr Sackforth, Sr Rowland Hayward, Mr
Owen, Mr Younge, and the Recorder, sett downe vppon the Benche.

Mr Towne Clarke redd the commyssion of Oire & determiner.
After this a Substannciall Jurie of the best Comminers to the nosmber
of twentie, or there abowtes were sworne to enquire, &c.

Then the Recorder gave that speciall Charge that belongeth to that
Commission. After that done the enqueste of Inquirie went vpp into
the Councell Chamber at the Sessions hall, in which place Mr Attorney
& Mr Soliciter did reade vnto the enqueste, the three seuerall Indict-
ments. There the offenders, vppon good Evidence geven, were
indicted, and Billa vera was sett vppon euerye one of them. The
enquest was returned to the Courte ; and, beinge called by name,
they presented the Bylls to the Courte.

The Towne Clarke received them and deliuered them to the
Recorder and he openned them, and shewed them to the rest of the
Justices, howe they were fownde. And there vppon the Towne Clerke
was willed to call them to the barr, and soe to arraigne them, who
begane first with Allfeilde.

The indictment redd, he was demaunded whether he were gyltie
of the matter conteyned in that Indictment. To the which he would
make noe answere and prayed that he might be hard speake ; and
therevppon he vsed a certen ffrivolous speache, conteyninge noe matter,
the effect whereof was that the cause in question was such, that the
same owght to be tryed before learned men in divinitie and not
before layemen. After, with much adoe, he pleded not gyltie ; and
beinge asked howe he would be tryed, and also beinge tolde that he
owght to be tryed by God and the Countrie, he made a longe staye,
and saied that it was noe reason that xij Ignoraunt men should trye
a matter of Religion, but that it owght to be tryed by Learned men.
And then was it told him that a matter in ffact was laied to his
charge, vizt. for bringinge into the Realme and vtteringe of a certen
slaunderous & lewed booke against her Maiestie and the Realme,
devised by one Doctor Alen.

To the which Allfeild aunswered & saied expresslie that the
same booke was a loyall booke, a lawfull booke, a good & a true
booke, and that the same was prynted in Parrys, vnder the king's
Priviledge there: and was allowed for a good &: a lawfull booke
throwgh owt all the vniversities in Christendome beyonde the seas,
and that it towched nothinge butt matters of Religion. And beinge
asked whether it were a matter of Religion that the Pope had
authoritie to depryve the Quene of England. And he aunswered
that in generaltie it was a matter of Religion that the Pope had
authoritie to deprive any kinge, yf he sawe cause ; ffor that the Pope
was a Regall kinge and Prince, and that he might take Amies in
hand aswell as other kinges might doe. Yt was aunswered him that
the Courte sate, not to trye matters of Religion, but a matter de facto:
that whether he browght the said slaunderous bookes into the Realme
and whether he had disparsed them. To the which he aunswered
that he had brought ffyve or syx hundreth of the same bookes into
the Realme and that he had disparced them, as he sawe occacion;

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 119

and further he affirmed expreslie that the booke was a good booke
and lawfull, and declared, as he had before done, howe the same
was allowed, &c.

And after he was vrged to put him selffe vppon his tryall, and
was put in remembraunce what the punishment of the lawe was, yf
Judgement were geven against him, de payne ffort et dure. And there-
vppon yt was asked him howe he would be tryed, and he aunsvvered
by God and the Countrye. And then he was tolde by the Courte
that, vppon the Evidence geven, he should be hard att large. And
then was a Jurie of verie sufficient Commoners called and he was
especiallie warned by the Towne Clerke to take his Challenges vnto
them, as they should come to the booke to be sworne. The Jurye
beinge sworne, the Indictment was redd ; the which conteyned divers
faulse, lewed and slaunderous parts of Doctor Alen's booke, tendinge
playnlye by expresse wordes, not onelie to Treason, but most manifest
and shamefull slaunders against her Maiestie. Yet did Allfeild not
sticke to saye that it towched not the Quene any moore then it did the
ffrenche hinge or Spanishe hinge. He travelled verie much to make
the Commissioners to beleve that they vnderstood not the slaunderous
booke ; addinge this wit hall, the same booke was especiallie devised and
wrytten by Doctor Allen, to aunswere him who had wrytten the booke
of Justice of Englande, and not to slaunder the Quene. And after
much speache vsed and manye repeticions, all to one effecte, by
Allfeilde, there was deliuered to the Jurye one of the bookes, to
compaire the words of the Indictment with the booke and the
Examinacions. And tHsy fyndinge them to agree, and hearinge him
soe stowtlie to iustifie the same to be a loyall booke, they retourned
after a competent tyme, and beinge called by name and the prysoner
beinge called to the barre, they were asked first of Allfeild, whether
he were gyltye of the offence that was conteyned in the Indictment,
the fforeman sayed Gyltie, &c.

And after beinge asked what he could saye whye Judgment of
deathe should not be geven against him, he aunswered that the
Offence was pardoned. The pardone was redd; and yt was told
him that his offence was excepted owt of the pardone.

And then did the Recorder call him fourthe and recyted the
effecte of the Indictment, and howe that he was fownd gyltie. And
told him that he wondered that his ffather in kinge Henries daies
beinge an vsher of Eaton and of a good Religion and had brought
vpp many learned devynes and other that served the Quene in
temporall causes, whereof hundrethes, the Recorder him selffe was
one of the meanest. And that the same prisoner passed thorough the
same Colledge, and so to the king's Colledge, beinge both of the
Quenes highnes foundacion ; and nowe had he so vnnaturallie and
beastlie behaved him selffe that he was become the first that ever
was arraigned of ffelonye of any that ever passed those Colledges by
the space of these fiftie yeres and moore. And then saied the
Recorder: "Ye knowe that Christ paied trybute to Cesor and
Commaunded that Cesor should be obeyed, and that eche man
should yeld to Cesor his dewties. And that St. Paule, in the end ot

120 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

the Acts, was accused for Religion by the Jewes, and it was told him
that he should be sent to Jerusalem to be tryed before the Preist
there. And he aunswered that he stoode before the Tribunall or
Judgement-seat of Cesor, and there he owght to be tryed." And soe
he appeled to Cesor, where his cause was hard, and he dismissed.
" Here," quoth the Recorder, "ye see that Christe Commaunded that
Cesor should be obeyed ; he saied not, deposed. And St. Paul did
appeell to Cesor, and not to Peter: because he tooke Cesor to be
his lawfull kinge. And all men knowe that Cesor was not of the
faith of Christ, nor yet did he beleve as St. Paule did." And after
a fewe wordes moore he gave Judgement and Commaunded the
Sheriffs to doe execucion.

This Allfeild appered to haue noe skill at all eyther in the old
or newe Testiament ; there appeared noe manner of learninge in him ;
he was bolde, stowte and arrogant. He behaved himselffe moore
arrogantlie then any that ever the Commissioners had hard or seene
in theire tymes. His words were such against her maiestie that all
the people fell into a murmer. He never vsed one worde of reverence
towards her highnes. And att his passage to execucion, the people
offered to praye with him, and he refused theire offer, and saied that,
if there were any Catholicks there he would be glad to have theire
Assistaunce.

Endorsed. — 5 Julij 1585. Theffect of ye proceading against
Hawfield ye Jesuite.

XL.

RECORDER FLEETWOOD TO SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM

7 July, 1585
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxx, n. 6.

This letter should be compared with No. vi ; sufra, when Fleetwood
addresses Burghley on a kindred topic.

Sir, Not only myself but all the benche at Newgate do most
humbly thank you for the furthering of the execucion of Awfeld who
used himself most trayterusly against her Maiestie. Our Lord pre-
serve your Honour in helth. This Wednesday the 7th of July [is]8s.

Your good ho : most bounden,
W. Fletewoode.

XLI.

EXAMINATION OF EDWARD STRANSHAM

17 July> 1585

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxx, 72.32.

Edward Stransham (or Strancham, or Transam alias Barber) matricu-
lated at St. John's at the age of 18, and afterwards supplicated and
determined for B.A. on the 23rd and 29th of February, 1575-6 (Oxford
Registers). The answer to the sixth interrogatory gives us a useful clue
to his career at Douay and Rheims, which cannot otherwise be traced
with certainty from the Douay Diaries, as there were two or three other
Stranchams in the college at about the same time. But on p. 118 we
read that one Mr. Transam arrived for the first time on the 18th of

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS I 21

April, 1577, in company with "Nicholas" {blank) and {blank) Nayler.
This, so far as it goes, agrees with Answer No. 6, and shows that in
Answer No. 5 the Martyr should have said that he came "about nine
years since" or less, and not "or more."

We next find him visiting Cambrai, 14 to 16 August, 1577 (P- I28)»
and his journey "with rest of the company to Rheims " (Answer No. 8) will
have taken place in April, 1578. Later on he went back to England,
14 October, 1578 (p. 145), in company with the William Slade (not the
Martyr) of whom mention is made in Answer No. 4. He returned once
more to Rheims, 5 June, 1579, "having recovered from the illness which
had been the cause of his journey" to England, and he brought back
with him four fresh students for the college (p. 153). He was ordained
sub-deacon at Laon in September, 1579, deacon in March, 1580, and
priest at Soissons in December. After his first mass on St. John's day,
Dr. Allen made an impressive address to the college, of which a record
is preserved in the Diary (p. 174). He left for the English Mission on
the last of June, 1581. Answers Nos. 7 to 17 below cover this portion of
his life.

Though he confesses nothing about the objects of his return, and
says that "other commission he had not" besides those which all the
missionaries had, still we can see that the persecutors had their suspicions
of him and of some connection with Francis Throckmorton, perhaps
because of some traitor's informations. In fact we actually know one
such piece of intelligence which might have given occasion to these
interrogations.

It is an unsigned paper, which was sent on from the English ambassador
in Paris, Sir Edward Stafford, on 1-11 June, 1584, and begins, "Thomas
Parsons departeth the seventh of June nexte, with three absolut pardons
from the Pope. The firste for mr Throgmorton now prisoner in the
Tower, to be conveyed by Edward Transoom preste, called by the name

of Fraunces Wyllece. The second for Robert of Longford in

Countie of Derbie, Esquier . . . The third for Mr. Talbot of peper hill
in the countie of Stafford Esquior ..." Further on we read, "Edward
Transom prest, called by the name of ffraunces Willec ys habred by
Mathew Wallen gent and student in lyons inn : which Traunsom goeth
in a sheeps cohered gowne and every nighte lieth in the chamber of
the said mathew Wallen within the inn."

Stafford sends this on saying to Walsingham, "I have sent you a
note, I praie you by well searching of the parties, trie whether the partie
that gave yt me be a good advertiser, and send me word of yt. Yf the
note be true, I will better trust other things, and kepe him for a
Jewel." (Record Office, French Correspondence .)

How long Stafford continued to treasure his "jewel" we do not
know, but how little value we ought to set upon informers of this class
is evident, when we remember that Stransham was at this very time in
Paris nearly dying of consumption, and only kept alive by asses' milk
for a more glorious combat on an English scaffold (A els of English
Martyrs, p. 257).

To return to the point whence we digressed, Stransham's return to
England in 1581. His plea in Answer No. 17 amounts to this, that his
health was then so bad that he was not expected to do ordinary work,
and though he was given ordinary missionary faculties, he held them
more or less per acctdens, "to do the best he could" under the circum-
stances. We now know that he was also the bearer of a letter, which
was of some interest and importance though its import was not new.
He brought over from Paris the votum or "opinion" of Father (afterwards
Cardinal) Toledo, on the illicitness of attending the Protestant churches

122 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

out of obedience to the laws of 23 Elizabeth, which had lately been
passed. This opinion is printed in Father Henry More's Historia
Provinciae Anglicanae (1660), p. 66, and there bears date 14 June, 1581.
Father H. Garnet in his Treatise of Christian Renunciation (a very
rare booklet of which the only known copies seem to be at Cambridge
and Oscott), says at p. 159, that "Mr. Edward Stansham now a Saincte
in Heaven," brought over this paper to England.

It may be that Stransham was not actually acquainted with the purport
of the letters, which he presumably delivered to some older priest. In
any case, even though he was, as we see, one of those who thought it
the lesser evil to confess boldly when directly questioned, it is easy to
see why he should have answered as he did to the general question put
to him, for the Toledo's letter only confirmed the ordinary teaching of the
missionaries.

Of his stay in England he confesses nothing (Answers Nos. 18 to 20),
but speaks freely enough of his return to France in 1583 (Answers
Nos. 20 to 24). The Diaries show, however, that while it was true to say
that "not any priests went over with him," he did in fact have the honour
of escorting to Rheims on this occasion a band of not less than ten
students for the priesthood, who arrived 22 July, 1583 {Diaries, p. 197).

Answers Nos. 26 to 29 regard his arrest, and here perhaps the most
interesting reference is to " One Roger, the man who was taken with
him." The Martyr refused to swear that he had never known him
before, but this may not mean anything as he had refused all oaths.
This Roger, however, may now be identified with the spy Rogers alias
Berden, once the servant of George Gilbert, and one of the most baneful
of Walsingham's spies and agents provocateurs, who had perhaps seen
Stransham in Paris during the year 1584. Though arrested with Stransham
he was allowed next month to go out on bail and to leave the country.
He kept, however, in his hands various things belonging to the Martyr,
which he made use of in Paris in order to worm himself into the
confidences of the Catholics there. "I have delivered the token of
Transam alias Barber to Thomas Fitzherbert," so runs Berden' s report
of 11 August, 1585, "who upon sight thereof has received me into his
company most willingly, and has given me credit with all the Papists
of Paris" (Record Office, Dom. Eliz. Add., xxix, 72.38). Thus there
seems good reason for believing that not only was our Martyr betrayed
by this rascal, but that the scoundrel made the one villainy a stepping-
stone to others of even greater importance. For Berden' s object in
Paris was to foment the discontent among Mary Stuart's friends, which
in fact did soon after culminate into the Babington plot. We do not
know the exact measure in which Roger alias Berden contributed to
this result, but we know enough to say that his share in it was a
considerable one.

Edwardus Barber Presbiter aetatis circiter xxxta annorum
Examinatus xvij oriundus in civitate Oxon. oblatis ei sacrosanctis
scripturis recusavit juramentum praestare unde exami-
natus absque juramento dicit prout sequitur.

1. Interrogates where he was brought up in schools and what degree
he hath taken : respondet that he was brought up in Sl John's College
in Oxford not having any preferment or maintenance of living in the
house and proceeded bachelor of art betwixt nine and eleven yers past.

2. Item, interrogates whither he went from thence : respondet that
he went directly from thence to Douay in Artois.

I585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

I23

3. Item, inter rogatus by whose counsel and procurement he went
thither : rcspondet that he received a letter from one Browne* who
served D. Allen being then in Douay whereby he was thereto persuaded.

4. Item, interrogatus where and how he was acquainted with the
said Browne : respondet that there was one Slade at that time when
he received the said letter in Douay with whom this examinate was
long before acquainted in Gloster Hall, who as he thinketh persuaded
Browne to write to this examinate, but he never did see Browne in
England.

5. Interrogates what time he went over : he sayeth it was about
nine years since or more.

6. Interrogates what scholars or others went over with him: respondet
that there went not over any scholars with him but two Englishmen
whom by chance he met at Dover one of their names was Nicholas
& the other Richard.

7. Interrogatus by whom he was maintained there : respondet he
had his maintainance in the Seminary there and not from any of his
friends any where nor he doth not know how the relief came but
only by the direction of Doctor Allen.

8. Interrogatus when he was made priest: respondet that he tarried
at Doway till the house was dissolved, viz. the space of a year and
then went with the rest of the company to Rhiems where after three
years he was made priest.

9. Interrogatus by whom he was made priest : respondet by the
Bishop of Soisson.

10. Interrogatus how long since he was made priest: respondet it
was about four or five years since.

11. Interrogatus what time of the year and how many English men
were made priests with him : respondet it was about xpmas time last
was five years or four years and some English men were then made
priests how many they were or who they were he doth not remember,
as he saith.

12. Interrogatus how long he tarried there after he was made priest:
respondet he tarried there half a year and about midsummer time next
after he was made priest he came into England, viz. about this time
five years.

13. Interrogatus where he took shipping to come into England,
in what ship and where he landed in England : respondet he took
shipping at Dieppe in an English ship and landed in a little haven
called Newhaven besides Lewes in Sussex.

14. Interrogatus what occasioned him to come into England :
respondet that he was so sick of a continual flux which caused him
to come over for remedy.

15. Interrogatus what money he had delivered him of the house
to bring him over : respondet one Mr. Bailie of that house delivered
him viij or nine crowns as his coming into England, which he hath
undertaken to restore again when he is able.

* This will have been Henry Browne, who is frequently mentioned in the Douay
Diaries, and who died 4 July, 1582.

124 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

1 6. Interrogatus what letters of commendation, message or other
instructions he had to deliver in England : respondet that he had not
any letters message or other instructions to any in England.

17. Interrogatus what commission he had from D. Allen at his
coming into England : respondet that he made Dr. Allen privy of his
intent that he would come into England for his health, who gave
him leave to come over and willed him to do the best good he
could there, and that he gave him authority to hear confessions here
in England and to absolve and to reconcile to the Catholic Church.
Other commission he had not.

18. Interrogatus whether he went at his coming over and to what
place, and where he continued during his being in England : he sayeth
he will not answer because it doth concern others besides himself,
and he will not accuse any other nor himself in this point.

19. Item, interrogatus whether he know Francis and Thomas
Throckmorton or was ever in the Lady Throckmortons house near Paul's
wharf called Throckmorton house, he saith that Francis Throckmorton
he knew here in England by sight, Thomas Throckmorton he hath
known in Paris, and not elsewhere, and also Thomas Morgan he hath
known in Paris since his last going over.

20. Item, interrogatus how long he continued in England at his
first coming over : respondet he tarried about two years.

21. Interrogatus where he took shipping at his departure what
letters he carried with him and what priests went in his company :
respondet he took shipping at Rye and carried not any letters with
him, nor there were not any priests went over with him.

22. Interrogatus whether he went at his departure : respondet he
landed at Dieppe went from thence to Rouen and from thence to
Paris, from thence to Rheims and from thence back again to Paris.

23. Interrogatus how long he continued in Paris : respondet from
his coming thither after he had been at Rheims he continued there
till his coming into England, viz. about a year and half, saving that
some times he went to Rouen.

24. Interrogatus when he came from Paris : respondet it was about
six weeks since at what time he came to Rouen where he tarried
about three weeks from thence he came to Dieppe where to took
ship about the xiijth or xiiijth of this July according to the new account,
at his coming he landed in Sussex being set on land by a fisherman
of Dieppe at no common port, giving the fisherman iij or iiij crownes
for his passage over.

25. Interrogatus what Englishmen came in boat with him : he
saieth not any nor any man was set on land with him and saith
the first day that he came into England which was about the xvth
day of this July according to the said account he lodged in Coppinges-
court in Sussex being xxxvtie miles from the place where he was landed,
coming all that way on foot. The next night he saith he laid at
Farbarrow in an alehouse, the third night he came to London all the
way on foot. The first night of his coming to London he lay in an
alehouse, as he sayeth, where he lay two or three nights, the name of
him who ought that house or in what street it was he cannot tell,

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 25

nor whether be any sign or not, from thence upon Saturday at night
last he came to Mr. fferres house beyond Bishop gate to Mrs fferres,
whom he had seen twice or thrice at his last being in England.

26. Et mterrogatus how he knew she was in London : respondet
he heard it in France and by whom he knoweth not, and saith that
he asked in the Street the way to Mrs. fferres house because he knew
it not, and as soon as he came thither he was let in by a gentle-
woman, who brought him to his chamber, and brought him meat and
drink, and Mr Ferres he saith he did never see. Who were then in
the house he knoweth not for he was a stranger in the house. The
man who was taken with him was one Roger, whom he never knew
before the morning that he was taken, and being asked, whether he
will upon his oath say that he never knew him before, he refuseth
to swear.

27. Interrogates who brought him the chalice, the Mass book, the
cope, albe, amice, stole, super-altare, pale, paten and the rest, which he
had when he was taken, whether they were there before he came or
brought in the morning : respo?idet they were brought in the morning,
who brought them he cannot tell for he was saying his service.

28. Interrogates whether he confessed any whilst he were there or
no : he answereth he did not.

Endorsed. — Examination Edward Barber Priest.

In the margin there are notes in a different hand, repeating briefly
Answers Nos. 8, 10, 15, 17, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26. The note on Answer
No. 25 runs, "Comes into England about the 15 Julii, according- to their
computacion."

XLII.

EXAMINATION OF GEORGE ERRINGTON

30 August, 1585

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., clxxxi, n. 78, iii.

The Tower Bills inform us that Errington was imprisoned there from
2 June, 1585, and he was released on bond 3 February, 1586-7 (Record
Office, Dom. Eliz., ccv, n. 13). The examination now printed shows his
persecutors vainly endeavouring to obtain evidence against him. He has
been arrested, it appears, while or shortly after taking ship near Newcastle
to carry over some letters to Catholics in France, and also a boy,
presumably an intending student for the Seminaries. Robert Hethfield,
a merchant, who had given letters to Errington, has been arrested too,
and the object of the prosecution is to make the two prisoners implicate
one another, but the matter extracted from them seems to be very trivial,
and in the covering letter {Ibid., n. 78), Barker says he has had to write
for more papers against Errington to the Attorney-General, who was
away on circuit. Hethfield' s courage, however, fails him, while Errington
stands firm.

Edward Barker, Walsingham's inquisitor, sends up together with this
examination another which he has taken of a poor Catholic named Allen
Eglanby, who also stands firm under difficult circumstances and makes
a noble confession of his faith. It is sad to see that the magistrate
who sends up Eglanby to prison for his faith, is Edward Unton, the
same it seems, who had been set free from the Inquisition of Milan the
year before, not without promise, we may be sure, of showing favour to
Catholics {C.R.S., ii, 34, 184).

126 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AugUSt

30 Augusti, 1585.

George Errington's examination taken in the Tower of
London before Sir Owen Hopton Knight and Edward
Barker xxx° Augusti 1585.

i° Being demanded how many letters he had to convey over with
him, he saith he had nine whereof he had five of Robert Hethfield
and four of Johnson.

20 Being demanded whether Robert Hethfield were acquainted
with his journey into France, he saith he was acquainted therewith
the evening before this examinate took water at Sandgate, at which
time he saith nobody was with him but the boy which he was to
carry over.

30 Being demanded what money he had from any to carry over,
he saith he had only four pounds & six French crowns from Johnson,
which was to be delivered to one Brown in Rouen.

4° Being demanded and required to tell the truth where he
received the boy, and what persons came with him, he saith that he
received the boy in the street at Newcastle, and that nobody came
with the boy. Being afterwards put in mind that the boy was brought
him to Neville's Cross by his elder brother, and there met him and
Miles White, he confessed that indeed he received the boy there, and
that he and Miles White rode with the boy to the water's side about
one mile and a half from Newcastle, where the French man lay and
stayed for them.

50 Being again demanded, what money he had about him at the
time of his apprehension, he saith he had in all about twenty three
pounds, whereof eight pounds was the boy's, five pounds ten shillings
came from Johnson and the rest was his own.

6° Being demanded whether he can be contented to go to the
Church, and to conform himself like a good subject in matters of
religion, in case her majesty would vouchsafe to pardon his former
offences against the laws, he saith that he would pray for, and serve
her highnefs with his body and life, but as for going to the Church
his conscience as he saith will not permit him.

7° Being demanded whether he be reconciled to the Pope he
saith that he is a Catholic and so fully resolved, and farther answer
he cannot make as he saith.

8° Being demanded whether he knoweth Nicholson he saith no
otherwise then by the boy's naming of him.

Being demanded what intelligence he hath had with the authors
of any libels or seditious books he saith that about Lent last in a
place at Newcastle which he remembereth not, and in company which
he knoweth not, he heard one Richardson say that one was taken at
Scarborough with books against my lord of Leicester.

Owen Hopton George Errington

Edward Barker

Endorsed. — Errington's examination 30 Augusti 1585.

1585 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 127

30 Augusti 1585.

Robert Hefield of Newcastle merchant examined by Edward
Barker he saith

i° That he never was in France, but only twice, nor never in any
other town of that kingdom but only Newhaven, Dieppe and Rouen,
and that he is bound by the Lord President of York, not to crofs
the seas because he had been an intermedler for the conveying
over of one Hawfield who was lately executed for treason.

20 That he hath for his conscience as he saith, abstained from
church these twelve months.

30 That he was never made acquainted with any of George
Errington's journeys beyond the seas, but only this last when the boy
went with him.

40 That he delivered unto George Errington at his last going to
sea, only two letters, the one from one Garthe to Brown of Rouen,
the other from himself to Valentine Taylor a Priest in Rouen, uncle
to this examinate.

50 That he never knew of George Errington's going to sea but
even as he was going aboard.

6° That he is not acquainted with any fugitive or English Priest
remaining beyond the seas but only with his uncle Taylor, and one
Woodwarde.

70 That he knoweth no priest in England but one Hartlie, but
he knoweth not where he may be found, for he saw him not as he
saith, since Christmas was a twelvemonth.

8° That he hath not intermeddled with the affairs of any papist
remaining beyond the seas. Robert Hefeild.

Endorsed. — Hethfield's examination taken 30 Augusti 1585.

Ultimo Augusti 1585.

The confronting and examination of George Errington and

Robert Hethfield in the Tower of London the last day of

August 1585 before Sir Owen Hopton Knight and Edward

Barker.

i° Hethfield and Errington upon their interview did one know

the other, and then Errington being demanded of the last time, that

he saw or spake to Hethfield before that time when he took water,

saith that the last time he saw or spake to Heathfield, was about

three weeks before he took ship, and that he then met him between

Newcastle and Gosforde about ten of the clock, at which time they

staid in the high way on horseback about a quarter of an hour, and

talked together, but he knoweth not as he saith of any thing that

they then talked of, saving that Hethfield told him he rode suspiciously

like a Priest, and he saith further that about six days before his taking

ship, he rode through Newcastle, but neither stayed there, nor talked

with any.

20 Afterwards they being demanded of the letters which were
taken with Errington, Hethfield persisted in his former examinations,
and said that he delivered to Errington only two letters, the one
from himself to Taylor, the other from one Garthe to Browne, but

128 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

Errington maintained to Hethfield's face, that he delivered him as he
was going into the boat, the five letters which he hath before confessed
to have received from Hethfield, and in this contradiction they did both
persevere confidently.

3° Hethfield being demanded when was the last time that he saw
Errington before his going over now last : he saith that it was about
a month, or six weeks before his taking ship, and that in Newcastle
in the house of one Edward Taylor a merchant, at which time he
saith they two drank the one to the other but there pafsed no manner
of speech between them at that meeting, anoS otherwise he saith that
he saw not Errington at any time but only in Yarmouth road, before
Lent last, since Errington's coming out of France.

4° Afterwards Hethfield being urged to acknowledge the delivery
of his letters, he saith that indeed he delivered three, the one from
Garthe, the other from himself, the third from John Taylor son of
Edward Taylor, and that he was never privy that George Errington
should, or would go over until he saw him come to the water side
with Miles White. And yet being urged, upon what occasion he
delivered Taylor's letter to Errington and when he received the same,
he saith that fourteen days before Errington's taking ship Taylor wrote
that letter, and acquainted this examinate that George Errington would
go over, and therefore prayed him to deliver that letter to Errington if
he went. And other knowledge he saith that he never had neither by
Miles White, nor any other of Errington's journey until he saw him
ready to take ship.

5° Hethfield being urged to remember his meeting of Errington
upon the highway as he was going to Gosford confefseth that indeed
he met him upon the highway, but he remembereth not as he saith
any speech that pafsed between them save only this that this
examinate asked Errington for one Hartley a seminary Priest, and
desired the said Errington to commend him to him when he saw him.

6° Hethfield being demanded whether upon grace, and favour
from her Majesty and forgivenefs of his misbehaviours against her
g^s=> highnefs, and her laws, he can and will be contented to reform
himself and become a new man, as well in his dutiful obedience,
as in matters of religion, he protesteth humbly with tears, that if he may
now receive favour and be forgiven he will for ever become a new
man, and resort to Church and do all things as a faithful and loving
subject.

Owen Hopton George Errington Robert Heitfeild
Edward Barker

Endorsed. — The confronting & examination of Hethfield and
Errington. Ultimo Augusti 1585.

1586 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

129

XLIII.

THE TRIALS OF NICHOLAS WOODFEN, EDWARD

STRANSHAM, WILLIAM THOMPSON AND

RICHARD SERJEANT, &c.

19 January, 18 April and 27 June, 1586

British Museum, Harleian MSS., vol. ccclx, f. 35.

The precise meaning of the words "next impression," mentioned in
the marginal note, can hardly be decided now. But in general the drift
is that the acknowledgment of the religious reasons for the execution
of the Martyrs was too clear, and that it would be "bettar" to make
more of the allegation of treason.

Sefsions of oier and terminer at Justice hall in the olde
bailly holden the xixth of Januarie 1585.

Nicholas Devorax alias Woodfen condempned for treason in being
made a Seminarie priest at Reymes in ffrance by authoritie of the
B. of Rome since the feast of St. John Baptist in anno primo of her
Mats reigne, and in remayninge here after the tearme of xl'y days after
the Sefsion of the last parliament.

Edward Barber being made priest as aforesayd and comyng into
thys realme after the sayd terme of fforty dayes after the Sefsion of
the last parliament was then also condemned for treason.

In the Sefsions of oier and terminer at Justice hall in the

old bayle the xviii of Aprile 1586.

WiHm Thompson alias Blackbome made priest at Reymes in

ffraunce by the authoritie of the B. of Rome and remayning w'hin

this realme after the tearme aforesayd was condemned there for treason.

Richard Lea alias Longe made priest at Laon in ffraunce as

afforesayd and remayning here in this realme after the tearme

aforesayd was then condempned for treason.

Sefsions of oier and terminer at Justice Hall the xxvijth of June

1586.
Henry Elkes Clerke and bachelor of arts for counterfeyting the
Quenes Signe manuell to presentacon of the personage of All Saints
in hastings directed to the Archbishopp of Cant: or to his vicar or
Commifsary generale (the sea the Diocese of Chichester being void)
that he might be instituted person there.

[In the margin are written the following words, which presumably
apply to the whole paper.] This is to be set doune bettar in the next
impression.

XLIV.

CHRISTOPHER BALES TO FATHER AGAZARIO

before 12 March, 1586
From Father Grene's transcript, Collecta?iea N. ii, p. 1 , Stonyhurst MSS.
He heads his transcript with these words: "Copiaepistolae Christophori
Balaei Martyris, datae Rhemis ad P. Agazarium, Rectorem huius Collegii

130 documents relating to January

anno 1586, ante diem i2m Martii : transcripta ex autographo hoc die
9 Augusti 1676." He has later added: "Another copy of this letter
libro meo M. fol. 106." In this copy he adds the following note on the
date: "There is no date to this letter. It seems to have been written
shortly before 12 March, 1586, for he says he was born on that day 1564,
and that he had not yet completed his 22nd year. He had left Rome
September, 1584, from Rheims he was sent to England in the year 1588."

The Douay Diaries tell us that Bales was ordained at Laon, 28 March,
1586 (p. 214). So unless this letter crossed the dispensation, which he
here asks for from Rome, our letter may have been written a couple of
months before that date.

Emanuel

Quoties (Per Revde) insolitam tuam benevolentiam commemoro,
(commemoro autem ut teneor quotidie) toties in animura meum
induco, si non tandem aliquando pro tarn inaudita dementia Paternitati
tuae me gratum ostenderem, non solum officium negligere me, verum
pietatem prodere : hac raticne igitur commotus statui quidem multoties
antehac (si adversa valetudo non impedivisset) ad Paternitatem tuam
litteras dirigere, quibus et animum gratum pro tarn inaudita dementia
ostendissem, et officium meum, nimirum quod est filii erga patrem
declarassem. Nunc igitur, mi Pater, quod toties volui statuo perficere,
paucis tamen ; si enim omnia propter quae Reverentiae tuae devinctum
me intelligo recenserem,finem vix aut ne vix quidem scriptis imponerem;
propterea ilia proloqui non est opus, quoniam res ipsa aperte indicat.
Nam, ut omnia alia omittam, verissimum illud verbum quod a Ra tua
toties prolatum audivi, " Me patrem, P. Ministrum* tamquam matrem,
(o utinam diutius ita me licuisset habere) habebitis." Verissimum
inquam esse satis abunde cognitum et compertum habeo. Quid
igitur mihi restat nisi quod filii est erga patrem, idipsum erga tuam
Ratn facere. Hoc equidem meum est, hie restat actus, in hoc
elaborandum est mihi ut satisfacerem expectationi tuae, quemadmodum
tua paternitas in omnibus mihi satisfecit, sic etiam nunc peto et
obsecro ut in altero satisfaciat.

Novit Ra tua quam imbecillis et infirmus natura sum ; novit
etiam, ni fallor, quod non sufficiunt anni ad illud munus suscipiendum,
ad quod vocatus a Deo, et ad quod suscipiendum vestra Raconsentiente,
propria etiam voluntate dictante, adjuratus sum ; vigesimum enim et
secundum adhuc non peregi annum, natus autem fui, vel saltern
renatus 12 Martii anno Dni 1564; ita ut si non remedium aliquod
quaererem duo adhuc anni essent peragendi antequam sacerdotale
munus in me possim suscipere. Tempus hoc sane longum, valetudo
est adversa, et ad valetudinem recuperandam nihil tarn accommodatum
quam nativus aer. Deinde, Deo aspirante potest contingere quod
aliquod parvum emolumentum patriae exhibeam. Quapropter, mi
Pater, si V.Ra in hac re mihi succureret, haud dubie et opus charitatis .
et mihi pergratum praestiterit ; succurret autem si vel dispensationem !
procuraverit, vel D. Praesidem ut procuret, in memoriam redegerit.
Allocutus sum D. Bayleum de hac re ut meam causam apud
D. Praesidem sollicitaret ; fecit quod desiderabam ; sed vereor ne
D. Praeses gravioribus negotiis implicatus immemor mei sit. Obsecro

* Father Grene notes: — "Father Leonard Magnano seems to have been '
Minister at that time."

1586 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

igitur, mi Pater, ut memorem mei te praebeas. Haec autem pro hoc
tempore scripsi : plura quidem posthac cum tempus et occasio sese
offerent. Deus tuam Ram diu servet incolumem, cui me totum dico
dedicoque. Filius tuus obedientissimus

Christophorus Mallettus
sive Baleus.
\Translatiori\

As often Revd Father, as I call to mind your unwonted goodness (and
I do so daily) I come to the conclusion that unless I show myself grateful
to your Paternity for such signal kindness, not only shall I neglect my
duty, but even play the traitor with filial piety. Moved by this reason I
had already resolved many a time, had not my health interfered, to write
to your Paternity to show my gratitude for your fatherly interest, and
declare my filial sentiments towards you. Now therefore, Reverend Father,
I will do what I have so often intended to perform. I will be brief how-
ever, for if I were to recount all my obligations I should be unable or
hardly able to stop. Nor is there need to mention them, the thing is
manifest.

To omit the rest. How true are the words so often pronounced by
your Reverence, "I will be your father and Father Minister your mother."
Would that I could have longer enjoyed your care ! This is indeed most
true, as my experience has proved. What then is now my duty except
to deal with you, as a child with his father ? Yes, it is my duty and 1
will now do it. I must endeavour to live up to your expectations of mc,
as you have in all points satisfied mine of you. I must also now beg
and pray you to satisfy me in one point more.

Your Reverence knows my weak and sickly constitution ; you know
also, if I am not mistaken, that I am not yet old enough to accept the
sacred office to which I am called by God, and which at my own desire
and with the consent of your Reverence, I have sworn to receive. I
have not yet attained my 22A year for I was born, or at least baptised,
on the 12th March in the year 1564, so that unless I obtain a dispensation,
I must wait yet two years for my ordination. This is a long time and
my health is bad ; and nothing is so well calculated to restore health as
one's native air. Moreover I might also hope, with God's assistance, to
be of some trifling service to my country.

Wherefore, Reverend Father, if you would help me in this affair you
would surely perform a great act of charity and one for which I should
be very grateful, and my turn would be served whether you yourself pro-
cured the dispensation or reminded Mr President to do so. I have spoken
on this subject to Dr Bayley, begging him to plead my cause with
Mr President, and he has done what I asked. Now I fear lest Mr President,
engrossed in more important business has forgotten me. I beg you
therefore, dear Father, to show yourself mindful of me.

Thus much for this time, more afterwards when time and opportunity
allow. May God long preserve your Reverence in health.

Your obedient & entirely devoted son

Christopher Mallett or Bales.

XLV.

TWO EXAMINATIONS OF SWITHIN WELLS

9 August, 1586, and [5] March, 1587

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cxcii, n. 18 ; ccvi, n. yj.

Swithin Wells, "sixth son of Thomas Wells of Bambndge near
Winchester, Esq., and brother to that worthy confessor Gilbert Wells, Esq.,"
is first met with in the annals of the persecution, 25 May, 1582, when

132 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

the Privy Council ordered the sheriff of Wiltshire to search for " Wells
the schoolmaster" at Monkton Farleigh {Acts of Privy Council, xiii, 403).
His Catholic biographers seem to have thought that he was always a
Catholic, whereas according to this confession, if it be really a full one
which one may doubt, he seems to have been a Protestant till 1583.
Perhaps, though a Catholic at heart, he may have yielded for a time to
the violence of the times, and have conformed at that date.

When the trouble began which caused the examination given below,
is not clear, for it appears from C.R.S., ii, 261, 267, that he had been
released by Justice Young from Newgate upon bonds, on the 4th of July,
six weeks earlier (see also next paper). The immediate cause of his
examination at this time was evidently the Babington Plot, as the answers
on that topic prove. The cause of suspicion against Swithin Wells appears
more clearly from the examinations of Mrs. Bellamy's servants on the
14th of August (R.O., D.E., cxcii, 72.40). Two of the conspirators in their
flight had hidden in the woods near Uxendon, the house of the Bellamys,
and Jerome Bellamy, the youngest son, gave them some food, for which
the poor boy was hung, drawn and quartered, and the family nearly ruined
(Morris, Troubles, ii, 48, 49). The depositions of the servants make it
clear that Swithin Wells had been to Uxendon and left again before the
relief to the conspirators was given. The deponents vary in the dates
they give for Wells' arrival. Richard the butler and another man-servant
said Sunday; two maid-servants said Friday and Thursday. The plough-
man did not notice him coming or going. The others all agreed that
he left on Monday, the man-servant, Mascrett, adding that it was "Monday
or Tuesday," and that he went "with one, whoe had been att his mistress'
house, three or foure miles uppon the waye to direct him towardes
London."

Wells, nevertheless, seems to have escaped further imprisonment at
this time, and the next examination shows that, though closely watched,
he was rather successful in avoiding the hands of the persecutors. The
date of the second examination appears to have been about a week after
" Schrift Monday," which in 1587 was 27 February.

(i)
The examynacion of Swithune Wells gent[leman] now of S1 Andrewes
parishe in Holborne of the age of 1 [50J yeares or thereabowts,
taken the ixth day of August Anno 28 Elyz. Regine. Saieth that he
hath lyved in Monton Ferley near to Bath in the County of Wilshire
abowt three yeares agone, and kept a schole for ientilmens children
in his howse for the space of vj yeares or thereabowts, sith which
tyme, he hath lyved amongest his frends, and now lyveth upon the
benevolence of his frends, as of his brother Gilbert Wells & others
of his frends. And he saieth he doth not know one John Savage
that lately did lye by Barnard's Inne in Holborne, & he saieth he
doth know one Babington a ientilman, but he hath not bene
acquaynted with him otherwise than in saluting one an other by
name as the mett in the stretes. The meanes how Mr Babington
knew him, as he taketh it, was this : That he was a meanes to one
Harrys, a servant to Mr Babington, to be a meane to his master,
when Mr Babington purposed to have gone byyond the see by licence,
to have taken a ientilmans sonne one Thos Higgens into his service.
And he saieth within this thre yeares, he is now become, as he
termeth it, a Catholick & so remayneth, but before he was a protestant

r58<5 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

133

and used the church, & reseved the comunyon. And he saieth he
hath not bene at London, nor abowte London for the space of a
dozen yeares together, & his comynge to London was abowt the
latter end of the last terme, & he hath remayned so long abowt
London, for that his abilite was not to carie him selfe & his wife,
who hath bene late sick, owt of London into the contrey, first into
Hampshire amongest his frends & then into Wilteshire, whither he
porposed to go. per me Swythune Wells

Taken by me William Danyell.

Endorsed. — Swythyn Wellys his examynacion taken by Mr Danyell
9° of August 1586.

(") [March, 1587.]

I have made my abode at Weton in berks at the howse of Francis
Pakins esquier my nephue since before christmas, from whose howse
I came on Shrift Munday last to Mr. Pawlet of Heryote, where I lay
that night. From thens the nexte morninge I came to Mr. Coles
howse in the parishe of Berington, there I lay that night, the next
day I came to my cosin George Cottons of Warblington, there I lay
that night : from thens to Mr. Kempes of Slindon, there I lay that
night. The next day to Michelgrove, where I have remained untill
this day.

t\/t„~j • u.. u tvt n 1 . 1 Where I found none but

Munday night at Mr. Pawlets his mother & her famy,y

Tewsday night at Mr. Coles
Wensday night at Mr. G. Cottens
Thursday night at Mr. Kempes
Fryday night at Michel grove
and there till this present

per me Swythune Wells

Francys Parkins esquier my sisters sonne procured my liberty owt
of prison abowt midsommer last paste. The bandes of my suerties
contayninge the day of my enlargement, and the days in which vppon
calling I ame to appere are regestred in Justice Yonge's office at
London, as hathe bene since vppon my appaurance before Syr
Christopher Hatton and Syr Francys Walsingham two of Her Maiestie's
Pryvy Counsell manifested by the sayd Justyce Yonge unto theire
honors. And whereas you require of me whether I have conveyed
any lettres, bookes, messages or tokens from or to any of the suspected
in religion any tyme this twelve monethe, I answere that I have not
delt in any suche actions this twelve moneth and more, and my
cominge to Mychelgrove was to see my frends, with intent not to
stay longer then fowr or fyve daies at the moste.

per me Swythune Wells

Endorsed. — Swythune Welles his confession, beeing a Recusant,
concerning places of his abode, &c.

and so of the rest

134

documents relating to January

XLVI.

THE LANDS AND LEASES OF Mr. RICHARD LANGLEY

n.d. [Jan.], 1587

Record Office, Miscellany of the Exchequer, *$-, n. 6.

This memorandum bears no date, but the next is dated 8 January,
1587. Mr. Langley was executed 1 December, 1586. His attainder will,
I presume, have been that passed by his sentence in court.

Ebor. Longley executed for receyving of Jesuyts and he had
lands and leases.

He had a lease of a parsonage of the Lord William Howard the
name is Grymthorpe, made when the leassee was under age.

Longley had lands which he conveyed to his owne use for life
the remaynder to his sonne and his heyrs who died before the
father's attaynder.

[Mem.] — To inquire of all other attaynted in the northe.

XLVII.

EXAMINATION OF EDWARD CAMPION, WITH A NOTE
BY CHIEF BARON MANWOOD

22 and 2y April, 1587

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cc, nn. 36, 45.

Campion's true name seems to have been Edwards, but he was received
at Douay "under the name of Campion" on the 22nd of February, 1586
(Douay Diaries, p. 209), and having rapidly completed his course there,
returned on the 18th of March, 1587.

On the 23rd of April, 1587, John Amyas received a reward from the
Treasurer of the Chamber, for bringing up a prisoner from Sittingbourne
to the Council at Greenwich, and on the 28th four more prisoners were
sent up from Canterbury (Record Office, Declared Accounts, Pipe Office,
542, m.95), but the month is written December, apparently a slip of the
pen. The first prisoner was certainly Campion, as appears by the second
paper. The second batch of prisoners would probably have included
William Chaddock. These two may be traced through the " Prison lists "
in the Marshalsea, Newgate and Wisbeach, whence the latter, a priest
from the English College, Rome, was eventually exiled after Elizabeth's
death. We shall meet with Campion again later. His conversion may,
perhaps, be somehow connected with his service with Lord Dacre, for
Gregory Fiennes, tenth Baron Dacre of the South, had married Anne,
daughter of Sir Richard Sackville, whose family had a strong leaning
to the ancient faith {C.R.S., ii, 2, 239; Month June, igoo, &c).

xxij Die Aprilis 1587 Anno Regni Rtie Elizabethe xxix0.
Edward Campion borne as he sayeth at Ludlow in Shropshire, and
brought up by ye space of ij yeres in Whitehall now called Jhesus
College in ye University of Oxon, late servant wth the L. Dacres of the
South, confefseth that he hath been reconciled, and is a catholike priest,
and hath lately been at Rhemes. He sayeth that the religion wch we

15^7 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

135

now pfefse in England is hereticall, and sayeth that the Quenes Ma'v
in ecclesiasticall causes is not his head or chief governor, butt only in
temporall. Edward Campion.

Endorsed. — The examination of Edward Campion priest taken the
xxijth of Aprill 1587.

(«)

May it please your honour, The Romish preist William Chadock
here stayed, now saith that his fellow stayed at Sittingbourne and sent
up calling himself Campyon is beyond sea called Edwardes, and affirmed
to be born at Ludlow that also may be further examined, if that this
Chadock should long remain here till thafsizes for his arraignment
of treason.

Therefore I have thought meet to send him up to Newgate in safe
custody to the intent that after you shall have caused him to be further
examined and dealt with as you shall see good, he may be at the next
Newgate Sefsions in London arraigned and receive his desert, or other-
wise at your pleasure. From my poor house S' Stevens near Canterbury
this xxvijth of April 1587.

Your honour's servant

Roger Manwood.

Addressed. — To the right honourable Sir Francis Walsingham knt.
Principal Secretary to the Queen's Majesty.

Endorsed. — 27 April 1587. From the L. Chief Baron.

XLVIII.

FOUR LETTERS OF ROBERT MORTON

May-July, 1587

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, nn. 31, 33, 34, ff. 73, 75, 76; and Col-
lectanea M. f. 205. The first three are autographs.

Robert Morton seems to have commenced the ecclesiastical career
in 1573 at Douay College {Diaries, p. 6), but to have broken it off again.
This may, perhaps, have been due to the death of his father, Robert
Morton of Bawtry, whose will was made 24 July, 1574, and proved
20 January, 1575. There were then alive four brothers, Anthony the heir,
born of the first marriage ; Robert, Daniel and Samson, the children of
Anne, daughter of John Norton of Norton Conyers, and relict after 1546
of Robert Plumpton. She had, however, died, and his father had married
a third time.*

We hear no more of Robert till twelve years later, when he arrived
in Rome in company with his uncle, Dr. Nicholas Morton, D.D., and was
received at the English Hospice, 9 December, 1586, and remained there
the usual period of eleven days. After this he seems to have entered
the college at his own charges, that is to have become a "convictor."
But, as his uncle was in failing health and died on the 27th of January
following, we may imagine that his college course did not commence in
earnest until after that event. On the 5th of April, 1587, he was admitted
as a scholar of the college " aptus ad theologiam positivam," in company
with Father John Gerard, afterwards of the Society. Morton was then
"annum agens 39m," which gives us a clue to the date of his birth.

%. Information communicated by the late Mr. W. Morton.

136 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

Father Christopher Grene says that the record of the oath of the Mission
entered in the College Annals is made in the Martyr's own hand
(Stonyhurst MSS., N I, ii, 19).

Father Grene {Ibid., I, i, 39) also quotes the following from a paper
which seems to be now lost : — "In responso P. Ioannis Gerardi ad Rich.
Topliffum {Arch. C. 1) P. Gerardus ait se quidem 52 libras sterlingas a
praedicto Roberto Mortono accepisse mutuas, cum simul in Collegio
Romano ambo morarentur, illosque omnes ubi in Angliam reversus fuit
(cum Robertus jam obiiset) in pauperes Catholicos distribuisse, cum
nullum consanguineum aut haeredem defuncti reperire potuisset." As
Gerard returned to England in 1588, we must conclude that Robert's
brothers had by then all wandered away from the ancestral home. On
the other hand, a Catholic priest who lived in hiding would have been
much hampered in his search for next of kin. We must not at once
conclude that they had all died sine prole.

Father Grene {Ibid.) adds another note relative to our Martyr's college
course: — " Habuit Caiechismuni Co?icilii Trident ini ad Parochos, Italice,
quern Collegio huic reliquit, Et adhuc exstat in cubiculo P. Ministri
hoc die 9 Martii, 1667, cum his verbis in fronte ipsius Martyris manu
exaratis, 'Collegio Anglorum ex dono Roberti Mortoni.' Hinc collige eius
studium Italicae linguae, et diligentiam praeparandi se ad missionem."

Our Martyr also caused a memorial tablet to be erected to his uncle
in the college chapel, and in the first of the following letters he makes
provision for paying for the inscription, which is here reproduced, as it does
not seem to have been printed before in its integrity. (See also Notes and
Queries, 3, S.; viii, p. 247).

D.O.M./.R.D. NICHOLAO . MORTONO . PR0 . ANGLO . / . SACR/E .
THEOLOGIZE . DOCTORI . CLAR0. QVI . /. AMICIS . CHARS. CZETERISQVE . BONIS .
OIB . PRO . FIDE . CATHOLICA . IN . PATRIA . AMISSIS . A0./. EXILII . SVI .
XXV . ^ETATIS . VERO . LXVI . ROM^ . /. MORTWS . E . A . D . MDLXXXVII .
D . XXVII . M . IA ./'. SEPELIRIQVE . VOLVIT . EODEM . TVMVLO . CVM . R ./.
D . SETONIO . CVM . QVO . EADE . RELIGIOIS ./. CAVSA . EX . ANGLIA .
AVFVGIT . ROMAMQVE . SIMVL . VENIT .

ROBERTVS . MORTONVS . NEPOS . AMATISSIMO . /. PATRVO . POSVIT .

The Very Reverend Bishop Giles, present Rector of the college, informs
me that the above mentioned Catechism of the Council of Trent can
no longer be found, but that though many other inscriptions have had
to be renewed, Morton's tablet is still extant in good preservation. He
has also kindly given me the correct reading.

The " R. D. Setonius " mentioned in the inscription will be the same
man as the "Joannes Setonus, sacrae theologiae professor," who signed
the paper printed in C.R.S., ii, 3 {Ibid., note 2, and p. 4, note 3).

Further recollections of our Martyr at this time with a description of
his personal appearance, may be found in Father Warford's Relation of
the Martyrs whom he had known (Pollen, Acts of English Martyrs,
p. 272).

The first of the following letters gives an interesting account of the
ordinary difficulties of the journey from Rome, as well as of the special
difficulties caused by the prevalence of the wars of religion. The eighth
of those wars, called La guerre des trois Henris, had been in progress
since 1585.

The "Mr. President" so frequently mentioned was Dr. Allen, who had
been summoned to Rome in September, 1585, but had not yet resigned
his presidency at Rheims, Dr. Bayley acting as his substitute. The
"Congregation" was the Sodality of our Lady, one of the earliest of
such associations of which we have record. The Father Confessarius

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 37

and the Prefect of Studies had lately been changed, and I am not able to
supply their names. Father Leonardo Magnano may still have been
" Padre Ministro."

The names of the "Company" of scholars are given in the Douay
Diaries. " D. Robertus Morton, diaconus," comes first, which looks as
though he had been the leader of the band. This would not be unnatural
even though he was not a priest, for he would have been the eldest and
perhaps also the best off. The other names are " D. Jacobus Bowlande,
D. Robertus Gray, D. Christoferus Buxton [the future Martyr], D. Petrus
Fletcher, Mr Guilielmus Owen." The last was still a student, the other
four were priests. The names may also be found in the Annates of
the English College, Rome, the priests being mentioned first, whence we
learn that they started on the journey in April (Foley, Records S.J '., vi, 117;
Douay Diaries, p. 215).

The only seal which still remains on these letters is found on the
third, and it offers some points of interest. The blazon is 1 and 4 ermine,
2 and 3 a goat's head erased. Crest is a bird (perhaps a lapwing), but
not "displayed" as in later blazons. This order of the coats is found
on a seal affixed to a deed of 1383, but in later times the goat's head
came upon the 1st and 4th. The style of scroll work shows that the
stone was cut in the sixteenth century.

(i)
Jesus Maria.
Reverend father my deuty remembred, beseeching you not to be
offended with me, that I did not write from Bononia or Milan, for in
truthe the heates and travel did so troble both my sighte and distemper
my hole bodye, that I was not able to sett hand nor pen to any paper
for any nede, the which at this present (thanked be God) is somthinge
recovered, although the werinesse of our long and laborious, and in the
last end, viz. in France, most dangerous iorney be not as yet cleane
oute of my bones. We arived all six (prased be God) safelye at Rhemes
upon Corpus Christies Eve, havynge, by reason of the extreme dearthe
both in Italye Germanye and France, spent all our money, althoughe
everye one did what he could to spare, neverthelesse the charges
came most commonly to eyght Julyos* and a crowne a day horse and
man, besydes extraordenarye expenses in guides to passe the dangeres
of montaynes and heretikes, whitch verye hardlye we escaped, being
thre severall tymes in manyfest perill. I lent in our iorney unto
Father Gray tow crownes and a halfe, besydes the six crownes, which
I toocke up at Placence in your name. Who, havynge soulde his
horse for 27 crownes, hathe repayed me. I lent allso unto William
Owen six crownes in Goolde, who for sparinge did often ryde all the
day fastinge without his diner, not eatinge anythinge until nyghte,
who hath not repayed me, but referred me over unto Mr. Baylye to
be payed upon youre head. Sir, the hast of my iorney caused me, at
my departure from Rome, to forgett to pay the paynter, which colored
the letters upon my uncle's monument (on whose soule, God have
mercy) whome I pray youe to discharge, and I will repay it heare to
whom it shall please youe. Thus referringe to write more at large
by the nexte post, not forgetting my deuty to Mr. Presedent (whome

* An Italian coin, named after Pope Julius II, worth about sixpence.

138 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

I besetch to remember me with his letter) to father Parson, father
Gibbons, father Confessarious, father Minister, wishing health and
obedience to all the rest of the colledge, and in especially [sic] to
them of the congregation, to whose prayers I most earnestly commend
my selfe. I committ youe to the tuition of Jesu, from Rhems the
30 of Maye 1587. Your Reverence his to command

Robert Morton

Father Gray hath him humblye commended unto youe, Mr.
Presedent, Father Parsons, and others above named, who within thre
dayes is to depart to Paris, because heare can be no orders geven
that I may be prest before the next Quatuor tempora.

For lightnes of cariage I write in a single leafe, in sutche place
and paper as I coulde gett.

Addressed. — All Molto Rdo padre il padre Gulielmo [Holto] Rettore
del Collegio Inglesi. A Roma.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — D. Rob. Mortonus Martyr, Rhemis 30 Maii,
1587, n. 189, in libro rubro.

(")
Jesus Maria
Reverend Father. Albeit I signified in my last letter that I was
owt of hope for taking of orders before Michelmas next, havynge not
Mr. Presidentes letter to anye for my helpe therein, neverthelesse
good Mr. Baylye gevinge credit unto me that Mr. President would
write in that behalfe, at my request moved the good Cardinall of
Vademont (who by licence of the Cardenall of Guise) gave orders
heare at Rhemes, at whitch tyme allso I was lyke to have bene
reiected, because I hadd nott my letters of orders from Rome, if
youre letter had not ben, which youe writt to Mr. Bayley, whearin
youe named me a deacon, which eased me of a great mortification,
seynge father Gray was gone and the rest, except father Peter, who
could witness of my orders takinge at Rome. Now thearfore seynge
it hathe plesed Almyghty God to helpe me throughe the pickes,* and
called me to the order of presthoode, presumynge of youre accostumed
charytie and Mr. Presidentes that I may have the same auctoritye in
absolvynge, reconsilinge, and exercisinge all other Sacramentes to God
his honor, and to the comfort of afflicted soules whitch other prests
have that venture ther lyfes aboute the same end. I meane (God
willinge) to make all sped convenient towardes England according to
my determination when I departed from youe, the whitch if I chance
to alter I will (according to my dewty) certefye youe thearof. Thus
with my humble commendations to youreself, Mr. President, father
Confessarius, father Prefect, father Minister I seace to troble youe.
From Rhemes this 17 of June 1587. Youres to comande

Robert Morton

Addressed. — All Molto Rdo padre il pre Gulielmo Holto della compania
del ssmo nome di Giesu et Rettore del Collegio Inglese. A Roma.
Endorsed by F. Grene. — D. Rob. Mortonus M. 170 Jun. 1587 Rhemis.

% " Throughe the pikes," or " to pass the pikes," i.e. to run the gauntlet (Murray,
Dictionary^ vii, 852, a).

crn^.

J'M

Z&rn^. . CVS

vUvCasn^ & rr?w mtke-5 <n~-dixh*fe6 j?

w ■LmsGs'JcgA'

*W %Ljf^c^f/^^- £^e 0*:f *^-

aj^jl*^

To face p. 139]

The Ven. ROBERT MORTON, M.
Commends Roland Jenks, the Oxford Printer, whose ears had been cut off.

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS T39

(iii)

Reverend father. I had forgotten in my letter to request youre
favorable chary tie towardes one Chinckes,* a pore banished man, who
was some tyme a ritch bookbynder in Oxforde, and lost his earese
beinge sett on the pillarye for the Catholyke cause, and not onlye
theyme butt also all his goodes, who is desiorous to serve in the
colledge with youe at Rome as porter, and to bynd bookes or dictates
to helpe him towardes something that he live thoughe porelye, seinge
all thinges ar heare so deare that he is nott able to live havynge no
stocke to sett up a great shoppe, and havynge made harde shifte
heare to rubbe owt this deare tyme. Thus besetchinge youe to lett
him know youre mynde by youre letter to Mr. Bayley I committ
youe to the tuition of Jesus. Rhemes this 17 of June 1587.

Youres to commande

Robert Morton

Addressed. — All Molto Rdo padre il pre Gulielmo Holto Rettore del
Collegio Inglese in Roma. A Roma.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — 17 Jun., 1587. Rhemis. Rob. Mortonus
M. de quodam Bibliopola Catholico fidei causa male mulctato.

(iv)

Alia ejusdem Roberti Mortoni Parisiis ad P. Holtum, Rectorem
Romae, data Parisiis 20 Julii 1587. Ex autographo.

Revd Father, although I had lately written to your Rev. as touching
all my affairs — notwithstanding haueing received yours of last of June —
haueing written divers since by divers posts since my coming either
thither [Rhemes] or to Paris, from whence I am, God willing, to depart
shortely towards England, the course you appointed me, alone without
father Gray, who as I writ before went from me and is gone into
England in a shipp of Newcastle. — F. Tyriusf for want of letters in
my behalfe will doe nothing for me, alledging that he hath commandment
from Scotland not to send any priests thither untill it be known what
will bee done in the Parliament there, the which beginneth this
present day. Nevertheless he has sent for F. James & F. Peter, who
had your letters to him and hath asked me divers times if I had any
letters from your Rce to him. But God hath provided on a suddaine
by a way not thought of which I hope will serve. — I have bin
something troubled in my eyes with 3 or 4 dayes hete after a long
whett. Thus with my humble commendations. — 20 Jul. 1587.

Yours during life

Robert Morton

jK This was the same Roland Jenks whose condemnation was followed by the
outbreak of fever in the Oxford Assizes. (See above, p. 96.) Jenks arrived in
Rome, 12 November, 1587 (Foley, Records, vi, 560). It would appear that he after-
wards found work in Flanders. " Notes by Phelippes : — About the printing of
Saunder's book, De Schismate Anglicano, and The Queen of Scots' complaint of her
son : Jenkins, the Oxford scholar that had his ears cut off, is the printer in Flanders "
{Calendar, 1591-1594, p. 161).

f For Father Tyrie, see Foley vii, 792. James Rowland, Peter Fletcher and
Robert Gray have been mentioned above. The dashes signify Father Grene's
omissions in his transcript.

140 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

XLIX.

FOUR LETTERS TO THE EDITOR OF THE
" CONCERT ATIO "

May-June, 1587

This article shows us with what pains and perseverance information
regarding the Martyrs was gathered by the exiles for religion, before it
was possible to keep records at home. The first, and in a sense the
amplest of our martyrologies, is the Concertatio Ecclesiae Anglicanae,
the first edition of which was brought out by Father John Gibbons, S.J.,
in 1583 (C.R.S., iv, no). He was engaged on the much augmented
edition of 1588, when a packet of letters addressed to him was intercepted.
The letters are now scattered among the Burghley Papers in the British
Museum, Lansdowne MSS., vol.xcvi, but four of them (one containing
five enclosures) can be recognised, and they are all marked on the back
with a sign something like — 2. I have quoted from each the passages
which refer to England and the English Martyrs. After this the biblio-
graphical questions will be treated with more detail.

As to the Martyrs mentioned in these papers. (1) The first is Thomas
Pilchard, who suffered at Dorchester, 21 March, 1587. (2) The second,
John Hambley, who suffered at or near Salisbury (Chard in South Somerset
is also mentioned) "about Easter," says Mr. Simpson {Rambler, 1858,
x, 325). The form Hamden, which occurs here, may explain why some
writers {e.g. Champney's Atmales) have confused him with George
Douglas, who, as appears above (p. qon), was closely connected with the
Hamiltons ; while Worthington introduced an N. {i.e. Some -Name)
Hamilton as having died about 1586 at Lincoln. (3) The first of the two
sufferers at Gloucester will have been John Sandes, 11 October, 1585.
(4) The second Martyr at Gloucester was Stephen Rowsham. The exact
day of his death is not known, but it is clear that the month of July,
sometimes assigned for it, must be too late. (5) The reported death of
a priest, pressed to death for not pleading at Worcester, seems to be
an error. There is no subsequent confirmation of it, and a fact so
striking would, we may be sure, not easily pass into oblivion.

A. No. 25, Dr. Thomas Bayly to Fr. Gibbons

Rheims, 21 May, 1587
"About 10 days ago, I received yours of the 24 of March . . .
On Tuesday last came hither one out of England who saith that
there is great persecution. They have lately put 5 priests to death,
whereof one was pressed to death for that he would not answer to
their questions, being what he would do, if foreign power should invade
the Realm. They take priests and other Catholics still very often;
and now they begin to persecute also the schismatics. The young
king of Scotland remaineth still amongst his rebelles and ennemies,
who suffer him to take his pastime in hunting & hawking &c under
a shew of liberty, but they think themselves sure ynough of him.
Here was on Tewsdaie last one called Coronell Stewart, capitain of his
Guard, whoe told me thus much, and also that he is something bent
towardes the Catholike Religion, but lacketh instruction, & abilitie to
shew the same. I hear that Sister Saunders is lately come out of
England to Sion again."

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

I4r

B. No. 30, Father Nicholas le Clerc* to Father Gibbons

Pont-a-Musson, 7 June
" De morte Reginae Scotiae non dubito quin multi multa et varia
[scripturi sint]. Utinam existat aliquis unus per omnia veridicus
scriptor." Glad of the news about Allen.

C. No. 28, Father William Murdoch, S.J., to the same

Ibid., 20 June
" Father Creitton arrived safe in Paris about the end of May and
started for Rome on the first of this month," &c. &c.

D. No. 26, Dr. Humphrey Ely to the same

Right reverend, Ibid., 20 June

I owe you thanks for many letters and much good newes that
you have sent me, and therefore at this present I would gladly requit
you with such as I have, and for want of tyme and leysure I send
you the letters themselves here enclosed and wyll adde such
occurrences as I have in other letters frome Rhemes. But fyrst to
your last letter. I have dealt with Fa. Rector here, who hath appoynted
Mr Sutton to translat the rest of the martyrs, and I have set hym
on work already. Besydes those by you named in your letter, if I am
not deceved I sent you Mr Wm Hart's martyr's life fayr wrytten in
folio, as also the life of Mr Emerford priest. Of Mr Hart's I am
sure as I think for I cannot fynd it amongest my papers here. I
requested you, and so I do eftsoons, to send me by your good
opportunity the copies in English I dyd send you, if Mr Fenne
hath returned them, because I mean one day to see them extant in
English and I have no copies so fully and so well gathered as those
are I sent you.

Mr Doctor Barret in his last putteth me in great hope to send
me good news of our country in his next, wylling me in the mean
tyme to be of good hope. When it cometh I wylbe no niggard
thereof. Also that the next tyme he would wrytt of the red hatt, t
but this he wylled me to keepe to my self.

I send you Mr D. Gifford's letters. The one of them containeth
strange news touching the Duke of Parma's son,§ albeit he willed me
to keep them to myself, and so do not communicate that point to
any here, yet I could not but send it to you because I would have
you to understand what fetches and shifting is in the world for kingdoms.

God send us a Catholike king quickly. For my part I care not
of what country and nation he be, so that religion were restored, and
so many of our poor frends that goe to perdition might be saved.

This berer is a yonge youth who hath lyved synce Christmas in
the Seminary at Rhemes, of whom Mr Baylly writeth thus unto me,
"The bringer hereof Jhon Hallidaye.f having remayned here a few

* On Le Clerc, see C. de Sommervogel, Bibliothique de la C. de Jesus, ii, 1222.
ff> Allen was made cardinal 7 August, 1587.
§ This letter is apparently now missing.

IT John Halliday or Holiday is mentioned in the Douay Diaries, p. 214, as
having arrived in January. The Martyr of this name was Richard.

I42 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

months in good order, is now desyrous to depart, for that he cannot
have his health so well here as he desyreth, and for fear that he
shall be worse in wynter, and thus much I have thought good to
signify unto you on his behalf. He seemeth to be an honest natured
youth. If you have any meanes to helpe hime to some service or
otherwise, I commende him to your charity."

And so committinge you to God and myselfe to your devout
memento, after my harty commendations to you, to Fa. Copley, to
Mr Eaton and Mr Wm Pow[ | I take my leave. From Pont a

musson the 20th of J[ ] 87.

Yours to do you service

Humfrey Elye

Addressed. — Admodum Rdo in Xpo Patri, P. Joanni Gibbono,
Rectori Collegii Treviren, Societatis Jesu, Treveri.

[Enclosures in the above letter of Dr. Ely '.]

(i) No. 27, Walter Stokes to Dr. Ely

Rouen, 10 May

I met with Sister Elizabeth Saunders at Deape out of England,
of whom I hear I hear of great scarcity there and much trouble for the
Catholic faith. Mr Pylcher with two laymen were executed in Dorset-
shire about Easter last as the year goeth with us. The party that
came with her brought the statutes. The abstract thereof shall be
here inclosed if I can have leisure to write them forth. My Lord
Chancellor and Sir Ralph Sadler are both dead of late and Sr Amias
Paulet the queen of Scots' keeper is in great disgrace for her execution,
as also one Dauisonne Secretary is in the Tower and put from his
office, and deeply fyned also, for not proceeding with the Queen of
Scots according to his mistress' commandment at the delivery of the
warrant, which was not to put it in execution before the Realm should
be actually invaded by some foreign power.

There are come to Roanne this night two Englishmen of whom
we expect news. If they will part with any, you shall have them. . . .
Our countrymen say that Mr Pylcher was executed of late, as I said
before, Mr Hambden at Salisbury, two priests at Golster [Gloucester].
One was Mr Sandes in summer last. One other priest pressed to
death at Worster, whose name I cannot name : which I was desirous
to have learned because of our friend Mr Shaw. The Earl of
Pembroke President of Wales.

(ii) No. 22, Dr. William Gifford to the same

25 May

This and the following letters contain allusion to a boy "Jack," who
was under Ely's guardianship, presumably attending the Jesuit schools
at Pont-a-Musson. He was evidently some relative of Gifford's, who
playfully alludes to him as "my bulchen," a term of endearment which
originally signified a little bull, a bull calf (Murray, Oxford Dictionary,
i, 1 164).

When the Cardinals came to Rheims, I spake of 2 things, the
league, and the cruelty of besse in murdering the Scottish Queen. . . .

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 143

With a million of commendations to the bulchen. God willing I will
see you before it be long. This pridie S. Augustini Anglorum Episcopi.
Mr Benett going to Verdun to the novitiate bringeth this letter.

(iii) No. 24, R. S. " to good cousin Gifford."

Corpus Christi Even, i.e. May 27
An account of Drake's attack on Cadiz.

(iv) No. 23, Dr. Gifford to Dr. Ely

6 June
Premised commendations to your good self & to the bulchen my
cousin, ... to F. Wm Murdoch & our English FF. etc. Of England
Brombie L. Chancellor is dead, Hatton in his place, Sir Ralph Sadler
dead and Foscue of the guarde robe in his place, Rawlie in Sir X°fer
Hatton's place. There are dead besides the earl of Rutland, the L.
Montague (justly because he spake most cruelly against the Queen
of Scotland in the Parliament before her death to have her executed)
the lord Cheyney . . . Walsingham & Lester are deadly enemies for
4 causes, first because Lester preferred Foscue before him in the
Chancellorship of the Duchie wch Sir Ralph Sadler had &C. ... I
expect Gilbert's stuff & books. ... I trust Jack my bulchian will give
me somewhat of the great legacy his Uncle Peeters hath left him.

(v) No. 31, True Intelligence

5 prestes executed in englande in diuers places. 4 hanged drawen
and quartered, the 5te stonyed [?] because he woulde nott answere to
noe interrogatories of thers [?], and I can nott tell whatt. Theare
names weare Pilcher, Sandes, Hamllie. Reliquos nescio. (The rest
were as I herd since Daking & Patison, but this is not certayne. —
Added by Ely.)

Mr. Peeters at Roane longe sense is deade, Mr. Powell taken by
prodition of a knave in Monmouthshire, Mr. Morgan, Mr. Eles,
Mr. Morgan Clenocke and others do all well and verie much good.
Here is one come from them. (Princes of Lorraine, &c.)

Persecution in Englande monstrous greate, noe passage att all but
by stelte in Scottishe vessels. (At Rome is dead Mr Walley prest, at
ye Spaw of late Mr Allot priest, at Paris mr Robert fenne a banished
priest brother to Mr. Fenne now at Daventrye. — Added by Dr. Ely.)

The great importance to us of the Concertatio will warrant our going
once more over its history, and seeing what light the above correspondence
throws upon its construction. From Father Persons' Punti della Missione
Anglicana (C.R.S., iv, no), we learn that the first edition was brought
out by Father Gibbons, and this we should perhaps not have otherwise
known, as his name never appears either in this or in the later editions.
Father Persons also stated that it appeared "in two volumes," a fact
which none of our bibliographists had noticed, and as to which my note
{I.e.) needs emendation. The first edition,* then, appeared at Treves, and
the letter dedicatory, which is signed by the printer, Edmundus Hatotus,

# Mr. Joseph Gillow has kindly allowed me to inspect his copy of the first
volume, which is very rare, and not in the British Museum.

144 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

only (such were the risks of printing even abroad) is dated v. kal. Sep.
{i.e. 28 August). It consists of a Latin translation of Allen's Brief e
Historie of the Glorious Martyrdom of xii Reverend Priests [1582].
(I may mention that I am now reprinting this exceedingly rare booklet,
which is the forerunner of all our Martyr books.) Gibbons rearranged
the lives in chronological order and put Allen's preface at the end, calling
it the Apologia Martyrum, but made no substantial change in Allen's
work.

The second volume of this first edition of the Concertatio* is the
translation of Allen's Apologie for the Seminaries, bearing the title,
Duo edicta Elizabethae Reginae contra Sacerdotes Societatis Iesu, &
alumnos seminariorum . . . una cum Apologia D. Gulielmi Alani.
Augustae Trevirorum, 1583. The letter dedicatory, again signed by
Hatotus, is dated iv. non. Sep. {i.e. 2 September). The title-page, indeed,
makes no allusion to the book being part of the Concertatio, and this
is no doubt the reason why bibliographists have hitherto passed the point
unnoticed. But the Argumentum of the prior volume announces that
this Apologia will be included in the Concertatio; and, moreover, at the
close of this second volume comes the Errata Corrige for both volumes.
So that the accuracy of Father Persons' statement about the "duo tomi"
is fully proven.

Though Father Gibbons' name does not appear in either edition, the
preface to the second bears the name of another Jesuit Father, Ioannes
Aquepontanus (Bridgwater), whom we must therefore suppose to have
had his share in the work, though from the correspondence here published,
it would seem that Father Gibbons was still taking the chief share in
the work of collecting materials. The second edition eventually appeared
in 1588, and the latest document which it contains is dated "the last
of January 1588." It does not, however, carry down the lives of the
Martyrs beyond the middle of 1585. The names of the Martyrs conveyed
by these letters are wanting, as though the theft of this packet of letters
had somehow led to the conclusion of the book, which, however, would
in any case have been well filled with the earlier Martyrs,

Ely mentions "Mr. Sutton" as already engaged "to translate the rest
of the martyrs." Unfortunately we do not know how far the translation
had gone, and so we cannot say exactly what share he had in the work.
The Sutton in question would have been the Jesuit, William, brother to
Robert, the priest and Martyr (Foley, vii, 750). "Mr. William Hart's
the martyr's life, fair written in folio," will doubtless be the original of
the excellent article in the Concertatio, folios 104-106, and we also see
that this life was probably translated by John Fenn, the brother of the
Martyr, James Fenn, and of Robert, also a priest and a confessor of the
faith in prison. Emerford's life which Ely "cannot find among his
papers," would seem to have gone quite astray. It is not in Concertatio,
and alas, it does not seem to have survived in any form. Perhaps it was
stolen by the same letter-thieves that took the above.

The third edition of the Concertatio is dated 1594. It is, however,
really not a new edition, but only a reissue of some unused sheets with
a fresh title-page. The table of errata is identical for both volumes,
and all the minute errors of the 1588 editions, such as omitted dots,
broken type, wrongly placed accents, &c, are all exactly reproduced in
the issue dated 1594.

s|c A copy of the second volume is in my possession.

I5&7 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 145

FIVE LETTERS OF CHRISTOPHER BUXTON

May-September, 1587

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, nn. 30, 32, 35, ^, 38, ff. 72, 74, 77, 79, 80.

The following letters tell us most of what we know regarding- the
character of this Martyr, and the portrait he draws of himself is certainly
a very interesting one. His ardour for the mission is admirable. When
in Rome he had made "earnest and often sute both unto yow and to
Mr. President,'7 i.e. to Allen, now become Cardinal, to be sent to England.
Writing from Rheims, "every one saythe, it is almost impossible to enter."
Still he "gave answer, that I came from Rome to go in, and therefore,
if I could gette in, I would. . . And so I am amynded and determined,
and if I can gette anye hoope to escape by any meanes, I will venter in
the name of Jesus Christe and our blessed Ladye and all the holye and
blessed companye of heaven." Difficulties nevertheless kept rising up,
and we see him gallantly breasting one after another for four months.
His career seems to have been very short, for we shall see him below
(p. 161) to have been "apprehended in Kent, at Hallowtide," that is, not
far from the place where he landed and not very long after the time of
doing so.

Jesus Maria
Good father Rector. These are to let you understande that we
Qppon Corpus Christi Eve arrived in Rheymes ; trewlye not without
greate daungers of our lyves, and muche troble in the most parte of
our waye, especiallye in laurene [Lorraine] and Fraunce, and not
without great expences. For I for my parte have spente my 25
crownes, and was indepted one at the leaste by the waye. Nowe we
are at Rheymes we cannot sell our horse, but he lyethe upon our
handes and puttethe us to daylye charges, so that if it continewe a
whyle we shall not have muche to bringe us into Englande. Here
at Rheymes theye all marvell that we were sente from Rome towarde
Englande, for everye one saythe it is almost impossible to enter in.
Some theyre are here that made sute to have gone into Englande ;
but Mr. Baylisse was offended with them, as they saye, because they
woulde aske the question and woulde not permitte in any wyse to go.
Within a daye after we came to Rheymes Mr. Baylisse sent for us
into his chamber and asked of us what we woulde do, for because
he was to certifye Mr. Presidente what our ententes were, and some
sayde they muste needes staye a fornyght or thrye wekes of certayne
busines : and I, for my parte, gave answere that I came from Rome
to go in Englande, and therefore, if I coulde gette in, I would
prepare [?] myself to [? journejye, so sone as we had solde our horse,
and so I am amynded and determined within one weeke after the
wryting herof to go towardes my countrye, and if I can gette anye
hoope to escape by any meanes I will venter in the name of Jesus
Christe and our blessed Ladye and all the holye and blessed
companye of heaven. Marye ! for moneye, I thincke when I parte
from Rheymes, I thincke I shall have scarce 2 [?] crownes in my
purse, perhappes you will accuse mj of prodigalitye and wante of

146 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

discretion in so lavyshinge oute of my moneye. Trewlye wytnes to
all my felowes I coulde spende no lesse, all thinges are so deare, yea
trewlye, especiallye in Fraunce, vitules bothe for horse and man are
twyse so deare as theye are wonte to be. Theyre is none of my
felowes but he hathe spent fullye as much I. All these complayntes
I make unto you nowe, as concerninge our greate expences and
chardges we have bene at, are onlye to move you to pitye us if we
be dryven to any straytnes, because we are not certayne wher or
howe we shall gette over seas, that you with a fatherlye good will,
will look uppon us your children, and helpe us, if we be put to anye
distresse or neede. Thus good Father geevinge you most hartye
thankes for all your greate good will and furtheraunce I have receyved
at your handes, moste humblye and in dewtyfull manner, I take my
leave of you, beseechinge you to praye for me, and, as I am bound,
I will praye for you. Rheymes this 30 of Maye 1587.

Your lovinge and obedient Childe

Christopher Buxton

Addressed. — Admodum Reverendo Domino D. Gulielmo Holto
Collegii Anglorum Rectori Romse. Romas.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — Christoph: Buxtonus Martyr de desiderio
suo eundi in Angliam, &c. Rhemis 30 Maij 1587.

Jesu Maria
Sir, I am to lett you understand that we are all nowe in Parice
except Mr. Fletcher who stayeth at Rheymes for a tyme. We stayde
all in Rheymes iust a weeke, and we came into Parice upon Frydaye
the vth of June, where we have stayde untill the Twesdaye after,
uppon which daye I am determined by God's helpe to take my
journeye towardes Roan. For the rest of my felowes I do not know
when they will awaye, theye are not certayne yett themselfes. Everye
man telleth us our journeye is daungerous, but we are resolved to
take our oportunitye to go in so sone as is possible. For our
direction over the seas what way we shall take, we are not yett
certayne. Everye man thinketh to go in by Scotland is the best,
because of great lybertye which is [given untjo the Catholickes there
of late tyme. When I come to Roan you shall know more. I had
[thought] to have wryten nowe unto Mr. President, but because I
wryte so lately unto his worshippe, when I was at Rheymes, therefore
I am lothe to trouble his worshippe, unlesse I had anye matter of
importance to wryte unto him of. I beseeche you Sir, in my name
do my humble commendacions unto his worshippe, beseechinge him
to remember us in his good prayers, and we as we are in dewtye
bounde will hartelye praye for him. Sir, we receyved your lovinge
letters (which you wryte unto us all) when we were in Parice, but
for anye moneye at Placentia we receyved none, because then we
thought we shoulde not greatlye neede anye. Mr. Tempest here at
Parice usethe us verye courteoslye and taketh greate paynes with us
in all our busines. For my moneye I shoulde receyve of Mr. Baylie,

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 147

I receyved of him at Rheymes 6 crownes, and the other 12 I am to
receyve at Roan of Mr. Shelton. We colde not sell our horse well
at Rheymes, but I caried him to Paryce, where I solde him for 19
Pistolettes. We are sorye of the heavye newes that we harde as
concerning the deathe and murderinge of Mr. Thomas Vavasour. We
will remember him in our sacrifyce, by God's helpe. Sir, I will nowe
cease to trouble you anye longer for this tyme, committinge you and
all my lovinge felowes and bretherne unto Almightye God, and the
blessed Virgine, besechinge you to remember me unto good Mr.
Fitzharbart, Mr. Garrette, Mr. Harte, John Nelson, and lastelye unto
my countryeman Frauncis.* Parice this 9 of June 1587.
Your lovinge Sonne

in all most obedient

Christopher Buxton

Addressed. — Admodum Reverendo P. Patri Gulielmo Holto Collegij
Anglorum Rectori Romas.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — Christoph. Buxtonus M. Parisijs 9 Jun.,1587.

Sir, my humble dewtye remembred unto you as also unto
Mr. President. These are to certifye you that as I came by Paris
Mr. Doctor Darbishire sent for me and tolde me that he had receyved
worde from father Persons from Rome that none of us prystes that
came last from Rome shoulde go towardes Englande untill we heard
further from you at Rome. Whereuppon as obedience requirethe I
staye, althoughe it be to me some cost and chardges for I can gett
but litle for my masses in respecte of my expences, all thinges are
here so deare in France. What ye rest of my fellowes will do I
cannot tell : we are all, as I thincke, verye lothe to staye, but that it
is your will to the contrarye and you knowe best what is to be done.
I will [daylie cancelled} expecte your answere, whitch I trust will not
be longe ere it come unto me. I will cease to trouble you anye
longer for this tyme, committinge you unto the tuition of Almightye
God. Roan this 29th of June 1587.

Your lovinge and obedient Childe

Christopher Buxton

Addressed. — Admodum Reverendo p. patri Gulielmo Holto Collegii
Anglorum in Urbe Rectori tradantur. Romse.

Endorsed by F. Grene.— Mr. Buxton Martyr. Roan 29 Jun. 1587.

* The persons here mentioned can nearly all be identified in Foley's edition
of the English College Diary or Annals. Thomas Vavasour was unfortunately
murdered in the Abruzzi, while on a begging tour to raise money for the Seminaries
(Foley, vi, 153). Mr. Garret was Father John Gerard, afterwards S.J. {Ibid., p. 173).
Mr. Fitzharbard in Rome will have been Nicholas Fitzherbert, the Thomas Fitz-
herbert mentioned as in Paris afterwards became a Jesuit of note {cf. Letters of
Cardinal Allen, p. 221 ; Foley, Records, vii, 258). The Mr. Hart was perhaps
Dr. William Hart, an Englishman living in Rome {cf. Letters of Cardinal Allen,
221). For John Nelson, see Foley, vi, p. 169. "My countryeman Francis' will
have been Francis Clayton of (? county) Derby (Foley, vi, p. 166), whose surname is
mentioned in the last of these letters.

I48 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

Sir, you maye perhaps marvayle what hathe bene the cause of
my staye so longe forthe of my countrye, truly nothinge else but
Mr. Doctor Darbyshire's commandement, who tolde me when I was
with him in Paris, he had receyved letters from F. Persons, that
none of us that were sent from Rome this mission, shoulde goe
towardes Englande until we harde from him agayne. Why the rest
of my fellowes stayed not as well as I, Father Darbyshire tolde me
that none of them but my selfe came to him when we were in Paris,
therefore he colde not geve them the same commandment, which he
gave unto me. Mr. Dobson tolde me that Father Fletcher sayde he
had bene with Mr. Doctor Darbyshire and yet he tolde him of no
stayinge, which made me not a little to marvayle. So it is I have
often wryten unto Father Darbyshire that I might go forward,
consideringe my fellowes were gone alreadye. After a whyle I came
to Ewe,* where Mr. Mann and Mr. Dobson thought I might go
forwarde without anye scruple, consideringe we were all of one mission
and theye gone alreadye. And presentlye upon this counsell of
theyres I receyved Mr. Thomas Fitzharbardes letters from Paris, whom
I had solicited oftentymes with my letters to speake unto Father
Darbyshire that I might go forwarde. So I saye at last he wryte
unto me that Mr. Doctor Darbyshire had him commended unto me,
and bad me nowe go forwarde in the name of God, when I woulde
my selfe. So ever synce, for the space of thrye weekes and more, I
have layen at Ewe, with often goinge unto Deepe to provyde me for
a shippe for my passage, and nowe at last by the helpe of Mr. Wharton,
the bearer hereof, I have mett with an honest man, who is called
Mr. James, beinge a good Catholycke, who promisethe me he will
sett me in London saffelye and acquaynt me with Prystes and
Catholyckes. We expecte everye daye when to go forwarde, which I
trust wilbe within towe or thrye dayes. Thus from Deepe, this 7 of
September, I take my leave desyringe you, good father Rector, to
praye for me, that I maye have a saffe and prosperous passage into
my countrye. Your lovinge Child and

in all most obedient

Christopher Buxton

Addressed. — Admodum Reverendo pipatri Gulielmo Holt Societatis
Jesu Collegii Anglorum Rectori in urbe tradantur.

Endorsed (i) by F. Grene. — Beatus M. Christopherus Buxtonus
passus Cantuariae t° Octobris 1588. Scribit 70 Septembris & 29 Jul.
[? Jun.] 1587 ad P. Holt Rectorem Coll' huius Angl. Ostendens
magnam obedientiam erga PP. Societatis & nominatim P. Personium.

(ii) This letter dated Deepe 7 September 1587.

Most reverende and my most lovinge Father, F. Rector.

Within one daye after I had sealed upp my letters and had sente
them towardes you, your letters came unto my handes, beinge in

* On the English School at Eu in Normandy, see C.R.S., ii, 30, 31, and notes.
Mr. Mann and Mr. Dobson, priests, seem to have been teaching there.

** ?>

'•yV'® -A^i/^ ^%-»7 <5«*j. _,

Ma.7 i^ociJ, /&tA* »*_{?- /w<*»»" eA- \ /

^jfigQfy

w.. y

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-.-, *'..<•;/

To face />. 749]

The Ven. CHRISTOPHER BUXTON, M.

1587 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 149

Deepe. Wherein I perceyve howe iniuriouslye I have bene handled
with Father Darbyshire, who forged suche thinges to make me
to staye. In the faith of a pryste, if his wordes had not bene (who
put some scruple into me in goinge forwarde) I had bene the fyrst
of all my companyons in Englande ; for I was the fyrst that was
settinge forthe of Paryse with all speede to have gone forwarde. If
I shoulde have done otherwyse then so, consideringe my earnest and
often sute bothe unto yow and to Mr. President (who, as yow write
unto me, is nowe Cardinal, God be praysed) when I was with you at
Rome, if I saye now I shoulde seeme to staye and not to go with
all speede, you might well have adiudged me hypocritically and
faynedlye to have requested the same ; but consideringe the thinge
is past, and by this I maye learne to worke more surelye in my
affayres an other tyme, I will not take it to muche to hart, but will
lett it lyghtlye passe ; and nowe at lenght with full Seale and couragious
myndes most like unto Aeneas we will cutt the Surginge Seas, and
make assault towardes our foes. You might do well, good Father,
if you woulde wryte unto Father Darbyshire and lett him knowe
what a displeasure he hathe done me, wishinge him not without
commandement hereafter to staye anye after the lyke sorte. I praye
you lett my Countryeman Cleyton knowe that it is not for lacke of
courage or good zeale that I have not yett bene amongest his freindes
and myne. Nowe tell him I will do more (for parte of recompence of
my staye) in a weeke then before I shoulde have done in a fortnight.
And for the fatherlye and lovinge freindshippe, reverende Father, you
offer unto me in your last letters as concerninge v or vj crownes you
bid me take in your name, trewlye I am bounde to thincke theyre
is trewe freindshippe in you. For that moneye, I say, I most hartelyc
thancke you. Althoughe I have bene at greate chardges, yet I thincke
I have sufficient moneye to sett me in Inglande, and therefore I will
not put the Colledge to more chardges then I have done alreadye. I
hope all my companions be well aryved, for we here nothinge to the
contrarye. All went towardes Scotlande, as I thincke. I praye you
Sir, if you can convenientlye, lett my Lord Cardinall knowe of my
proceedinges. I will daylye praye for his good Lordshippe. I have
wryten unto you in my former letters as concerninge my passage and
other matters. For your commendacions you bad me do in Roan,
I beinge nowe in Deepe cannot have that opportunitye. Mr. Foulgiam
is in the Lowe Cuntryes and Mr. Hopkyns in Brusils. All thinges
so close in Inglande that we here nothinge from thence. Prystes lye
secrete and stirre not so boldlye as heretofore. Nowe to cease and
to take my last farewell, I request onelye at your handes for this
tyme to praye for me that I may have a saffe passage into my
countrye ; and I, by God's grace, will praye for you. Commende me,
I praye you, to my countrye man Frauncis and to Mr. Fitzharbarde.
From Deepe this 12th [10th cancelled^ of September 1587.

your lovinge childe, never untill deathe to fayle in obedience

Christopher Buxton
Postscript. — Sir, after I had ended my letter theyre came newlye
from the seas Mr. Man's servaunte whom he had sent into Englande,

150 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

and he told me that manye prystes were readye to be removed from
London prysons unto Fodringam [sic] Castell and that theye woulde
execute manye at michelmas and banishe manye of the rest. Further
they feare the Kinge of Spayne verye sore. Everye one cryethe out
openlye agaynst Leister, and saye he hathe bene the cause if the
King of Spayne come in, because of his beinge in Flanders. Others
saye that Leister meanethe some hurt him selfe agaynst Englande,
because he hathe theyre [? fortune] in his handes &c. And to be bryfe,
they saye he dare not come into Englande, so that he is now out of
favour with all men.

Addressed. — Admodum reverendo patri P. Gulielmo Holt Societatis
Jesus Collegii Anglorum Rectori in urbe tradantur. Romae.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — B. Martyr Christophorus Buxtonus 10
aut 12 Sept. 1587. Deepe.

LI.

THE MASSACRE OF 1588

In the excitement which followed the defeat of the Armada, more
Catholics were executed than at any other period of the same length.
Our forefathers could find out very few particulars concerning these
Martyrs, for from the nature of the case the ports were closed, little
news reached the settlements of Catholics abroad, and no one dared
keep papers at home. Several records, however, remain of the proceedings
taken by Elizabeth's ministers, and these make up in part for this dearth
of information, though it is true that men so bitter and perverted as
Walsingham and his lawyers, were incapable of seeing, much less of
appreciating or noting, those matters which chiefly interest us. Their
notes, indeed, are only a record of those points which they thought worst
in the Martyrs' cause.

The Catholics of that day ascribed the massacre chiefly to the Earl
of Leicester. What proofs they had for this I do not know. The papers
before us trace the responsibility back to the Privy Council, and Leicester's
voice may have predominated there, though the orders are issued in
Elizabeth's name. The danger from the Armada had just passed away,
troops were being disbanded and sent home. The Catholics, so far as
one could judge so scattered and obscure a body, were seen to be standing
on the side of the Queen. Any previous reason for distrusting them must
now lose much of its force. Everything, therefore, seemed to make for
peace. Indeed, it may be that the Council felt that some relaxation
would now be inevitable, and ordered the harsh measures, of which we
shall hear, under the impression (often found in shallow cruel minds)
that a policy of mitigation ought to be inaugurated by a display of
severity, lest it should be misunderstood.

However this may be, there can be no doubt about the evil intentions
of the government even before the Armada had sailed. The Council
wrote in January urging on the trial of Richard Simpson (Dasent, Acts
of Privy Council, xv, p. 333). At first he saved his life by wavering,
but afterwards on being joined by Ludlam and Garlick he regained con-
stancy, and the three priests suffered together at Derby on the 24th of
July. That the Council was also already meditating some signal ferocity
in London, seems almost certain from this precedent and from the
following letter addressed to them by two Crown lawyers, the original of
which is at the Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxii, n. jo.

1588 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 151

(i)
Mr. Serjeant Fleetwood and Thomas Egerton, Solicitor-
General, to the Privy Council

According to your Honours pleasure and dyrection, wee have sett
do[wn] a fewe Artycles to be offered to the Papysts and Recusants of
this tyme, to discerne those that carye Trayterous and malycio[us]
myndes against her Majesty and the state, from theym whose symplicitie
ys misledde by ignorant & blynde zeale. Leaving the same to your
Honors grave consyderations. And albeyt yt can not be otherwyse
presumed, but that all such as will not duetyfullie clere theimselves
upon these questyons, by professing their loyaltie and obedyence to
her Maiestie are (at this tyme specyallie) exceeding daungerous persons,
yet if they doe either obstynatelie refuse to make any answere at all,
or subtyllye ([as] many in lyke cases have heretofore done) excuse
themselves that they are unlearned and ignorant & so not hable to
answere herein, or that they ought not be be examyned of things future,
or to lyke effecte. Then upon suche manner of Answere made by
theim, they are not comprehended] dyrectlie within the compasse of
the lawe for any proceeding to be had against theim in case of
Treason or felonye in respecte of that their answere only unlesse
some other action drawing theim in daunger of the lawe maye be
proved against theim. But if they be Jesuyts or Semynarie priests,
or other lyke priests made according to the rytes of the Churche of
Rome synce Mydsommer in the fyrst yeare of her Maiestie's Raigne,
then, being here within the Realme, they are to be dealt with according
to the Statute made in the 27th yeare of Her Highness' Raigne. And
if they be laye persons, then some such other course is to be holden
with theim, to represse the[ir] malyce and to discover theier treasonable
intentions as your Honours in your grave wysdomes shall dyrecte.
And so resting most humblie in all things at your Hon[oursl
commandment. We commytte the same to the Alm[ighty] this xx"1
of Julii 1588. Your honours most humble at command.

W. Fletewoode
Tho. Egerton

Addressed. — To the Right honorable the Lordes & others of her
Maiesties pry vie Counsell.

Endorsed.— 20 July 1588. From Mr Sergeant Fleetewodde and
Mr Sollycitor concerninge the proceadinge against Jesuytes semynaryes
and obstynate recusants.

The very day that this letter was signed, the Spanish Fleet unexpectedly
appeared off the Lizard, and we easily understand why three weeks passed
before the Council made up its mind what steps it would take next.

Then the following instructions were issued, stating on the one hand
that Elizabeth wished to proceed with the Catholics "according to the law, '
and on the other hand recommending the inquisitors again "to propound
such questions as have heretofore been proposed to other" Catholics,
that is to say the "bloody question," whether they would fight against
the Pope. Though, as appears from the government's advisers, that
barbarous as the new laws were, there was none that sanctioned this.

I52 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

On the 14th of August, 1588, a letter was issued to "Srowen Hopton,
Mr. Daniel, Francis Bacon, Osborne, Topcliffe, Branthwaite, Tho: Wroth e,
Young, Edw. Barker, Registar of the Delegates, or any 8, 7, or 6 of them,
to command the keepers of all the prisons in and about London to bring
unto them the names of the several parties remaining under their several
custodies for matters of Recusancy, for that Her Majesty's pleasure is
they should be proceeded with according to the law and as the quality
of their offences shall have deserved, to consider in what sort the
examinations may be most speedily taken for the understanding with
what matters they may be lawfully charged, and thereupon assembling
themselves in two or three companies as they shall think most convenient
in respect of the multitude of the prisoners, to proceed thereunto according
to their good discretions. But especially to inquire which of them are
Jesuits or Priests, and either have not departed out of the realm or have
returned hither again . . . and that they propound to them such questions
as have heretofore been proposed to others and are in a printed book,
&c." (Dasent, Acts of Privy Council, xvi, p. 235).

The examinations ordered by the Privy Council on the 14th of August
were immediately commenced, and, as appears from the conclusion of the
next paper, seem to have been finished by the 20th. The papers were
then put into the hands of Serjeant, afterwards Sir John, Puckering.

It is worth noticing that he had first, as a politician, been engaged
in the fabrication of those legal treasons for which the Martyrs were
executed, for he had been Speaker in the Parliament of the 27th year
of Queen Elizabeth. Now he is acting as Crown advocate, gathering up
the evidence that is to be given against them. Finally he was also one
of the commissioners for the trials, and was one of the assessors of the
Justices (see No. iii below) who eventually sentenced the victims to
their cruel fate. Indeed, even while making " notes of the evidence,"
we shall see that he has also made notes both of what the verdict was
to be, and also of what sentence should thereupon be passed. The
tyranny of Elizabeth's bureaucracy was complete and universal.

The paper in which Puckering states the case for the Crown against
the intended victims, is still preserved among his papers (British Museum,
Harleian MSS., 6998, fol. 232). It is a hasty draft, full of corrections,
and if one of the most interesting, also one of the most crabbed and
difficult documents which it has been my lot to decipher. The whole
of the first section is written on one page.

His method seems to have been this. He began by setting down on
the first page of his paper all the names in a certain topographical
order, distributing them over as wide an area as he could, in order that
as many places as possible might witness the executions of the Popish
priests. London with Middlesex obtained the lion's share, partly because
many had been arrested, or at least imprisoned and examined there,
partly because London was the home of Protestant bigotry and would
greatly enjoy the spectacle. This part of the list is also the more
important because this paper may, perhaps, be the only written notes
which Puckering made in preparing his case against these Martyrs.
We shall find that he afterwards rewrote his notes against the Martyrs
who suffered outside London, and by that time he had more evidence
before him. The second part of his paper, therefore, valuable though it
be for showing how the problem worked itself out in his mind, is not so
indispensable as the first part.

The counties in which the sufferers were to be tried being settled,
the next step was to write down against each one a note whether he is
guilty or not, and why. Thus we read against the first, cicl. confes.,
which stands probably for some French law terms, e.g. culpable: confesse.

1588 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 53

Later in the sixth, tie resp. cul. probably stands for ne responds pas:
culpable. John Valentyne (b 1), has apparently given up his faith,
so the note at first is Recante et Relente, ideo pardonatus . But later
on the lawyer had a doubt, so he adds in the left margin a note which
may be translated, "No pardon, although he submit, because those
committed by the Council are excepted from the pardon," and the reason
for this is given later on in §3. Three are said to "refuse pardon,"
and they are all marked culp. Three are marked "take Q. part," and
they are not marked culp. One of them (ii, a 1) was nevertheless
martyred soon after.

He next seems to have shown the paper to Lord Burghley, for we
find in his hand the words "Treason " and "Felony" written against the
different classes. Finally Puckering wrote susp. against those names
which he had previously marked culp.

My reasons for interpreting the signs in this way is this. These
persons were eventually all hanged on 28 or 30 August (A. 28, A. 30 has
been added by me against their respective names). But if Burghley' s
note had been the last word on their fate, the priests would have been
hung, drawn and quartered, not hanged only. Puckering's note is,
therefore, presumably the later of the two.

There is, moreover, an interesting point connected with the inter-
pretation of this word susp. Was it added after the verdict with the
meaning suspensus fuit, " he was hanged," or was it written before in
the imperative mood which Elizabeth's lawyers were wont to assume,
suspendatur, " let him be hanged ! " Presumably in the latter sense, for
it is applied later on to Clifton, who afterwards died in prison and was
not hanged at all; and it is not applied to Weldon (ii, a 1), against
whom proceedings were not then contemplated (§2, 9), though he was
executed later.

So much for the first batch of Martyrs executed in London on the
28th and 30th of August. The notes on the other prisoners to be executed
in the various counties present new difficulties. The most frequently
repeated note here is"pfit." This form occurs fifteen times, and the
word is probably to be understood with the word "fere," and probably
also under the sign 77 (which may mean ditto). Sometimes the sense
may seem to be the usual one, i.e. profit or advantage ; but upon closer
examination it is almost certain that it means something very different,
that is to say, profitetur, "he confesses himself guilty." For all those
who were eventually executed or were tried for their lives, have full profit
opposite their names, ox profit ox else 77 Whereas those noted nyt profit
got off.

We also notice that attention is paid both here and in §§ 4 and 5 to
the prison where the sufferers were incarcerated. This was, no doubt,
done in order to be ready for anyone who might claim pardon, as
appears from §3,<£.

In editing this hastily written paper, I have thought it best to com-
plete the series of titles to the sub-sections, also to continue the series
of numbers opposite the names, which the writer had inserted for the
first six classes (i.e. down to "Staff."); I have added the rest. I have
added the first three section titles. On the extreme right I have set the
eventual dates of the martyrdoms in an abbreviated form : — A[ugust],
September], 0[ctober], with the day number. The words in inverted
commas are added by Lord Burghley. The names printed in italics were
written first, in a larger hand ; the rest was added afterwards in characters
that are sometimes very minute.

154

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

July

[«

SUS. 2

sus. 3

sus. 4

sus. 5

sus. 6

sus. 7

susp.
susp.

susp. I

[■

susp. 3

susp. I

susp.

(ii)
[§i. Persons to be Executed]

LONDON

[a] Preests — "Treason" [Added by Lord Burghley]
Christopher Thules — cancelled} — for Cheshire better

William Gunter — cul. confes. [A. 2 8

Thomas Acton — cul. confes. A. 28

Robert Mooreton — cul. A. 2 8

James Clarkson — [take the Q. part — cancelled} cul. A. 2 8

Richard Leigh — ne resp. cul. A. 30

William Deane [added from lower down] — cul. [A. 2 8

[b] Persons Reconciled — " Felony "
John Valentyne* — Recant. & Relent. Ideo pdon tamen

nei, quia corny* p counsell
Harry Webley — cul. refuse pdon [take Q. part — cancelled] [A. 28
Thomas Felton — cul. refuse pdon [A. 28

Thomas Hall — take the Q. part
Robert Bellamy — take the Q. part

[c] Receavers and Mainteiners of Preests — "Felony"

Richard lloyde — [take the Q. part— cancelled] [A- 3°
Richard Marten — not yet pfit — cancelled]

Richard Mrten — cul. reconcyled [A. 30

John Roch — cul. susp. [A. 30

MIDDLESEX

[a] Preests — [" Treason " — cancelled]

John Weldon — take Q. part [O. 5

William Deane — cancelled] — fitter for London

[b] Persons Reconciled — "Felony"

Hughe Moore — cul. refuse pdon susp. [A. 2 8

Harrye Foxwell — [?] fte apres fuit pdon

[c] Receyver of Preests
Edward Shelley apd East Smithfield [A. 30

STAFF.

— 1 James Harrison a preest pfit si hors del pardons
pfit 2 Thomas Heathe a Receyver &* relever of preests at

east* 1588

SURREY

— 1 William Flower a preest pfit [if time of apprehension

certainly known cancelled] [S. 23

pfit — 2 John Cradock a person lately reconciled which by especial

words in the commission may be tried also in Surrey
pfit — 3 John Vachell Reconcyled
pfit — 4 Edward Chapman Reconcyled

* In the left-hand margin: — "nei pardon com1 submit quia comyt p counsell
iss except del pardon/' This maybe more or less modernised thus :— Nul pardon,
comment qu'il submit. Quia a person committed per Council is excepted from the
pardon.

1588

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

155

fi Edward James
Preests \ 2 John oven

(3 Ralph Crocket
4 John Robinson

SUSSEX

— marshalsea per mr Secretary

— fere [see below — Suffolk]

KENT

Preests " <

pfit

pfit marshalsea per mandat

Preests

1 Edward Campion

2 John Vernon

3 Christopher Buckstoti
consilii

4 Robert Wilcox \_quaere the time of his apprehension
for cause of the pardon — cancelled} full pfit

7 5 Bolton p1' se 1 mere [? prese sur le mere] this side

Sandwich Islington
7 6 Wm Clargenet taken on this side Sandwich coming

into England./ full pfit prisoner in Marshalsea

SUFF.

fi 77 c. John Robinson full pfit*
[2 —Francis Edwards pfit fere

[O.

to.

BARK.

i Wm goodacre ex 20 Aug. 88 pfitt
2 Richard higs
cul. susp. 77 3 Thomas Clyfton a preest in flete by ye councils com, pfit
ny* pfit 4 William Fyton A receyver and relever of preests.

nyl bn pve / n11 r naes cj clifton lay un nuyte en s meres meson
& II eat en s company & tamen dt cj II dryve luy semell out of
dores pr c q ft un runagate / & il dt cj sache luy the preest / &
en c ex temps non certen si de le pdon. f

CHESHIRE

Christopher Thules al Ashton a priest. Commit by councils command-
ment to the Gatehouse, full pfit

[§2. Preests that will take the Q. part, etc.]
Worcestershire 77 i James Taylor

2 Jonas Meredith

3 John Bolton

ESSEX

Sent into the Realm
from the seas
To be sent over
agayne

[4 William Clargenet

5 David Kempe

6 John Vivion

7 fohn Marshe

f taken by mr. Burrowes
and committed also be-
fore the statute of 27
against priests, cancelled}

I taken by the K. of Na-
I varres people

*John Robinson"s name has first had the note fere written against it, then it
was cancelled and rewritten above under Sussex, then rewritten again here with
note full profit.

•fi The expansion is probably :— Nyt bien prouve. [? Declares] que Clifton lay
un nuyte en sa meres meson; et il eat en sa company. Et tamen diet que n
dryve luy semell out of dores par ce que fut un runagate ; et il diet que sache luy
the preest. Et en cette examination temps non certen si [hors] de le pardon.

156 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO Jllly

8 Robt. Nuiter

(take the Q. part) monas-

9 John Weldon tically vowed, deserveth
to go over, &c.
committed before the statute
27 made against priests 6°
remained in prison ever

^ since
12 [John Bolton also sup™ cancelled]

Gloucester io Thomas Haberley

Salop 1 1 William Parry

[§3. Some Principles for Proving Guilt]

[a] Receyving & Releving comforting ayding or maynteyning any such

preests, &c.
[1.] Si fait p Room aucth. syns midsummer A° i° Reginae.

2. Knowing them to be Jesuits Seminary preests or other such preests

(as aforesaid) Sy[?]son connsans syra q fuit tiell man1" de preest,
& net old preest, ou preest generalment, & ne sache sy old ou
new.*

3. preests at liberty or out of hold, sils st restr [sic] de lor librtye loyall

a donr al eux com* q st Largent dascr autr & nef s[on] sceu. ¥

4. nyfc discloser, sachant eux tiell preests abiding contr lestatute. Le

nyl discloser deins xii iours aprs s[ont] conus al Justice p[eace]
ou autr[e] higher officer.
[The penalty is] fine & Imprisonment al plesur le roigne.

[b] Reconciled persons before the general pardon of 29 Reginse. Are

excepted out of the pardon for so long tyme as they do not
conform them selves in causes of religion and continew in
the same.
But this clause helps them not yf they were at the last day of
the same parlyament in prison in the Tower, the Marshalsye, the Fleet
or by the commandment of the Q. or by commandment or direction
of any of her Council restrained of liberty. For such persons are
generally excepted out of the pardon, albeit they do conform them-
selves ut supra. John Valentine q1 [? quoiqu'il] Reforme.

[§ 4.] Commyt[ted] by the Command of the Ho. Counsell

Tho. Gerard to the gatehouse Tho. Arden Marshalsea per Dm

Tho. Hall p arch. Cant, gatehouse Camerarium

Lyonel Edes Marshalsea per council Tho. Bisco to the Marshalsea

Wm Tranys Marshalsea per Dm from Tower

Thesaur Ric. Higgs Marshalsea per Dm

Wm Fyton Marshalsea per Dm Camerar.

Thesaur

* The meaning seems to be : — The receiver is guilty, if he knew that his guest
was that sort of priest, and was not an old, Queen Mary, priest ; or [if he knew
him to be] a priest in general, without knowing whether he was old or new.

•f I cannot make sure of the text, and am unable to guess its meaning.

1588 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 57

[§ 5-] To Ex[amine Further]

1. Flower preest in the clink (or mr young) the time of his apprehension

at Lambeth in Surrey, in April '86. p ex sub sa mayne

de m [Pmesme] le date [cancelled].

/Edward James preest. what time certen apprehended / & what

■ Relink postea prison he remained in time of the pardon of 29 [cancelled.]

3. Ralph Crocket, superabund. commit per counsel's commandment /

al marshalsea / per mr. Secretary [cancelled].
[Francis Edwards, when apprehended? /wher? /whether committed? /

4. ■! I lack this when ? & by whom ?

I examination [cancelled],

5. John Robinson. Si taken at anker in yarmouth road going to

Newcastle {en verity nere lay stoke en suff). Si c st ven
[? ce soit venant] {or being) en le realme. / si comyt ever
since / per qx comyt {per Ld Treasurer) / & a quel prison
{al clink) J & lou rem. q* pardon 29 Eliz. {en clink). [The
words in Italics are interlined, all aftenvards cancelled],

6. Edward James apprehend in ship in Suss, coming into England,
Clink. between Easter and Whitsuntide xxviij0 Eliz. (even when

Ballard's treasons brewing).
77 quaere whither comytted ? / & by whom ? / where remained
time of Pardon A° 29?

7. John Bolton. Where he landed? /first ex 30 Nov. A0 28 saith
Clink. near London & came in voluntarie.

2 ex saith taken on seas, and brought in A0 27 in Nov.
nyfc voier.
where apprehended ? / whither committed ? / by whom ?

8. Clargenet. What year came into England? where apprehended?

whither committed? marshalsea.
[ What follows is written in the original on the last page reversed.
The first four entries are cancelled^]

1. Edw. Chapman / Where, in what place his reconcilement was ? / pr le
Marshalsea. com. per councils commandment.

2. John Bolton / where he landed, / where apprehended ?

3. Wm Clargenet / what year came into England ? / where landed, / where

apprehended, / whether comytted ? / by whom ?

4. Frauncis Edwards / what shyres was yn ? where apprehended ? by

whom comytted ? / {by mr. Secretary to the Marshalsea and
ever since there — interlined) where remained temps del
pardon ?

5. Edward James / Whether comytted? /by whom? /where remained
Clink. temps pardon ? / {first to the Marshalsea by Mr. Secretary,

after to the Clink i° Mail 1586, and there rem. ever since —
interlined).
Quaere what prison Harrison is yn ? what time first he came over
after his preesting?/ He sayth Lent 84 / tamen apres dt
que il spend le s temps le xpenmas apres 83 sic &c. / qe
no pl ed [?que non peult estre] / p quel means heath
sach luy preest / quant primes c sacha que fuit priest ? /
quant Harrison primes apprehend ? / per quern commit ? /
a quel prison ? / Lou remayna [sic] temps del pardon ?

158 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

(iii)

Record of the Trials of More, Shelley and Foxwell
The next papers relate to the sufferers of 28 and 30 August. They
are found among Sir John Puekering's papers, British Museum, Harleian
MSS., 6846, p. 353, 6996, fol. 659, which was evidently written as the
covering letter to 6846, p. 422, though they are now separated.

Midd SS Sessio de audiendo et terminando, tenta apud Justice Hall
in le Old Baylye in parochia Su Sepulchri London xxvit0 die
Augusti Anno Regni Reginae Elizabeth tricesimo coram Georgio Bond
Milite Maiore praedictas civitatis London, Johanne Episcopo London,
Giberto Gerrardo milite, Magistro Rotulorum Cur Cancellar., Johanne
Puckering uno servientium dictae Dominae Reginae ad legem, Eduardo
Fenner serviente ad legem, Owino Hopton milite, Rowland Heywood
mil., Wolstano Dixey milite, Georgio Barne milite, Ricardo Martin,
Francisco Bacon et Ricardo Yonge Armigeris Justiciariis dictae dominae
Reginae ad audiendum et terminandum assignatis.

Hugo Moore nuper de Grayes Inne in Commitatu Middlesex
generosus,* was condemned and executed for being reconciled to the
See of Rome by one Thomas Stevenson a Jesuyte.

Edward Shelley nuper de London Generosus, was condemned and
executed for receiving aiding and comforting of one William Deane
a Seminarye Preiste.

Henry Foxwell nuper de civitate Westminster in Commitatu
Middlesex generosus was condempned for being reconcyled to the See
of Rome by one John Bawdwyn a Jesuit ./. He was afterward repryved
and had his pardon.

Endorsed in Puckering 's hand. — iii persons condemned in Midd.
when the Spanish fleet was on the sea past Callais.1!*

(iv)

A Certificate from Newgate
The following letter shows that Sir John Puckering, now become
Lord Keeper, has written for a Newgate certificate. If any were tried
for the county of Middlesex, as Mr. Sebroke was inclined to think, they
may have been Hartley, Weldon and Sutton, who were executed on the
5th of October.

My duty to your Lordship most humbly done. According to your
Lordships commandment I have enclosed sent the names of all
such persons as were indicted, arraigned & found guilty of Treason at
Newgate Sessions for the City of London Anno 1588, which was the
time the Spaniards were on the Seas. If the like proceedings were
at Newgate for the C° of Midd. (as I think assuredly some where)

* This designation is to be noted. In Father Persons' Relation de Algunos
Martyrios, Madrid, 1590 (British Museum), p. 16, the designation has been run into
the name, which appears as Morgent. This was afterwards printed Morgan, and
hence the introduction of II. Morgan into so many martyrologies.

>fi This is incorrect. The battle of Gravelines took place on the 29th of July,
and the thanksgiving service for the victory was celebrated August 20th, a week
before the trials.

1588

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

T59

their names and Records thereof remain with Mr. Fermor Clerk of
the peace for the same county lying at Staples Inne. And thus
resting &c. London March 3/94

Wm Sebrooke
[Enclosure, ,]

At the Sessions of oyer and Terminer and gaol delivery, howlden
at Justice Hall in the Owlde Bayley the 26 and 29 of August 1588,
as well for the Cittie of London as for the Countie of Middlesex.
Before Sr George Bond Lorde Maior of the Cittie of London & others.

There was executed for London

o John Roche

Margarete Warde
o William Gonnter
o William Deane
© Robert Morton

Richard Martin ./. reprie per
mes notes*

o Richarde Floyde als Graye
o Richard Leigh
© Henry Webley
o Thomas Acton

Richard Bould

Peter Ades &

Xpofer Amyas

Endorsed. -
of Mr. Baker.

London 26 Aug. 88*
susp. Hughe Moore
susp. Ed. Shelley
[susp.— cancelled] Henry Foxwell, Repreved & pardoned

—A Sertificat frome Newgate. Also by Harley. — Bought

(v.)

List of Proposed Martyrs

Dom. Eliz., ccxliv, n. 135.

The next document bears no date, and it is calendared by evident
error under 1593. It was presumably written before the Martyrs were
sent down to take their trials in the country, which (as appears from
p. 164) was, for some at least, the 12th of September.

Sussex Raffe Crockett

ffraunces Edwards
Edward James
John Oven

Surrey William Flower

Edward Chapman
John Vachell
William Goodacre

Suffolk John Robinson

Kent Edward Campion

Robert Wilcocks
Christopher BukstonJ

(vi)

Marshalsea

Clynk

Marshalsea

Clynk

Marshalsea

Serjeant Puckering's Instructions (Harl, 6998, 234)
Thomas Baker has noted on his copy of this document: — "This
paper is all wrote in Sergeant Puckerings own hand" (Harleian MSS.,

ijc These entries are additions, apparently in Puckering's hand.

l6o DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

7042, f. 420). Strype has printed part of the notes, but has omitted
much towards the end {Annals, iv, 254). The date will be before the
dispatch of the Martyrs to the various counties, which seems to have
begun at least on the 12th of September.

A Note of theuidence as I collectyd yt and wrote it downe
for and against the persons hereafter named.

SURRYE

William Borne in Denshyre. Made a preest in Fraunce at Mychelmas
Flower. ^0 Xxviij° Reginae nunc. He retorned into England, & was
apprehended in Surrye about June 29 Reginae. After the generall
pardon. His offence of being yn the Realm.

Edward A person reconciled iiij yers past in Saint Georges fields
Chapman. in Surrye

After apprehended at Chichester yn Sussex after Easter A0 28 Reginae.

Commytted to the Marshalsee by the CounselPs commandment
26 Aprill A0 28 Reginae wher he hath remained ever sinse.

He is not within the ij 5ast general pardons but excepted onles
he will submyt himselfe in obediense to her Majestie, come to the
Church to here Devine Service, conforme himselfe in matters of
Religion, and so continew the same.

Also he is further excepted out of the pardon 29 Reginae, as then
being a prisoner in the Marshalsie, as also being then restrayned of
libertie by some of the Privie Counsell's commaundement.
William Reconciled in the Marshalsie about a yere and a quarter
Goodacre. pasj. since tne ]ast generall pardon / and a person within
the exceptions of the pardon for not conforming himselfe.
John Hath foreborne to come to churche this two years / was

Vachell. reconciled in the Marshalsye / he ys excepted out of the
last generall pardon unless he conform himself vt supra.
John Reconciled in France, about a year and a quarter since (as

Cradock. by computation may appear) and so after the last pardon /
but if ij years since, yet he is excepted out of the same pardon
unless he conform himself vt supra. This offence being treason
committed beyond the seas is to be examined and determined in
what county it please her Majesty by commission having words tending
to that end. And so may now be in Surrey by special words in the
commission (margin: Spared).

KENT

Edward He was born in Shropshire, made preest beyond

Campion. ^ sea jn Lent ^29 Reg36 Came into England at

A°\o Regs Easter, which his offence ys after the last pardon,
was apprehended in Kent, so a traitor triable there.

He wisheth he were no worse traitor then Campion that was
executed for treason.

Will not directly say if he will take the Q. part against the king of
Spain's army, but will pray that the cath. romish church may prevail.

If an army come by thapostolic authoritie to deprive her Majestie
and to restore Romish Religion he refuseth to tell what part he will
take but will pray that the Cath. church may prevail so long as he
liveth.

1588 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS l6l

Christopher He was born in Derbishire made preest beyond sea

Buxto": xy0 Au Hallowtide A0 28 Reginae, came into England at
xxx° Regffi Hallowtide 29 Reginae nunc, & was apprehended in
Kent, after time of the last pardon.

This man will not take her maj. part against army, nor do anything
to hinder his religion.

R , He was born at Westchester, made preest beyond

Wilcox, the sea iiij years past. Came into England Januar.

per ex xvt0 Aug. 28 Reg33- Apprehended then in Kent committed to

30 Regas the Marshalsee by the Priuee Counsel's order where

he ever sinse remained.

So his treason after the statute of 27 Rg. not pardoned by the
last general pardon, both because all prisoners in the Marshalsea
then, and also all persons restrayned by the Council's command are
excepted out of the pardon.

He will pray for tharmy that shall come hither to supplant religion.
William Clargenet. Born in Yorkshire made preest beyond sea at hally
Spared quia sur Rode dy A0 27 Reg35- He came into England

le mere. (saith one of his examinations in October was 2

per e£ 30 Novenibris vears) S2^ Reginae Dut in truth in November in

& p°ex xv°SAug. th'end of A° 27 Reginae to do thoffice of a preest.
A° 30 Reg« * And is out of the pardon of 29 Reginae both

because then he was prisoner in the Marshalsee, and so excepted out
of the pardon & committed also by Mr. Secretary, either of which
excepteth him forth of the pardon albeit his offence were before.

He was taken on the seas on thisside Sandwich (within the Q.
dominions) coming towards England, to do the office of a preest.
John Bolton. Born m Lancashire, made preest beyond sea at

Spared quia sur Hallowtide A0 27 Reg33 nunc toke shepping at
le mere. callyce about hallowtyde 28 Reginae nunc with

PA°e\3R s°V' clargenet and others for london and elsewhere, where
pere°x2xvt°Aug. they might land in England.
A° 30 Reg« They were taken on the seas (by Mr. Burrows)

on thisside Sandwich [within the Q. dominions, marginal note] coming
towards England, & landed, & [sic] gravesend brought before Mr.
Secretary, & by him committed to the Marshalsea upon the xi day of
November 1585 A° 27 Reginae where he hath remained ever since.

Their coming and being within the Q. dominions after the statute
of 27 is the offence.

And not pardoned by the last general pardon, because all prisoners
in the Marshalsea. And besides all persons restrained of liberty by
command of any [sic] the privy counsel are excepted out of the pardon.

SUSSEX

Edward James. Born in Derbishire / made preest four years past

» f0 xvt0 AuS- beyond sea / apprehended in April A0 28 Reginae in
30 Reg. Sussex in a ship resting on land & committed by
Mr. Secretary* and there remained ever since.

* But see C.X.S. ii, 246, where he is said to have been committed to the Clink
by Topcliffe, not by Walsingham. James had therefore in reality been pardoned,
according to Puckering's law.

1 62 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

So the offence of being here not pardoned by the generall pardon
of 29 Reg86 because all persons be ther excepted out of the pardon,
which the last day of the said parliament were restrained of their
liberty by direction from some of the priuy Counsel.
Ralph Born in Cheshire made preest beyond the sea iij years past,

Crockett. came [n^0 Sussex in April A° 28 Reginae was then there
apprehended, and committed to the Marshalsea where he hath ever
since remained.

Not pardoned because prisoner in Marshalsee.

Also committed by Mr. Secretary.
John Oven. Born in Oxford made preest beyond the sea iij years past
returned into Ingland and was imprisoned, & after about
Michs. A0 28 Reg32 was banished out of the realm.

And after sailing between Dieppe and Callais was by tempest as
he sayeth driven into England and landed in Sussex & there
apprehended (but he was not vyolently put out of the ship, and
cannot deny but he might as well have gone away with the rest in
the ship as the rest did.)

Excepted out of the pardon because prisoner in the Marshalsee.
He will not say he will take the Q. part against army for religion.
Francis Edwards. Born in Denbighshire, made preest beyond sea about

A *Vt°RUR* 5 years past / and in July 27 Reginas he came over

into Sussex. And was committed by Mr. Secretary

to the Marshalsee ; so excepted out of the pardon because persons

then in Marshalsee, as also restrained then of liberty by commandment

of one of the Privy counsel.

SUFFOLK

John Robinson. He was born in Yorkshire, made preest beyond sea
about Easter A° 27 Reg* and at Whitsuntide after
coming into England to do thoffice of a preest was put into a little
harbour in Suff. and there apprehended and committed by my L.
Treasurer.

Not pardoned because he was then restrained by dyrection of one
of the Privy Counsell.

STAFF.

James Harrison. He was born in Derbishire made preest beyond

"e^ro 3Man° 1^8?' seas w*tnm 4 or 5 years past, came into England

letters D E F G H aDout first day of may 27 Reg36- He was at

Cumberford Hall in Stafford Shire at Easter last

and apprehended on Easter monday last 8 April.

So his offence since the last pardon. See his examination xvt0
Aug. 30 Reg. sheweth his ill disposition towards her Majesty and
this state besides.

Thomas Heathe. He did receive and relieve Harrison in his house
ex James Harrison. in Cumberford Hall in Staffordshire sundry times

x° Man 1550 , _ , , , *

letters G & H since the statute 27 Reginae and once by the space
of a quarter of a yere together knowing him to be
such a preest as was made since midsummer A0 i° Reginas by
authoritye derived from Rome :

1588 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 163

That Heathe did know him to be such a preest appears by many
circumstances in the examinations. For he himself, ex 28 Julii 1588
Letter D, saith that James Harrison a preest of between 30 and 40
years was in his house at Cumberford Hall at Easter last (wherein
he takes knowledge that he was a preest, & of so small age as could
not be made priest before her Majesty's reign, and then being made
preest since her Majesty's reign, he could not otherwise be made but
by authority derived from Rome, and Harrison examinatus saith he
was made [priest] these five years by such authority, & that Thomas
Heathe knew it as surely as he could know him to be a priest, being
made priest beyond sea).

So Heathes receiving and relieving of him in his house at Easter
last in Staff, knowing to be such a priest is felony in Staff, (after the
pardon) triable there.

So his examination xvit0 Aug. A0 300 Rx his ill disposition, will not
take the Q. part against an army coming hither by the pope's Apostolic
authority. So Harrison's ex 30 Aug. 30 Reg36,

CHESSHIRE

Xpofer Thules. He was born in Durham made preest at Xpenmas 27

ex 24 Aug. 1588 Regae beyond sea came into England summer 28 Eliz.,
and went into Cheshire with Jones and Salesbury & was with them
when they were apprehended for treason, he was then and there
apprehended. He is excepted out of the last pardon because he was
committed by the councils commandment to the Gatehouse.

Endorsed. — Copy of my instructions for the Priests & Reconciled
men, and Receivers of Priests sent down sent down into the cuntryes.

(vii)

Orders of Privy Council for the Prosecution of

James Harrison and Thomas Heath

12 September, 1588

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxvi, n.22.

James Harrison and Thomas Heath, of whom mention has already
been made by Puckering, seem eventually to have escaped the scaffold.
Heath's wife had already died a death not unlike martyrdom (Morris,
Troubles, iii, 16), and Harrison's name may be traced in the Tower Bills
for a couple of years more. His escape and that of his host, we see,
was not due to any want of preparation on the part of the Council,
whose thirst for blood has at least had the good consequence of providing
us with several particulars about the martyrdoms of William Gunter and
Richard Lloyd or Floyd (Flower in our "official" list), of which we
should not otherwise have heard.

The presence of these letters among the state papers in London is
not altogether unworthy of note. It perhaps signifies that these letters,
though signed, were never dispatched. This may have been due to the
temporary lull in the executions, of which several Catholic writers take
notice, after the death of the Earl of Leicester, 4 September.

[To Mr Francis Cradocke]
After our hartie commendations. Whereas hir Matie hath by hir
commifsion of Oyer & Determiner dated ye seaventh of this present
moneth of September directed to our verie good Lorde the Erie of

164 documents relating to September

Shrewsburie, ye Duputie Lieutenants, & diuerse others of the countie
of Stafford given them authoritie to proceade against all manner of
Traitors, as by the tenure of the said commifsion more at large
appeareth. And for yt before ye said Commifsioners, at such time &
place with in ye said cowntie as they shall appoynt, it is thought meete
yl James Harrison & Thomas Heath, now prisoners in the Tower &
Newgate here in London should be indicted & receaue their trialls
for matter of treason & for anie other thing where withall they are
chargeable : ffor ye good opinion we conceaue as well of your sufficient
knowledge in ye lawes of this realme, as of yor discretion and willing
minde to anie good employment y4 may concerne yor profefsion &
studdie : we have thought good to praie & require you on hir Maties
behalfe to be readie at such time & place as ye said Cornifsioners
in ye said cowntie shall hould their Sefsions for ye purpose aforesaid,
& their to give evidence for hir against the two prisoners before
named. And for your better direction and ease in this service we
have sent you here withall not only the severall examinations of the
foresaid prisoners and certaine notes of instruction indorsed uppon ye
same : but also formes of indictments to be used against them, to
which formes you may notwithstanding add or alter as ye present
occasion of time, place & matter at ye said Sefsions shall give you
cause according to iustice & on hir Maties behalfe. And so not
doubting of your care and diligence to be used in this service wee
bidd you farewell ffrom ye Court ye twealfth of September 1588.

Yor loving frends
Chr. Hatton, Cane. W. Burghley

F. Knollys T. Heneage

Fra. Walsyngham A. Poulet J. Wolley

Mr Fra. Cradocke

\E?idosures\
London. Jurati pro domina Regina presentant quod Willelmus Gunter
nuper de London Clericus, natus existens infra hoc regnu
Anglie, post festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste anno regni
domine nostre Elizabeth dei gratia Anglie ffrancie & Hibernie Regine,
fidei defensoris, &c, primo, et ante ultimum diem Junii anno regni
dicte domine Regine xxx° factus et ordinatus existens sacerdos apud
Rhemes in partibus transmarinis aucthoritate derivata a sede Romana,
leges & statuta huius regni Anglie minime ponderans nee penam in
eisdem contentam aliqualiter verens, predicto ultimo die Junii anno
regni dicte domine Regine anno xxx°, apud London predictam,
videlicet in parochia sci Sepulchri in Warda de ffarringdon extra
London, proditorie et ut proditor dicte domine Regine, fuit et remansit,
in contemptu ipsius domine Regine corone et dignitatis suarum, necnon
contra formam statuti in huiusmodi casu nuper editi et prouisi &c.

London. Jurati pro domina Regina presentant quod cum Willelmus
Horner nuper de London Clericus infra dominia domine nostre
Elizabeth, dei gratia Anglie ffrancie & Hibernie Regine, fidei defensoris
&c. natus existens, et post festum Natiuitatis sci Johannis Baptiste
quod fuit in anno regni dicte domine Regine primo, et ante decimum

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 65

quartum diem Martij anno regni eiusdem domine Regine xxx°,
aucthoritate derivata de sede romana factus et ordinatus fuit Sacerdos,
quidam Ricus Lloyd nup de London generosus, deum pre oculis
suis non habens, sed instigacione diabolica motus et seductus, sciens
ipsum Willelmum Horner talem sacerdotem fore, dicto xiiijto die
Martij anno xxx° supradicto ipsum Willelmum Horner predictum, viz
in Parrochia sci Dunstani in occidente in Warda de ffarringdon extra
London predictam, vi et armis &c., scienter, voluntarie et felonice recepit
comfortavit auxiliatus fuit et manutenuit ad largum et extra prisonam
existentem contra formam Statuti in hujusmodi casu editi & prouisi,
necnon contra pacem dicte domine Regine, Coronam & dignitatem
suas &c.

Endorsed. — Staff. A forme of an Indictm1 of a preiste for his
being in the Realme after ye Statut mayde A0 xxvij0 of the Queene :
and of an other Indictm1 for receiving of such a Preiste : the like
Indictments by you to be framed, mutatis mutandis, as the case shall
requier according to the instructions herewith sente you.

In the previous number, viz. vol. ccxvi, n. 21, the Council, under the
same date, 12 September, 1588, wrote to the Sheriff of Staffordshire that
they sent down James Harrison and Thomas Heath " under the chardge
of Gabriell Hill."

No. 20 is a similar letter of the same date to the Sheriff of Lancashire
sending- down Alexander Gerrard and Thomas Gerrard under charge of
William Neweall to take their trials for treason and other matters.

LII.

JOHN INGRAM TO FATHER JOSEPH CRESWELL

21 August, 1589

Stonyhurst MSS., Angha, i, n. 40, f. 83. Autograph.

John Ingram took the scholar's gown at the English College, Rome,
on the 15th of September, 1584, on the same day as his intimate friend,
Humphrey Wolsley, and six others. In the summer of 1589 Ingram had
been unwell (as we understand from what follows), and had been sent
with some fellow-students to the Jesuits' College at Tivoli for a change
of air. The rest had felt the benefit of the change and returned, but
the kind rector of the college at Tivoli would not hear of Ingram's
going back, as he was not yet quite recovered. During his absence his
friend Humphrey breathed his last. Foley {Records, vi, 165) believes
him to have been the son of Mr. Erasmus Wolsley, a well-known sufferer
for the faith (see C.R.S., i, 61, Mr. Worsley, of Staffordshire). The
letter which follows is Ingram's acknowledgment of the sad news, and
it gives us our first view of his singularly frank and affectionate character,
of which we shall see more later on.

Etsi singularis necessitudo inter me (R.P.) et Humphredum intercessit,
et mutua amborum constiterunt promerita, nihilominus prudentiap fuisset,
et animi futura, et quae in coniectura posita sunt prospicientis, talem
longe ante praeparasse, contra dolorum incursiones panoplitum, ut nullius
eorum petitionibus relinqueretur locus. Cum praesertim ilium diem suuni
propediem post meum discessum obiturum quasi pro cognito et explorato
habuissem. Tanto tamen profecto dolore afficiebar, et plane opprimebar,

1 66 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

cum ad nos allatum esset ilium vitam cum morte commutasse, ut noctem
totam penitusque insomnem ducerem, quoties enim somnum capere
studebam toties Humphredi incredibilem in me benevolentiam, toties
beneficia eius in me summa, toties hominem, ad quern confugerem, in
quo requiescerem, cuius in sermone et suavitate omnes curas molestiasque
deponerem in mentem revocabam. Ille, ille inquam, intimus erat qui
mecum sermones de morum integritate, de sedandis refraenatis animi
appetitubus, de vitiis extirpandis (ne radices ulterius agerent, et sese
propagarent) saepius et diligentius serere consuevit. Cuius ego consuetu-
dine, auxilio et consilio fructus si voluissem uberiores et praestantiores
cepissem. Talis erat (Pater amantissime) nostra familiaritas, talia
amicitiae vincula, quae vestrae paternitati spero cordi, Deo fuisse scio.
Ex huiuscemodi enim animorum communicatione, minus tamen omnibus
patente, nee sociorum simultas, nee superiorum molestia oriri ullo modo
poterat. Mors igitur talis et tanti amici me vehementer sollicitum habuit,
sed in posterum diligentem navabo operam, ut talis dolor qui consenescere
deberet indies, nunquam iterum recrudescat : cum etiam solum ea quae
de eius obitu suavissimo scripseris omnem et lenare luctum possent
et deberent. Quis enim sciens et prudens hominem, quern in medullis
haberet, hac infelici qua sumus oetate inter vivos percuperet numerandum,
cum totus terrarum orbis bello intestino ardeat, cum haeresis orthodoxa
fide (proh dolor) nimium labefactata dominetur, cum necessarii,propinqui,
parentes, patria denique ipsa, quae omnes omnium in se charitates una
complectitur, in luctu et squalore iaceat. Cum praecipue spes maxima
sit, et quasi dicam indubitata fides, tali, qualis Humphredus, et meo
et communi hominum sensu semper extitit, e corporis vinculis tanquam
e carcere divolanti certum esse in coelo et definitum locum ubi beatus
cum Deo aevo sempiterno fruatur. Sed de Humphredo pro quo diligens
apud Deum deprecator adero, satis et fortasse nimium multa.

Cum vestra Reverentia mihi integrum reliquisset vel ad vos venire
vel hie aliquantulum commorari, omnibus circumspectis rationibusque
subductis, inito prius cum Reverendo Patre Rectore consilio, commodius
hie mihi manendum statui, aliter enim ille, cui plurimum et ego et
socii debemus, inisset in alia omnia, et meae contrariae sententiae
magnopere reclamasset : Romam vero proficisci sine illo autore, imo
invito et repugnante, cum nondum confirmatus plane essem, et finem
propositum adeptus, vitio dandum et tibi ingratum fore iudicavi. De
pecuniis, quas mecum commilitones reliquerint, scribere supersedeo,
ipsi certiorem de eis te facient, ne molestior tibi sim quam par est et
quoniam petasatus expectat tabellarius ego finem scribendi faciam, si
prius te et patri ministro, quern tarn diligo, ut qui maxime, imprimisque
charum habeo semperque habebo, rogavero ut salutem dicas plurimam.
Ego in vestram Reverentiam, summam quoad potero ostendam pietatem,
ad quid enim dicam filialem amorem, cum illud ipsum gravissimum
et sanctissimum nomen pietatis leuius meritis erga me tuis iure optimo
videatur. Vale 21 Aug. datum Tiburi vestrae Reverentiae obedientissimus
in Christo filius. ja Ingramus.

Addressed. — Al molto Rdo padre Gioseppe Creswello Rectore degli
Inglesi. a Roma.

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 167

Endorsed by F. Grene. — P. Jo. Ingramus, Tiburi 21 Augusti 1589,
ut colligitur ex eo quod scribit de morte Humfredi qui obiit 17 Aug.
1589.

[Translation]

Tivoli, Aug. ai, 1589.

Rev. Father, Though the intimacy between myself and Humphrey was
close, and the interchange of favours was mutual between us, yet would it
have been the part of prudence, the duty of a mind, which forecast the
future and surmised what was likely to happen, to have so forearmed
oneself against the inroads of sorrow, that no spot should have been
left unprotected against its assaults. The more so because I looked
upon it as certain and inevitable that he would depart from this life
soon after my leaving him. Yet when the news came of his exchange
of life with death, I was so overcome and prostrated by grief, that I
passed the whole night without sleep. For as often as I tried to fall
asleep, so often did I recall to mind Humphrey's incredible kindness to
me and his many good services, so often did I see before me the man
to whom I used to turn, in whose company I found peace, in whose
sweet intercourse I laid aside all care and trouble. He, he it was, who
would talk so often and so earnestly about virtue and goodness, about
quelling disorderly passions, and extirpating vices before they became
deeply rooted or further disseminated. From his company, help and
advice, I might, had I tried, have gathered richer and more abundant
fruit than I did.

Such, dearest Father, was our intimacy, such the bonds of our friend-
ship, which, I trust, your paternity heartily approves of, as I am
sure that God does. From our intercourse of hearts, though it did not
show itself to all, no jealousies could in any way arise among our
companions, nor could trouble be caused to our superiors. The death,
therefore, of so dear and so great a friend has caused me the greatest
grief; but in future I will take pains that such sorrow, which should die
down with time, does not break forth again. Moreover, those details
which you have written about his most blessed passage, could and should
assuage all sorrow. For what man of sense and forethought would wish
the friend, whom he cherished in his heart, to be [still] numbered among
the living in this unhappy age of ours, when the whole world is ablaze
with civil war; when heresy, alas! lords it over the true faith, that has
been greatly enfeebled ; when friends and relatives, yea, and our country,
which engages to itself alone all the loves of all, lies prostrate in grief
and squalor ; especially when there is the fullest hope, I might say
certainty, that Humphrey (both in my opinion and that of others) was
ever such a one that, upon escaping from the bonds of the flesh as
from a prison, a certain and assured place would fall to him in heaven,
where with God he would enjoy an eternity of bliss. But about Humphrey,
for whom I will be an earnest intercessor with God, I have said enough,
perhaps too much.

As your Reverence left it to my free choice either to come to you or
stay here for awhile, all things considered and all reasons balanced,
after first taking Father Rector's advice, I have come to the decision
that it is more suitable for me to stay here. Otherwise he to whom I
and my companions are so deeply indebted, would have had to change
his plans, and would have loudly remonstrated against my dissenting
from him. To go to Rome unless he advised it, nay against his will
and in spite of him, before I was quite recovered and had attained my
object, would be, I considered, blameworthy in me and displeasing to you.
I forbear to write about the money which my comrades left with me, not
to trouble you over much, and they will tell you about it. The postman,

1 68 documents relating to October

moreover, is waiting ready to start. I will conclude my letter, asking you
to present my fond greetings to Fr. Minister, whom I love as much as
anyone, and hold and shall ever hold most dear. Towards your Reverence
I will ever cherish the most dutiful feeling {fiietas) in my power, for why
should I say " filial love" seeing that even the term "dutiful feeling,"
solemn and holy though it be, is too feeble to express all my obligations
to you. Farewell. From Tivoli, the 21st of August.

Your Reverence's most obedient son in Christ,

John Ingram.

LIII.

THE OXFORD MARTYRS OF 1589

19 October, 1589

Valladolid MSS. A letter addressed to Sir Francis Englefield, and

endorsed " De martyribus and troubles of Syon, and namely Sister Elizabeth

Sanders." Printed from an extract sent to the late Father J. Morris, S.J.

There came of late four English Catholics to this city

ur , [Antwerp] from England, who report their cruelty to increase

at Oxford, daily, as appeared by an execution done about two months

or more [ago], upon two seminary priests and two laymen,

who apprehended in Oxford at the Catherine Wheel, being an inn, were

first convented before the Vice-Chancellor, Commissaries, and other

Justices, did confess themselves to be Catholics all, and after some few

days were sent up to the Privy Council, where Walsingham demanding

if they were priests, one of them called Mr George Nicols,

priest of the seminary, did confess that he was; "Ergo, saith

Walsingham, a traitor." Cui Nicols, "I never heard or read, that to be a

priest, especially among Christian people, was to be termed a traitor ;

neither were they so taken with our forefathers, but had in all reverence,

especially at St. Augustine first preaching the Faith." Whereto

Walsingham replied like himself, as your Honour may imagine.

Mr Yaxley the other was called, who said being demanded
Yaxley. ^at he was a Catholic gentleman. The third was one

r>clcon

Richard. Mr Belson, a known Catholic gentleman. The fourth was
Humphrey Richard, a Welshman, servant of the house where
they were taken, a sound Catholic. The priests were sent to Bridewell,
where seorsim they were for the space of fifteen hours hanged up by
the wrists of the hands, and after let down. Tyrell and Tyllertt,*
apostate priests, [were] brought in to confront them, especially
Mr Yaxley, who they testified to be a seminary priest, and D. Webbe's
camerado. He was hereupon sent to the Tower, and threatened the
rack ; and Mr Nicols let down into a deep dungeon full of venomous
vermin, where he remained for a season. And after one month they
with the two others were sent down to Oxford, where at an open assize
they were condemned by the verdict of a Puritan quest picked out of
purpose, and after executed; they all taking their death in most
constant and courageous sort ; not so much but the poor servant said,
"Testify with me, I pray you, that I died Catholic," to whom when a
Protestant minister replied, "What ! thou knowest not what it is to be a

* This is presumably Francis Tyllotson, if indeed he had apostatised at this date.

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 169

Catholic"; — saith he, "What I cannot say in word, I will seal with my
blood." It were too long to recite all their disputes with the Puritans,
and other their godly sayings and examples, which all I have written to
his grace more at large.

Since this execution they begin to execute their wicked statute more
strictly and severely.

Antwerp, October 19, 1589.

LIV.

THE EXAMINATIONS OF MILES GERARD AND FRANCIS

DICCONSON

24 November to 12 December, 1589
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxxix, nn. 5, &c, and 27, &c.
We here see very plainly the two ideas of the persecutors. First, to
make the Martyr confess that he is a priest coming into England. This
ensures a sentence of death. Secondly, to secure an unpopular answer
to the " Bloody question." This, though it cannot be construed into a
crime, will ensure execution.

Dicconson was evidently unprepared for the " Bloody question," and
his answers did not disarm the malice of his persecutors. It will be noted,
however, that while in their letter the examiners aggravate their version
of his answer, we cannot feel certain that the formula used in the
examination itself really represents the Martyr's mind, though he did
sign it. For we find in it the word "Romish," which a Catholic would
not use willingly. Moreover, the issue of Bulls of excommunication by
Gregory XIII and Sixtus V, as here described, was a Protestant invention.
Whether the Martyr would have answered as he did, had he been aware
of this fraud, may be doubted. It will also be remarked that the secretary
has sometimes set down the words in exactly the opposite sense to what
Topcliffe and the inquisitors desired. (See No. v, Enclosure ii.)

(i)
The first examinacion of ye Elder man with ye one eye, by his
counterfaite name William Rychardson.

The said William Rychardson about ye Age of fourtie yieres, borne
in Lancashire at a place there called Lowmon [?] within ye parishe of
Wighen in Lancashire aforesaide. At his Departure out of England he
dwelled with one Mr Tilesley of Morlis in ye paryshe of Leych [Leigh]
—_, in Lancashire aforesaide. He went out of England in March
^^ last, takinge Shippinge at Gravesende in an Englishe boate, wch
caryed Certaine Souldiers to Diepe & there remained a quarter
of a yere sick ; afterward recoueringe health went to Treyporte and
there remayned a while ; and so to Saint Valerie, then to Abvill, mom
Abvill to Saint Thomas, & there remayned untill this his coming home.
The cause of his goinge over was to enquire after one George Williams,
who went with my L. of Lecester, at his first goinge over into ye lowe
Countries, wch partie as he hard before he went ouer was at Roan or Paris.

He was sent to seeke ye saide George Williams by a friend of yc
same George whose name he cannot tell, but he had xh of him for
his paines.

The cause why ye said George Williams should be sent for was for
y* he left a wyfe behind him when he went over, who was now towardes

170 documents relating to November

a new husbande, but y* she knew not certainlie whether her ould
husbande were alive. Therefore he was sent over to enquire ye Certaintie.

The cause now of his cominge home was for y* ye troubles were so
greate in ffraunce, he could not travill to Roan nor Paris. He never
knew this his Companion untill now at his cominge over he met wth
him at Ste Thomas, & were brought acquainted by one Dr Hall twoo or
three daies before there cominge over. The letter we found about him
he receaved at Diepe by one George Hethersolle (wch he mett there by
chaunce, & never acquainted with him before) to be deliuered to ye said
Hethersolles father dwellinge nere unto a place called Preston in
Lancashire for ye receipt of xls wch he lent him at Diepe.

That ye Examinacion of this said Rychardson is trew he denyeth to
take his oath, and also the oath of Supremacie.

(ii)

The Second Examinacion of ye elder man with one eye, now by
ye name of Myles Jerarde.

Myles Jerard about ye Age of xl yeres, borne in a parishe called
Wighen in Lancashire.

He went out of England about ten yeres past, & tooke Shippinge as
a Merchante at Dover, & went to Callis from Callis to Saint Thomas, &
so to Reames, wher at his first Cominge by ye appointment of Dr Allen
he taught a Schoole, and there he hath continewed ever since. He took
ye Orders of a Seminarie Priest at Reames seaven yeres a goe. Now at
this time he was sent home into his Countrie by one Doctour Barret,
President at Reames, to execute ye office of a Seminarie Priest, and to
that end he is come, and to ye same he will stande.

Jeffery Glydd, Mayior
Tho. Gylberte, Scrutator
(hi)
The first Examinacion of ye yonger man by ye name of
Laurence Leighley.

Laurence Leighley of ye Age of xxjtle yeres, Son of Thomas Leighley
gentleman, dwellinge in a place called Newhall in Yorkeshire. The saide
Leighley Departed from his saide ffather about June last, & came to
New Castle, & took shippinge at a place there called ye Shieldes in a
small ffrench Boote laden w*h Coales, wch went to Callis.

ffrom Callis he went to Abvill, and so to Treyporte & to Hewe [Eu],
& there lived as a Souldiour under a ffrench Capitaine called Mounseur
Lashemer.

About a moneth a goe he came from ye said Capitaine, & ever
since hath remayned in Abvill & therabouts, & now thought good to
repaire home to his said father.

Concerninge certaine written books we founde upon him, he saith
he had them of an Englishe man in Picardie, whose name he hath
forgotten, or whereabouts he receaved them in Picardie he can not tell.
Amonge ye Books we finde a small letter, but he denieth where he
receaved it, or where he should deliuer it, for ther is no superscription :
ffor acquaintance of his Companion he saieth he never sawe him
before he came to Callis.

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 171

(iv)

The Second Examinacion of ye yonger man by ye name of
ffrauncis Dickinson
ffrauncis Dickinson of ye age of xxiiii yeres beinge borne at Oteley
in Lancashire. He departed out of England vij yeres since / took
passage at Rye & went to Diepe, & so to Reames where he hath
remayned ever since. He tooke ye degree of a Seminarie Priest a yere
a goe or there abouts ; & now was sent by Doctor Barret President
at Reames to this his countrie to use ye function of his Priesthood.

Jeffery Glydd, mayior
Tho. Gilberte, scrutator
Endorsed. — Decemb. 1589. The Examinations of the twoe Semynarie
Priestes Myles Gerrard & ffrances Dickinson, taken by the Comissionrs
of Douer.

(v)
James Dalton and Nicholas Fuller to the Privy Council

Most humbly, our duetyes to your honors premised. We have
according to your honors commaundement examined towe Seminary
Priests in Bridewell, the one called by the name of Myles Gerrard,
the other by the name of Francis Dickenson, whose examinations
also we have sent unto you, leving the consideration to your honors
and other her Maiesties lerned Councell how farr they may be delt
withall upon ye matters in there examinations conteyned, with this
gyving your honors to understand that wher we had a commission
of Oyer & Determiner for London & Middelsex, the same is discontinued
by the late change of ye Maior, and as yet none other mayde, only
there is a commifsion here of Gaole delyuerie, which we take for
those causes will not suffice. There is a great difference between
these priestes. Miles Gerrard seemeth to be a simple fellow misled
by euell persuasion. Francis Dikenson, a yong man of the age of
24 yeres, a verie arrogant and a desperate person. He hath affirmed
that yff the Quene be deprived by the Pope, or be puplesshed to be
deprived by hym, she is no rightful or lawful Queene, that her subjects
ought not to obey hir, and that yff an armye be sent into ye Real me
he will take pte with that army and will perswade as many Catholykes
as he cann to do the lyke. Both the one and the other leving to
your honors consideration and farder direction, in the meane tyme
we pray god to preserve your honors in all honor & prosperitie.
from London the xijth day of December 1589
your honors most humble

Nich0 ffuller James Dalton

Addressed. — To the Right Honorable the Lordes & other of her
Maties Privye Councell.

Endorsed also with a precis of the above letter.

Enclosure I
The examination of francis Dickenson taken the 3 of December
A° 1589 before James Dalton Nicolas Fuller & [blank in MS.}
Topclyff Esquiers by ye order of ye LL. of yr Mties pryvie Councell.

172 documents relating to December

Francis Dickenso of ye age of 25 yeres or there about examined
sayeth that before this tyme he hath named hym by ye name of
Laurence Kytley, but he sayeth yl is not his name, but that his name
is Francis Dickenson. And he sayth it is true by ye faith of a
Catholyk priest, he sayeth that he was borne in Oteley in Yorkeshire,
and that about 8 yeres past he went to Church, herd service and
sermons as other her Mties subiects used to do, and that about 7 yeres
past he went into fraunce, and there continued for the most part ever
since and about a yere past he was mayde priest after ye order of ye
Romish Catholyck Church by ye Byshop of Shallons in Fraunce.

He sayeth y* he is a true subiect in temporall things to ye Quene,
but in ecclesiasticall causes he is not, nor cannot be because he taketh
the Pope to be above her in ecclesiasticall causes. Yff the Queene
be not deprived by ye Pope she is lawfull & rightfull Queene, but yf
she be deprived by ye Pope, then he sayeth she is not lawfull and
rightfull queene, and ye lyke he sayeth yf the Pope hathe pronounced
her to be deprived. He sayeth he went over to Reames by the
comendations of one Haukesforth of haukesforth in Yorkeshire to
Doctor Allen and by none others ; he sayeth he hath not gon or com
from beyond the seas but ones, and he retorned on monday was
senight past, and was taken in Dover haven in a ship there, and he
purposely intended to come to London when he came out of fraunce,
the ship he came in being bound for London : and was sent by ye
President of Reames Doctor Barrett for ye common cause, to reconcile
men to ye Catholyck church and to exercise all other offices of a Priest.

He sayeth he had letters of diuerse of Reames to dyuerse psos
but he will not tell to whom, and the letters he left on the other
syde sea at Dunkerke, he sayeth he had for his viatico 15 crownes.
He sayeth that he hath episcopall authorit[ie], and sayeth he may
reconcile to the sea of Rome, and dispence with such sinnes as every
priest in other countreys cannot do. He sayeth that yf eny Bull of
Pius Quintus, Gregorie the 13 or Sextus quintus to deprive her Maiestie
of her crowne be published and not revoked by ye Pope, the same
ought be obeyed by ye subiects of England and the Quene not to
be obeyed as a lawfull quene by her subiects in England or Ireland
for ye Pope, as he sayth, hath power to deprive the Quene and to
discharge hir subiects of their allegiaunce towardes her. He sayeth
that yf ye Pope shold sett out such a bull and send an Army to
deprive the Queene and to sett up the Catholyck Romysh religion
he wold take parte in that case with that Army, and persuade as many
Catholyckes as he cold to do the lyke, and he sayth that when she
were putt downe, then he shold have the crowne that were next of
blood being a Catholyck.

By me francis Dickinsonne
James Dalton Nichs. ffuller Rye. Topcliffe

Endorsed. — Thexaminacion of ffrauncys Dickinson 3 decemb.
an0 1589.

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 73

Enclosure II
The examination of Miles Gerrard taken the 3 of December
1589 before James Dalton and Nicolas fuller Esquiers by the
llords of Councels order.

Miles Gerrard examyned the 3 of December 1589 affirmeth that
to be his true name of ye faith of a Catholyck priest. At his examination
he was of ye age of 40 yeres borne within the Queenes dominions
g^-— in Wygan parish in Lancashyre : and before his goyng into
^^ fraunce he taught the children of Mr Tylsley of Moreles in yl
^—^ shyre by the space of 3 yeres, and during that tyme refrayned
^^ to go to Church, and sayeth that about xen yeres past he went
into fraunce, and hath remayned in the Seminary of Reames al that
tyme, and was mayde priest after the order of the Church of Rome
at Laoun in fraunce by the Bishop of yfc place, and cam from thence
of purpose to London, being sent by the President of Reames viz.
Doctor Barrett, to execute the office of a priest to psuade such as
were willing to ye Catholyck Romane religion, and his shipp being at
anker in the sight of Douer about the 24 of November last the
ship was brought in by 2 botes to Douer and one Francis Dickenson
another semanary priest with hym therin as passangers, and after
they cam to Douer they were seuerally examined before ye Maior of
Douer. He sayeth and affirmeth upon his examination he hath byn
taught and beleveth that the Bifshopp of Rome is the supreme head
of the hole Catholyck church and hath supreme Authorytie aboue all
Kynges and princes whatsoeuer in causes ecclesiasticall, and for yl
cause in such cases he hath Authorytie ouer and above the quene
in this realme. He sayeth that the Pope hath authoritie to deprive
all kyngs and quenes, yf yt seme necefsary and expedient for the
Catholyck romish religion of ye catholick Romane church. And
further sayeth that yf the Pope hath for such cause deprived the
Queen, he will not say it to be unlawfull, and after such deprivation
that she is [not cancelled] lawfull quene. And other answer in that
poynt he will not make, for being a chyld of ye Catholycke church
he dare not disprove or disallow the popes acts.

He sayeth that yf the Pope did send a Catholyke Army into this
Realme to sett up the Catholyck Romish religion and did certenly
know that the Pope sent that army for y* cause he wold not take
part, nor psuade eny other to take pte against y' army : but whether
he wold take pl or psuade other to take p* wfc such an army he sayeth
he will no* dele therin.* And being demanded whether he will take the
oth of Allegiance, he sayeth he is not resolved therin.

Per me Milonem Gerard in the presence of
Rye. Topclyffe James Dalton Nicholas ffuller

Endorsed. — Thexaminatio of Myles Gerrard 30 Decemfc A° 1589.

* The Secretary at first wrote the contrary :— " He would not take part, or
persuade others to take part with the Pope's army," will not say "whether he
would take part against it." This has then been corrected as above.

174 documents relating to September

LV.

THREE LETTERS OF EDMUND DUKE

28 September, [?n] November and 26 December, 1589

From Stonyhurst MS., Collectanea M, ff. 101-103, and 188.

These are Father Christopher Grene's transcripts (the marks of omission
are his) from originals formerly preserved in the English College, Rome.
Father Grene notes that the second was then to be found in the volume
Collectanea A (which is now broken up, some leaves of it surviving in
Stonyhurst MS., Anglia A). The other two, he tells us elsewhere
(Stonyhurst MS., Collectanea N. i, 35), were "in shelf C, in the Archives,"
and with them a letter of " 11 Nov. 1589, ad P. Samuelem — pauci momenti."
Father Grene notes in the margin that the originals were "written in a
very good hand." The Liber Ruber (or Annates, or as Brother Foley
calls it, The Diary), of the English College, Rome, gives the 15th of
September as the date at which our Martyr left Rome (Foley Records, S.J.,
vi, 166). Father Grene {Collectanea N, ii, 17) notes, " Mr Baines in his
Diary saith, — 15 Sept : Went towards Rhemes, F. Mattheus Kellison,
F. Duke, &c." The other two were Robert Tempest and Anthony Clarke,
both invalids (Douay Diaries, p. 22*7). Kellison was afterwards President
of the College.

Father Grene (Collectanea IV, ii, 70) makes another reference, which
one regrets not being able to follow up: — "See Miscellanea C, De
Persecutione, f. 178. De oblatione facta z'itae." With these letters before
us we may be sure that "the offering of his life" will have been made
with fervour.

(i)

A letter of Edmund Duke, martyr, to Father Creswel, Rector
of the English College at Rome, 28 September 1589. Coppyed
out of the original.
My very deare father. Though it be scant two daies past since I
wrott unto you, in which letter of mine I gave you to understand of
mine ague, yet now by reason of another accident I thought good to
add these few lines . . . The case is this. The day after I wrott last
I hapned to talke with one Father Achilles* Propositus della casa
professae, to whome amongst other thinges I opened the state of my
body, telling him that, because I wrastled with two diseases at once,
I had the greater difficulty in dyetting myself by the way. The good
man, as he is much affectioned to our nation, caused streightway f a
chamber to be made ready for me, where I was kept the residue of
that day and all the next (a physician being sent for to iudge of me)
with such good attendance that the physician hath pronounced me
to have noe ague, though indeed I am left very strengthlesse, yet meane,
by Gods help, to depart tomorrow morning, vz. upon St. Michels day.
Our manner of travaile is this : we have bought one horse of 24 crownes
price to carry all our baggs and mee vvithall ; the other three will they
say be footmen, for indeed our mony shrinks to to fast, but we cannot

3fc For Father Achilles Gagliardi, a theologian and writer of repute, and confessor,
it is said, of St. Charles Borromeo, see Sommervogel, Bib. de la C. de Jesus, iii,
1096; and Southwell's letter of 26 May, 1586.

f In MS. "streightly."

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 75

doe withall. I leave father to your wisdome to thank this good f. Achilles,
committing yourselfe most hartily to God Almighty and myself most
humbly to your charitable prayers. We sould all our s[t]uff here but
our baggs and my bootes. Milan, on St. Michael's even, 1589.

Your most obed* son and subiect,

Ed. Duke.

(ii)

Epistola Edm : Duke Martyris, Anglice scripta ad P. Creswellum
Rectorem Coll: Angl: Romae,from Rhemes]} n] Nouember 1589.
Eodem libro signato A,fol. 99.

My very Rd, &c. . . . Since my last . . . from Milan I mended in
my health in such strange sort, as in very truth, not knowing any other
reason, I am constrained to say with that holy woman Dominus
ynortificat et vivificat, deducit ad inferos et reducit. For . . . till I came
to Milan I was never a day almost without an ague . . . and the night
after I departed from thence I was worse sick then euer before & almost
in despaire of being able to proceed in my iourny : the day after att
a place called Berinzona we bought a horse ... for 21 crownes and
sould him att Nancie againe for 14, which should have borne me
forsooth and all our stuff, I and all not thinking me able to goe a-foot
one mile ... for beside my feavor I almost eate nothing ... a senight
before. Yet the first 8 miles riding . . . made me so weary as by no
meanes I would ride . . . any longer . . . A-foot I went and the very
first day when night came, was much lesse weary then some in our
company, and soe I went forward euery day better and better . . .

Touching my abode here God and yourself . . . best know how
long it shalbe, if (as I hope you doe) you perswade yourself of my
sincere obedience towards you. I am your subiect for ought I know,
and bound not only by duty but alsoe by will to whatsoeuer you . . .
dispose of me in the name of God, how, where, whither or whensoever
it shal please God and you. One thing good father I request of you,
and look to obtaine of you too, if euer anything : yea, if my memory
faile me not, I think I may chalenge it as partly promised already,
since you tould me ... a little before I was made Priest, that this
winter I should have oportunity to make the Spiritual exercise . . .
Whether I make it winter or sommer I little passe (but the sooner
the better and the lieuer to mee), but my request is that before I
passe into England you would procure me the meanes to make it.

Good father perswade not yourself that I demaunde it lightly,
God Almighty knoweth both the sincere desire . . . and the great
necessity I haue of it, and the hope lastly which I haue- to gaine and
profitt much by it. I beseech you . . . consider me in this case and
vouchsafe if you please to yield me some answer, &c. . . .

D. Barret and D. Worthington I finde very beneficial to me touching
necessaries about dyett and apparell, but yet . . . (I wil speake the
truth) I often reflect upon our Collegial life which pleaseth me aboue
all others; I- doubt I was not capable of it and soe God Almighty
taking me from it, &c. . . .

1 76 documents relating to December

(Hi)
Another letter of the same martyr to F. Creswel. 26 December

1589-.
My very louing father,

My humble duty, &c. — I wrott not long since unto you, &c. —
My present state causeth me to write these few lines unto you, that
soe (if it were your pleasure) I might understand of you what shal
become of me hereafter, for though I be farr from you, yet I trust
you have care of me, as of one subiect unto you and belonging to
your charge. I know, father (f. 102) mine own choice might easily
preuaile with you, but I will chuse nothing without your iudgment, for
I perswade myself that your religious feare of God, your wisedome
and fatherly affection towards me wil suffer you to decerne nothing
but that which shal be most to Gods glory and my profitt, none more
fitt to iudge what is conuenient for me then you, to whome I am so
well known, and that you may giue the more sound sentence, I
meane by Gods help in this letter to open myself unto you as sincerely
as I may, and with as great confidence as if I were present to speake
unto you. Would God I were but one houre with you, I would verily
so impart myself unto you as I would think to beare away a lighter
hart from you then I brought to you. Say not, father, I beseech you,
that I have heer as good as you, for though peradventure it may be
true, yet cannot I perswade myself so of any secular man, as of you
or the like, which since my coming hither hath caused me to chew
upon many a hard bone, which your counsail and comfort would easily
haue broken to powder.

What then? say you. Are you a malcontent? God forbidd, for
other men suffer as much as I and perchance more in temporal
difficulties and besides that when I consider my vocation, I dare not
think anything difficulty, for feare of that which S. Bernard sayth :
Qui minora non superat, majora non saperabit : wherefore if this be
the place which you wil adiudge me to live in, I purpose by Gods
grace, as hitherto I haue done, to deuoure all difficulties stoutely and
cheerfully : but qui amat periculum peribit in eo, and perchance I am
here because it is thought most to my contentation soe to be. If I
understood that your will and determination were that I should stay
here, verily (I speake as I think) I were sufficiently armed against
what difficulties soever might occurre. But who knoweth, whether
peradventure you would as willingly I should be elsewhere as here?
I say this, father, for that being recouered of my infirmity and
remaining altogether voyd of danger my going into England seems
lesse necessary now, then otherwise it might haue done. For mine
owne part, in very truth, I wil be plaine with you and speak to you
with my penn no otherwise then with my hart I speak to God Almighty.
God knoweth I feare not at this time the fury of the persecutor ; yea,
verily, I could speak not with mouth but with hart too, as bouldly
and couragiously as euer spake S' Peter, and perswade myself more-
over that (by His help who hath already giuen me this hart) I could
doe as much indeed as I now say with tong and hart. Wherfore
(if God putt not into your minde some reason to the contrary) let

1589 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 77

me goe, I beseech you. Absolutely, I nether wil nor dare request it.
Judge you, for Gods sake, what I may doe most to Gods glory, and
by Gods grace I wil put it in practice, notwithstanding whatsoeuer
inclination to the contrary. I know, father, but not better then you,
how much I am behindehand with prouision fitt for a labourer in
that vineyard. I know I am young and might prouide myself well
enough and forced with no necessity to the contrary: I know I might
gaine that now, whereby I might doe God better seruice much in his
Church hereafter, which if not now I shal hardly euer gett hereafter;
and perchance being but weakly grounded hazard that too, which I
haue heretofore prouided. These and such like reasons may be made
against me, which I beseech you to examin betwixt God and your
conscience, and pronounce afterward an absolute sentence, and say
"this is fittest for him to doe"; and let passe these words for the
disobedient, "if he were so contented," "if a man could persuade
him soe." Speak you the word and I am persuaded to doe whatsoeuer
you shal deeme conuenient.

Thus, father, you see what you haue to do. But that which I
desired in my last letters (God knoweth whether they came to you
or noe) I desire now and that more instantly, if it be possible, that
you would prouide me the opportunity to make the spiritual exercises
before I goe into England. You may do it, if any man, and for
Gods sake think a little upon the matter what it is to go thither
without deuotion, and how fitt a thing that is to gaine deuotion,
contempt of torments and whatsoeuer for the glory of God, to gaine
vertue, resolution, charity and fervour. I feele myself well enough, in
very truth I want these things : I remitt me to your charity in this point.

I tould you, father, I would deale sincerely with you and open my
hart, if it were possible unto you. Wherefore if it should soe happen
that after this my recouery (which in very deede is past my expectation)
you should esteeme it conuenient and most to God's glory (which
most of all, I beseech you simply to regarde) that I should stay awhile
and proceede forward in my study, I haue already sayd I will stand
to your determination, and soe I say still. But because I know to
whome I write, I will not faile to open my minde; yea, I may say,
supposing this my desire and hope notwithstanding for a milder
interpretation of my said desire, then peraduenture I yeeld it myself
for feare that I loue myself too well to desire or wish such a thing
without vanity. Well then, father, supposing as I sayd I were yet
longer to continue my studies on this side the seas, I could wish
myself where you might easily place me, where I might leade such a
life as I ledd under you, but make so much the more accompt of it,
by how much I now better understand the sweetnesse of it, by this
shorte time which I have bin bereaved of it : you understand already
what place I meane. But because I must needes confesse my vaine in
open words (for truly I dare not excuse myself, and yet God knows
I could say something very probably, but you perhaps wil excuse me
better if I say nothing) I meane our niew seminaries in Spaine. In
very truth, father, it is for meer loue I have of that kinde of life, which
because I finde very different heer makes me hue so much at lesse

178 documents relating to January

ease, and lesse secure too, by meanes of to to pernicious liberty, which
here is, with which I dare not securely trust these my young yeares.
If it might be, I would be glad, but I turne againe to that which I
meane to stand to by Gods help, — Non mea voluntas, Pater, sed tua
fiat. And verily whatsoeuer I sayd I haue not spoken, upon any
determinat vanity, but in the feare of God, submitting myself to your
iudgment. God keepe you and giue us grace to doe his will : from
Rhems upon the feast of S* Stephen 1589.

Your humble Son and subiect

Edmund Duke, Priest.

LVI.

WARRANTS TO TORTURE CHRISTOPHER BAYLES

January, 1590

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxxx, n. 57.

Walsingham was now on his death-bed (he died 6 April, 1590), and a
subordinate persecutor, Richard Topcliffe, was rising to eminence. We
see him here, and we shall see him for the next six years, entrusted by
the Council with despotic powers, which he used for the perpetration of
barbarous cruelties and unnatural crimes. There are reasons for believing
that this was due, at least indirectly, to the favour with which he was
regarded by the Queen herself.

The selection of Bridewell as the place of torture is again characteristic
of the change. Ten years before one only heard of torture in the Tower,
where, contrary to the law of the land but in accord with the theory of
the Tudor lawyers, the sovereign had the prerogative to force political
prisoners of importance to disclose secrets that might be hurtful to the
State, and as we have seen, the final object to be attained used to be
an indictment, which should sound as if it contained treasonable matter.
Since the laws of 1585 this was no longer necessary, and all that was
required was a confession of priesthood, and, if possible, an unpopular
answer to "the bloody question" (see pp. 151,169). Now the prisoners were
sent to Bridewell, the place of detention for rogues and the commonest
criminals, as though they were unworthy of notice. Instead of being
racked they were tortured "upon the wawle," that is, hung up by the
hands, the mere weight of the body doing the work of the rackmaster,
and even more efficiently, because it worked slowly and noiselessly. Bayles,
as we shall hear, was for nearly twenty-four hours in this torture.

The date of these warrants will have been before 1 February, 1590,
for on that day a letter was sent from the Privy Council for the trial of
"three Jesuits" on information to be supplied by Topcliffe, presumably
after the tortures. On the 18th the justices, &c, at Newgate, are ordered
to proceed with care and diligence against the seminary priests and
their harbourers, and on the 22nd the execution of Bayles, Horner and
Blake, was ordered to be stayed until their Lordships should give further
orders (Dasent's Acts of Privy Council, xviii, 338-378).

On the 4th of March they were executed, a placard being set over
their heads to say that they died "For treason, and favouring foreign
invasions" {Troubles, iii, 45), the result, doubtless, of the special orders
issued from the Star Chamber.

Remembrance for theis Warrants to be mayd forthewith for
Mr. Topclyff. Graunted at the Counsell Table.
A Warrant to the Master and Keeper of Brydewell to receve and
kepe as cloase prisoners Chrystofer Baylies alias Evers a Seamenary

159° THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 179

preest, Jhon Baylies his brother a tayller, Henry Goorney haberdasher,
Antony Kaye and Jhon Coxed yoman. And no person to resort to
any of them but Mr Richard Topclyff and Mr. Richard Younge, who
is appoynted to examen them, and to procede furder with them
according to direction gyven to them by the Lords.

Directed to the Master and Keeper of Brydewell.

Another warrant from ther Lordships to Richard Topclyff and
Richard Younge Esquiers to examyn the sayd persons Christofer
Baylies alias Evers a Seamenary Priest, John Baylies tayller, Henry
Goorney, Antony Kaye, and Jhon Coxed from tyme to tyme, and if
they see furder occacyon to commytte them or any of them unto such
torture upon the wawle as is usuall for the better understanding of
the trewthe of matters agenst her Maiestie and the Stayte etc.

Directed to Richard Topclyff & Richard Younge Esquiers.

Endorsed. — Remembrancs for Mr. Topcliff.

As the account of the martyrdom given in the Relatione of Dr. Barrett
(see p. 2 above) does not seem to have been printed in English, I give
it here from a slightly abbreviated copy in Fr. Grene's Collectanea M, 56.

"At the beginning of this Lent there was put to death the Reverend
Christopher Bales, under pretext of justice and by way of trial, because,
after being made priest by the authority of the Pope, he had come into
England against the laws, and for this he was condemned. He had
been tortured, and hung up off the ground by the hands for little less
than twenty-four hours, in order to make him confess where he had said
mass, and who had kept him. But he stood firm . . . and answered with
a constancy and prudence which edified the Catholics and made the
heretics wonder. His piety and faith were especially conspicuous at his
death. He was asked by the judge according to custom . . . when judg-
ment was about to be pronounced, if he had anything to say for himself.
He answered, ' This only do I want to know, whether St. Augustine sent
hither by St. Gregory was a traitor or not.' They answered that he was
not . . . He answered them, 'Why then do you condemn me to death
as a traitor. I am sent hither by the same see : and for the same pur-
pose as he was. Nothing is charged against me that could not also be
charged against the Saint.' But for all that they condemned him, and with
him a citizen of London called Horner, for having given aid and support
to priests."

LVII.

THE INFORMATIONS OF JOHN WARRENER

About March, 1590

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxxix, n. 26. .

The wife of one Anthony Atkinson, was mentioned before (p. 36) in
terms which give us to understand that probably both he and she were
Catholics about the year 1583. There was also a lawyer of the same
name imprisoned before 16 August, 1594 {Calendar, p. 543), who was
also apparently a Catholic ; and again a priest of the same name who
afterwards apostatised. Whether the Anthony Atkinson, the "searcher
of Hull," of whom we shall now hear a good deal, is to be identified
with any of the above, I do not know. One could wish that he was the
same as the Anthony Atkinson who, with certain others, got into trouble
for speaking disrespectfully of a member of the Privy Council in 1602,

180 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

and was thereupon sentenced by the Star Chamber to whipping, to the
pillory, the galleys, &c. &c, according to the fashion of that tyrannical
age. Atkinson, however, was excused the whip, and the nailing up by the
ears to the pillory, because he had betrayed his fellows {Calendar, 1602,
pp.209, 22°)- But even if our " searcher " did meet with this set-back,
he still continued to ply his degrading trade at least as late as 1608
{Calendar , p. 430). He seems to have been a member of the Temple, and
to have had some grievances in March, 159 1, about the terms under which
he had taken office {Calendar, p. 19; and Foley, iii, 767).

This spy or " searcher" then, seems to have had John Warrener " in
examination for matters of piracie," and the old pirate to exculpate
himself tells the following stories against the Catholics. Warrener had,
doubtless, many good sources of information, but considering the form
and the circumstances in which this paper was drawn up, it is not to be
trusted implicitly.

Matters for Her Maiestie

Certein Seminaryes and Papists which are in the North parts,
as att lardge within appeareth, uppon the information of
Anthony Atkinson shearcher of Hull. [From the back,~\

The saide Warrener hath promissed to gyve knowledge secretly
unto Atkinson when the saide Seminaryes and theire adheraunce is
att Masses or some other open confessions which wilbe nowe in the
beginninge of Lent.

A warrauntt for assistance herein to be directed to all maiestrats
for aidinge the parties put in trust in this accion, not expressinge
the Cawse for feare it be bewraied.

Memorandum that one John Warrener a
Anno wS$h Regine xxxijo substantial yeoman dwellings : within one
being in examination for matters mile of Bamsterbndge in Westmerland
of pyracie a little from Pyla- did voluntarily and in greate secrecie
furthera in Fomis in Lancashire and withoute any compulsion or demaund
In""*,:!" C°nfased did make his severall and secrett repaire

unto me att Kendall takinge my faithfull
promise, that if I would kepe his counsell, he would open to me suche
matters as hereafter followe. I demaundinge of him whie he did not
reveil the cawses to the Maiestrats of that country, because he was
afraide itt should be knowene that he did reveile the saide matters,
that then he should be murthered in his bedd, beinge a very ould
man and not able to travill willed me to make your Honour
acquainted therewith &c.

Yf search be made for any First there is one little Within iij hours they maie
of the saide persons in fleebottkepte byagentle- be conveyed by land into
Lancashire uppon an hovvers man or rwnn ;„ tnf Scotland and if the wynd
warninge they wilbe in manortWOO m that serve they maie be conveyed

Westmerland and if searche co.untry , nere untO the in one hower by meanes
be made there uppon an- Saide Pilafurther which of the saide bote into
other howers warninge they doth carry and convey Scotland or the Isle
wilbe in Cumberland etc. 0 w t e of S C O t e 1 a n d °f Man'
Ireland England and other placs, certein Semynaries Jesuwetts and
Papists, and so hath their severall passages to suche places as they
desire to be att.

159° THE ENGLISH MARTYRS l8l

There is one John Mid-
The saide Middleton came dleton* of age aboute Agnes Hodgshon a good
from the Pope of late ti fh° Kai'rp nf witnes to be examined

yeares, and is a Semynary *xx yeares, me : naire 01 and Qne ould M
Pnste and doth many his head very side f and whoe dwelleth att Cartmell

masses, and hath greate flaxen cullored, smale shee can att any tyme fetche
repaire, especially of women heire on ^is face, of a a Papist priste.
to heare the Masses. -jj, . , I

middle stature, he is

kepte secrett in a fellishe country in Westmerland called Wensidall att
a place called Selsaide, with an ould woman called Agnes Hodgshon,
whoe hath the kepinge of the saide howse, and so often as the saide
Middleton repaires thither, she kepeth him very secretly, he is never
sene abroad unles he walke into the woodes.

There is one ould Sir William Battey whoe Sir William Batty a papist
was once the Vicare of Houghton in Lancashire P^j1- Reported to be dead
who was reported to be dead longe agoe, and a
nowe is lyvinge and secretly kepte and saieth many Masses.
Richard Bardsey, a There is one Richard§ Bardsey an ould man

Semynarie priste. whoe is kepte aboute Fornis, he came lately

from the Pope and is a Semynary priste, very thoughte [sic], he was
brother to one ould Bardsey of Fornis whoe was a greate papist &c.

There is one John Boste a Semynarie prist,
John Bost Seminary preist. whoe is thoughte to be kepte very secretly

in that countrie.
The Lord Pagett is There is one Robert Robert Warde late the

thoughte to be in England Warde whoe was Cooke Lord Pagetts Cooke, a good
in the Northe. .. T •, j, „. «. witnes to be examined.

to the Lord Pagett whoe

fledd for Religion. The saide Warde is nowe dwellinge in Cartmell,
and can saie as towchinge Lord Pagett, whoe is very thoughte either
that he is or hath byn kepte in that Countrie and that both he and
others of that secte was broughte owte of Scotlande or Ireland when
the Spanierds were vppon the seas &c.

„. T ^ J „ ! T>. . j Richard Call of Cartmell scolemaster and
ctfS 2tfSS\fcEL * James Dugdell dwellinge att Warcopp.
in saieng of masses. They Twoo have vsed them selves as

Clarcks att saienge of masses &c.
„ , A , . Jri1 „. . Myles Atkinson and Ellen Fideler be

Sis^oT SaiS F'deler g°°d witnesses to be examined howe

many severall persons have vsed to the

saienge of masses.

, ™ ,-j , William Besbie of Lindall in Cartmell
William Besbie and Ellen tideler d EU py j h Tw0Q faUi att
witnesses to be examined. "■""■ *" , i L u a a

varyance vsed speaches howe many hada

byn att the hearinge of Masses in suche

placs and suche.

* If this man was a priest, the name will be an alias, as it does not appear
in the Douay or English Colleges Diaries.

f Side, for "long," "hanging," is still retained in some northern dialects.

§ A John Bardsey visited the College at Douay in 1597. But he was a merchant.

182 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

,, TT „ „ George Peirson mynister of Selsedd is a
George Pirson and Henry Call , ., . j • ., •

witnesses to be examined. §ood wltnes to be examined in theis accions

and one Henry Call of Cartmell likewise.

„ ~ , , ., There is one Taylor of Lindall in Cart-

One iaylor a good witnesse to ,, , , , , ■: , r . . ,

be examined, for Carrienge of mel1 whoe hadd a. bott of .hls owne> and

papists in the saide botte. he hath seen papists carried to and fro

in the foresaide fflebott.
The names of those that maintaineth theis Semynaries and knowe
of there beinge in those placs, I referre to further examination &c.

Within theis v or vj yeares I have
In Cumberland and Westmerland knowne that there hat he not byn viij
within theis vj yeares not viij noted papists or Recusants, and there
knowene papists and nowe there is vu" iTu • t< u r* .. j

above c: and they increase dailie by Wlthin theis Two° yeares above C: n0ted
meanes of their Semynarie and knowene, which is thoughte to come

prists as is very thoughte. by the occasion of theis Jesuwetts and

Semynaries.

rp. c . , . Also the saide Warener hath informed

I he Spaniards comynge is , ^ . , ~ , ., .

suspected this yeare and some of me that the sa,de Seminaries and theire
them should arrive att Pilafurthera adheraunce doe gyve owte speaches that
in ffumis, the pope hath graunted the Spaniards will come into England

pardons for goinge to Churche this yeare and some of them js appointted
vnder a pretensed Cullor <S:c. to J . „., - ., » 5 r <.u

blind the eyes of the protestants. to arnve att Pilafurthera. And further

they have gyven owte speaches, that the
pope hath gyven owte pardons to all papists, that itt maie be lawfull
for them to goe to Churches beinge comaunded, alwaies provided that
they doe not gyve any creditt to any thinge done in the Churche
towchinge this Relligion by Collor of which pollicie the nomber of
papists maie encrease soddenly &c.

On the back.—T\\o. meanes howe to take the said papists and ■
Seminaries must be by a privie Search by vertue of a Commission
vnto some one or two trustie Gentlemen. The same to be executed
uppon notice from the within named Warrener unto the saide Atkinson.

Addressed. — To the Righte Honorable the Lords of Her Maiestie's
most Honorable Privie Counsail.

LVIII.

THE MARTYRDOM OF ANTHONY MIDDLETON

AND EDWARD JONES

6 May, 1590

Oscott MSS., Kirk's Collections, vol. i, p. n, written in a contemporary
hand.

This paper was unknown both to Challoner and also to Father Christopher
Grene. I have used a transcript by the late Father Stevenson.

Upon Sunday, being the iij of May, 1590, & xxxij year of the reign
of Queen Elizabeth, was taken by the means of those wicked men
R. T[opcliffeJ and R. Y[oung] one Mr. Anthony Middleton, Priest, in
the house of one Mr. Saunders at Clerkenwell, who was committed
by R. Y. to the Clinck, &: on the morrow, being Monday he was

1590 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 183

brought to the bar at the Sessions house in the Old Bailey, with one
Mr. Edward Jones, Priest, who not long before was taken in a grocer's
house in Fleet Street, over against the Conduict, near Shoe Lane.
They being there placed amongst the thieves, Mr Jones was presently
called to the bar and there arraigned of High Treason, for that he
being born within the realm of England was made Priest since the
feast of S. John Baptist in the first year of the Queen's reign, by
authority derived from the [Pope] of Rome at Layon in the parts
beyond the seas, & afterwards did contemptuously come into this
realm of England. To which indictment, being asked whether he were
guilty or not, craved the patience & leave of the Judges to speak two
or three words; which being hardly obtained [he] spake as followeth.
"I came not," said he, "contemptuously into this realm, but to
save souls. And whereas there is a penalty appointed for the not
observing of a law (as do this, or pay this sum of money, or suffer
this punishment) there is no contempt."

" Why then," said Sir Edmund Anderson, " you are contented to
suffer the penalty, which is to be drawn, hanged & quartered."

"Yea, very willingly," answered Mr Jones. "Then," quoth the
Lord Chief Justice, "ye were best confess the Indictment."

"No," quoth Mr. Jones, "that will I not, for I came not con-
temptuously."

Whereupon the two Chief Justices alledged many reasons to prove
it contempt. Many other vain speaches & invectives were spoken
against him by the Lord Mayor & others, which are not worth the
rehearsing ; but Mr. Recorder by the inciting of Topclif, (who thirsted
after their blood, as a lion or wolf doth after their prey) would have
given sentence upon him before he pleaded to the Indictm1. At
length he pleaded " Not Guilty," & put himself upon trial of God
and the country.

Then was Mr. Middleton called to the bar & arraigned in like
sort verbatim as the other was ; & he being asked whether he was
guilty or not, answered as followeth.

" I must not deny myself to be a Priest made as is contained in
the Indictment, & although I came not into the realm contemptuously,
yet (said he), that is nothing material, for in respect of God's laws I
contemn man's law, for melius est obedire Deo guam homini. There-
fore (said he) I am guilty." Then was the Jury of life and death
called & sworn, and charged according to their evidence to enquire
whether Mr. Jones were guilty of the treasons whereof he was arraigned
or not. Which done, Topclif was produced & sworn for witnefs
against him, who brought forth the examination which he had taken
of Mr. Jones at his first apprehension, the effect whereof in sum was
that the said Mr. Jones had been in Spain, in Greece, in Venice and
in Rome, where he was put into the Inquisition House for xiiij days,
in which time he was reconciled to the Catholic Church by an
Italian Friar; one Symon Hunt, Jesuit, an Englishman, being his
interpreter. Afterwards he came into France, to Rheims, & so to
Laon, where he was made priest, & so into England. This was all
the evidence was given against him.

184 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

Then was Mr. Jones [asked] to speak & inform to the Jury why
he should not be found guilty; who alledged a statute made in the
reign of King Edward the VI which was that no man should be
indicted &: arraigned of High Treason, Petit Treason, or Misprision of
Treason, except the treasons were proved by two lawful witnesses, or
by voluntary confession. " Here," saith he, "is [neither] two witnesses nor
voluntary confession."

"No," said Topclif, "will you deny this to be your confession?"

"It was done by torture," said Mr. Jones, "for I was hanged by
[the] wall by the arms, & therefore it was not voluntary."

Then said one of the Justices, whom I take to be Mr. Richard
Wroth, "Will you deny yourself to be a Priest?"

Mr. Jones replied, " I am to be tried by law, & therefore I pray
you, my Lord Chief Justice, let me have the law."

Then spake the Chief Justice of England, "Jones, you mistake
the law, for that Statute doth not appertain to this Statute which was
made sithence."

"Well," said Mr Jones, "it was never repealed, & therefore in force."

"You are in a wrong box," quoth the Recorder, "and therefore
swear the Jury & keeper & let them go together."

Which being done the jury stayed not a Pater Noster time, but
returned with a verdict grateful to Mr Topclif, which was that Mr. Jones
was guilty. Then was he asked what he could say for himself why
judgment should not pass upon him & execution of death be
awarded against him.

[He] said in this manner.

" In the primitive Church when there were more Pagans than
Christians rather than they would deny their faith [they] yielded
themselves to any kind of death, and Mauritius serving under a heathen
prince, being commanded with his soldiers to worship an idol, threw
down his weapons & so did his soldiers, submitting themselves to
any kind of torture rather than to deny their God. Even so (quoth
he) I rather submit myself to any death whatsoever, before I will
forsake the Catholic faith. But (quoth he) I crave the mercy of
Queen Elizabeth that as she caused it to be published in pamphlets,
which I have seen both in English & Latin, that none of her
subjects should suffer the pains of death for their consciences, so no
treason being proved against me but that I am a Catholic Priest,
which is only conscience, I crave the favour of a subject & the
mercy of Queen Elizabeth."

Then said the Recorder, "There is treason enough proved against
thee in that thou art a Priest," using many irreligious and unreverent
epithets and terms to that sacred name of a Priest, (which is the
chiefest dignity of our Lord & Saviour Jesus Christ, & shall endure
for ever, as testifieth the holy Psalmist sa.y'mg,Juravit Dominus 6° non
panitebit etcm, tu es Sacerdos in ceternum, secundum ordinem Melchisedech)
therefore I will give judgment upon thee as a traytor."

"Take heed what you do," quoth Mr. Jones, "for Quis extendet
manum suam in Christum Domini et innocens erit?n Which sentence
was wickedly scoft at by many of the Justices, specially by Justice

1590 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 85

Francis Flower, an upstart gentleman & Justice, whom God pardon
for his unseemly mocking of God's Priests.

After that Caveat given by Mr. Jones for meddling with God's
annointed Priests, he proceeded & told them how uncharitable they
were in their religion, never regarding the souls of men, which they
ought and would, if theirs were a religion, but it was but a fond new
devised opinion. "And after the reign of Queen Mary (quoth he)
there were great speaches and outcries for the burning of heretics,
which was not done by any peculiar law made by herself, but by a
law made and received & put in execution by all Princes Christian
whatsoever, & when any heretics were taken they were brought to the
Bishop, who with his Chaplains in all charitable sort sought by often
conference to reduce them to their mother Catholic Church. But
what may be said after in the reign of Queen Elizabeth when so many
Priests & Catholics are butchered by a peculiar law made by herself
& never heard of before, without all charity, except it be charity to
carry them to Bridewell or to the Tower to be racked, or hanged
against a wall by the arms, or some other torture, & that without any
conference of religion, except it be religion to examine where he hath
said Mass, who gave him any maintenance, who relieved him, or what
money he hath in his purse, as you, Mr Topclif, did by me."

With that they shouted against him, (as the Jews did against
S. Stephen, when he spake of God's glory) & commanded him to
be gagged or put to silence.

Then was blessed Mr. Middleton asked what he could say for
himself why judgement should not be given against him & execution
awarded ; who most mildly answered that he meant not to deny his
faith, which was the Catholic & undoubted faith, " And because (quoth
he) I know I cannot be suffered to speak what I would. Give what
sentence you please, for I am content &: thank God He called me
to this, although I am far unworthy."

So the Recorder, after his wicked scornful manner with many
opprobrious words & taunts, pronounced the sentence against them,
which they heard with great patience & mildnefs. After sentence
given Mr. Jones would have spoken, but could not be permitted, but
with how great constancy & alacrity of mind they went, (specially
worthy Mr. Middleton) to Newgate, where they were cast into a dark
& noisome dungeon, let the heretics themselves speak. Surely it was
Digitus Dei (that is to say, the Finger of God) which directed them,
& surely as the devils were forced to confess Christ Jesus, so many
which I know to be heretics, were constrained to lament & also to
confess these to be assured of salvation. On the morrow they were
brought into the church of S. Sepulcher, where they disputed with
great learning, as I have heard, with the Doctors \ but because I was
not present myself I will set down nothing thereof. The next day
being Wednesday, & the sixth of May, in the afternoon about one
of the clock, they were laid on the hardell at Newgate, from whence
they were drawn to Fleet Street. There by the Conduict was erected
a gibbet, where Mr. Jones suffered his martyrdom, at which time they
persuaded him to forsake Christ & His dear Spouse, the Catholic

1 86 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

Church, offering him time to consider with himself & shewing him
the fire wherein his heart should be burned, as Topclif told him.
But that would not prevail with that happy martyr ; & so after his
prayers ended to himself he was put off the ladder, was cut down
alive & quartered.

Then was Mr. Middleton drawn from thence to Clerkenwell, who
all the way prayed most earnestly with such a cheerful countenance
that all the beholders, which were thousands, wondered at his gladsome
countenance. Being come to the place of his martyrdome was taken
off the hardell & stripped out of his apparel save his shirt &
breaches & commanded to ascend the ladder, which done & the
halter fastened one bade him speak.

"Shall I speak?" quoth he.

" No," quoth Topclif, " except thou speak to the glory of God, the
honor of thy prince & country. If thou wilt speak, quoth Topclif, as
I have told thee I will entreat Mr. Sheriff thou shalt speak this hour,
otherwise thou shalt not preach that doctrine which thou hast taught
in yonder place, (which was the house where he was taken) & in other
places, as in Gray's Inn Lane, Shoe Lane, & other places you know,
quoth Topclif, I know where."

To whom Mr. Middleton answered, " You know, Mr Topclif, I
never approached any man, nor confessed any place, therefore you
wrong me. But, quoth he, if I had ten thousand deathes to suffer,
I would suffer them for the Catholic Roman faith, & I hope my death
shall confirm many Catholics in their faith, which are present."

With that the unruly people cried "Away with him," and Topclif
bade him hold his peace and make himself meek to God. "I hope,"
quoth Mr. Middleton, " I am meek to God," & so not suffering him
to make his prayers did throw him besides the ladder, cut him down
alive, for he lived until that fury of hell & butchery knave Bull* had
thrown his heart into the fire.

Thus ended this blessed man his wretched life, passing to the
joyes of heaven, where he sitteth with Cherubins & Seraphins, singing
Gloria in excelsis Deo etc., of whose prayers & all other blessed
martyrs I beseech God grant me & all Christians a part. And if it
please thy divine Majesty, most merciful God, remove this darknefs of
heresy from thy people ; if not, grant us yet such patience that as our
Saviour thy only begotten Son with all humility suffered the most
bitter & ignominious death of the Crofs for our sins we may in all
humblenefs suffer what crofs of persecution soever be laid upon us
either for thy glory, the testimony of the Catholic faith, or our own
offences. Amen.

Laus Deo et B. Marioz Virgini, et S. Johanni Baptistiz.

* Bull, "the hangman of Newgate," is mentioned as the executioner of Blessed
John Felton, Blessed John Payne, John Bodey.

1590 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1S7

LIX.

THOMAS PORMORT'S LETTERS
25 April and 18 September, 1590

Stonyhurst MSS., Collectanea M, f. 105. A copy by Father Grene
from the original then in the English College, Rome.

Thomas Pormort left the English College "6 March, 1588, and entered
the household of the Rt. Rev. Bishop of Cassano," says the Diary of
the English College, Rome (Foley, Records, vi, 147). Father Grene aptly
quotes from Baines' Diary (on whom see C.R.S., iv, 133). "A di 26 Marzo
1588, the Bishop of Cassano went from Rome to his bishopric, a little

before Mr Thos. Pormort went to serve him Ibidem Mr. Baines

noteth a di 22 Decembre 1591, My Lord of Cassano returned to Rome"
{Collectanea N, ii, p. 73).

How long Pormort remained with Bishop Owen Lewis at Cassano does
not appear, but by the date of this letter he had come to Milan.

Epistola ad Patrem Creswellum, Rectorem Collegii Anglicani,

Romae.
My Revd — Although I have bin negligent — in not wryting unto
you so often as peradventure your love and affection towards me
would require, — yet hereafter I hope to amend that fault if I can
keep me out of the other, that is not to become too fastidious : yet
therof I less doubt because that, being so far asunder, I think it
can not come amisse unto you to heare euery day from me that
loueth you. And for me, because I know you are intangled about
greater affaires, it shall be sufficient for me to heare from you when
you have leisure : alwaies this prouided that, whether you wryte or not,
yet in rei veritate you do account of me not as of euery common
friend, for in truth I will not proceed with you after the common
course of courtesy, but thorowly and resolutely, if I can finde the like
correspondence on your behalf. Newes I have none, &c. The bearer
hereof, Mr Tempest,* and his companion &c. I would gladly this
sommer go to Pauia to take degree of Doctor, if there were not two
things to hinder me. The one is that I know not my Lord Cardinals
Graces consent, nor yours, therein, without whose good will and almost
commandment, I would do nothing ; the other is want of ability,
because it would cost me forty crowns, — which I am not able to
make, and heer they be of no account, though they be very learned,
unless they be Doctors. Thus humbly remembring my duty to my
Lord Cardinals Grace and commending me to your good praiers, etc.
Milan. 23d April 1590.

(ii)
Our next letter about Pormort comes from Padre Bartolomeo Recalcati,
a Jesuit writer of note (Sommervogel, Bibliotheque d. I. C.de Jesus, vi,
1562), who was then, it seems, Preposito of the Jesuit Casa professa at
Milan. He writes a charming letter to Creswell, that he has been delighted
to see the two returning students (Edward Cole and John Nelson, see

* The Pilgrim Book of the Hospice, at the English College, Rome, shows that
Edward Tempest, of [? the diocese of] Durham, arrived there on the 8th of May,
1590, and stayed for eight days (Foley Records > vi, 562).

1 88 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

Foley, vi, p. 176; Douay Diaries, p. 230), "but I should have been better
pleased still to see myself in England with Father Robert (Southwell)
and Henry (Garnet)" (who had been fellow students with him at Rome),
"and I was deeply touched by the extracts from their letters, &c." The
two missionaries had conversed with Thomas Pormort, "who has till
now been acting as Prefect of Studies in the Swiss College, much to the
satisfaction of the young men there. But, through no fault of Signor
Tomaso, the Father Rector is somewhat unfavourable to him, so I have
thought better to find him some other kind of work."

The original of the following letter is at Stonyhurst, Anglia,\,n. 46,
f. 89 — a copy, Collectanea P, pp. 20, 21.

Molto Rdo Pre in Christo. P. C.

Ho visto volontieri quelli Inglesi, come gli amo, ma piu volontieri
vedrei me in Inghilterra col P. Roberto e P. Henrico ma non son
degno. Benche mi consoli con dire che non so la lingua. II deffetto
delle virtu ben lo provo in Milano dove non manca occasione di
servir a Dio. Mi son consolato assai con quelli capitoli delle lettere
di quelli buoni Padri. II Signore li mantenghi. Parlorno col Signor
Tomaso Portmorto, qual sin' hora e stato come Prefetto de studii nel
Collegio Helvetico con molta sodisfattione di quelli giovani, ma il
Rettore di quel luogo non gli era molto favorevole senza colpa pero
del Signor Tomaso. Ho giudicato meglio il procurargli qualch' altro
luogo. Qui siamo occupati in essercitii spirituali, et rinovatione de
voti. V. Ra c' aggiutti colli suoi sti sacrificii et orationi.

di Milano, li 19 di Guigno 1590. D. V. Ra servo in Christo.

Bartol0 Recalcati

(iii)
The next letter enables us to see that the change which was fore-
shadowed at the close of Father Recalcati' s letter, had been made at
the end of the scholastic year, and that Pormort, a little upset by this,
as was but natural, had made up his mind to go straight to England,
even without waiting for priestly faculties to be given him. This
letter is from Collectanea M, f. 105, a copy by Father Grene.

Epistola Thomae Pormorti M., copyed out of the original
ad Rectorem Collegii Collegii Anglorum de urbe.
My louing and good father. That which for want of health I
could not doe at Milan, I supply now by the way in hast and therefore
briefly. My state is thus. I made accompte that I had sett my foot
more firme then to be remoued thus suddenly. But it is as it pleased
God, and I am sorry that I was so suddenly taken, that I could not
wryte unto you by whose counsail and direction I would willingly be
directed, and by the fathers of your holy Society. But now I fear me
I shalbe inforced to go into England, and therefore because of the
great dangers, I can not passe by Rhemes, I beseech you send me
into England my faculties, which you think conuenient for me, that I
may doe some good ; for til then I can heare no confessions of any
man. Good father, I beseech you, leaue not the care of me that I
have found of other fathers, and if I can possible find any meane
recapito, I wil stay, and go no further untill I heare from you and

I59O THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 189

from my Ld Cardinals grace, that you may thereby understand how
desirous I am to be ruled by you as an obedient son of the Society,
and so by God's grace you shall finde me. But if I can finde no
recapito, I pray you send my faculties into England by some meanes
or other, that I be not odious to the hereticks and contemned of
the Catholicks. The whole order of my departure from Milan I wil
send to you when I haue leisure. Til then I take my leaue,
commending me to your good deuout praiers from Vrcera, on the
way to Lucerna 18 September 1590 &c.

The next step is told us in the following extract by Father Grene, in
his Collectanea M, f. 84.

" Epistola P. Henrici Walpoli Bruxellis 29 Nov. 1590, ad Rectorem
Coll. Angl. de Urbe.

"... Here came commended somewhat from f. Lister Thomas Porrmort,
resolved to have some state, or go presently into England. He might
by means I made haue been in the regiment, receauing 10 crouns in six
weekes, or haue had a condition in Don Gaston's house,* till we might
have heard from thence, but they liked him not soe well, his affection
being for England : not having his faculties he is gone with mr Pool's
wife. God send him to do well."

Dr. Jessopp has published this letter in full, from the autograph now
at Stonyhurst, in his Letters of Fa. Henry Walftole, S.J . (fifty copies
privately printed at Norwich, 1873), p. 25, and adds this note.

" Pormort is mentioned under the name of Portman in the following
passage, 'Antwerp, Mr. Geffery Poole his wife and two daughters ... I
left her attending for passage to Flushing as determining to come to
England . . . There was to pass with her one Portman, a Seminary,
come from Rome, who Walpole the Jesuit commended to Mr. Poole as
a friend of his, that could not endure service, &c. They not knowing
him to be a priest, and so is or doth come as her man by name of
Whitgifte, as was then determined upon.' (Lansdowne MSS., 68, p. 154)."

When Pormort arrived in England, Father Robert Southwell exerted
himself sedulously in his favour. " He received him on his arrival with
great kindness, gave him food and sustenance, provided him with clothes,
and brought him with honour to his own house, a special benefit in these
days of persecution. He also gave him 20 crowns, procured him friends
of high rank, and established him in a very safe position ; afterwards
when captured by heretics [MS. here illegible'] a few months later [he
was] very well clothed, and had 40 crowns in his pocket. These things
I have put in writing, for I was well acquainted with the times, persons
and circumstances." The writer was James Standish, a priest of some
importance, "Assistant" to the Archpriest Blackwell, and his agent in
Rome, and the occasion of his statement were certain stories said to
have been published against the Jesuit Fathers by Tempest and Sicklemore
during the troubles of 1596. "f1 After the first-hand information which we
have heard as to the cordial relation which existed between Pormort and
his former teachers, it is hard indeed to believe that he was "captured
because of the destitution to which he was reduced by the injuries done
him by the Fathers." Standish's paper, which is in Latin or in a Latin
translation, survives in the Westminster Archives, vol. v, p. 369. The ink
has in many places corroded and obscured the writing. It begins : —

* Jessopp reads "horse."

f I am, of course, far from asserting that Tempest and Sicklemore did give
currency to the rumours. We have it on record (Law, Jesuits and Seculars, p. 145),
that Sicklemore strongly reprobated story-telling.

190 documents relating to September

Ad puncta quaedam, quae Tempestius et Siclemorus adversus Patres
Societatis in Anglia . . . Responsio Jacobi Standicii Presbiteri
Anglicani, qui, personalis et occulatus testis eorum omnium quae
ibi agebantur, innocentiae et veritatis perhibuit testimonium

* * * *

Tertio dicunt patres fuisse persecutores Domini Pormorti, cuius memoria
iam in Benedictione est, iam est martyr clarissimus. Dicunt enim istum
captum fuisse propter inopiam ad quam redactus erat per Patrum
injurias.

[Tertium mendacium . . .] contra gloriosissimum Martyrem Patrem
Robertum Suthwellum, qui sicut jam in coelo sic vivus in Anglia . . .
amicissime cum Pormorto vixit. Recepit nimirum eum venientem in
Angliam perbenigne, eum aluit, sustentavit, vestivit, honorifice duxit ad
suum domicilium (quod summa gratia in hac persecutione) insuper
largitus est illi viginti aureos, procuravit nobilissimos familiares, collocavit
in tutissimo hospitio, et postea ab hereticis captus in {ford) inter paucos
menses in habitu honorifico etiam cum 40 aureis in bursa sua. Haec
scripsi qui tempus et personas et circumstantias optime novi.

* * * *

Endorsed by F. Persons. — Dni Standitii ad nonnullorum inquietorum
calumnias responsio. 1596.

LX.

FATHER HENRY WALPOLE TO FATHER CRESWELL

10 September, 1590

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, 72.49, f»92-

This little note escaped the vigilance of Dr. Jessopp in his excellent
edition of the Letters of Fa. Henry Walpole, S.J., from the original
MSS. at Stonyhurst College (fifty copies for private circulation, Norwich,

Reverende in Christo Pater. Pax Christi.

This bearer George Watson, according to his promise mad to god
beinge disirous to come to Rome & after if he can, or find no other
stay to go to mr Crips* in Spayne, I am requested by himself & another
gentleman to testifye to you for him. he hath confessed & communicated
here in Brussles, & lived as I heare catholikly in England, so I desier
your Rce to respecte him as occasion serveth accordinglye. but seinge
he hath ffa: Holts letters, as he tells me, these shalbe lesse needfull.
Christ Jesus be allwayes wth you. Brussels this 10 of Septemb. 1590.
Your Reverence's Seruaunt in Christ,

Henry Walpole.

Addressed.—* Al molto Rdo in Christo padre il P. Giosepho Creswello
della Compaga di Giesu Rettore del Collegio Inglese Roma.

Seal. — I H S, &c., with legend, ^ Sigil : Societatis . Iesu . Bruxell.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — P. Henr. Walpolus commendat quendam

x59°.

* Captain Edward Cripps was an English sailor who had entered
the Spanish Navy.

To face p. 190]

The Ven. HENRY WALPOLE, S.J.

159° THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 191

LXI.

TWO CATALOGUES OF MARTYRS AND CONFESSORS
WHO DIED AT YORK, 1582 to 1590

(i)

Stonyhurst MS., Collectanea M, f. 190.

There existed in the Archives of the English College, Rome, at the
end of the seventeenth century, a very valuable volume of original letters,
&c, concerning the persecution, marked "A," which seems to have been
afterwards broken up. Some of the papers which Father Grene copied
from it are now to be found in various parts of the Stonyhurst collections,
some seem to be among the Westminster Archives, some are apparently
lost. Among the lost pieces will be the original of this catalogue, which
Father Grene cites as folio 166 of "A." It is one of the very few
local catalogues of Martyrs of ancient date which we know, though
Dr. Smith, Bishop of Chalcedon, makes frequent allusion to such papers
as Catalogus Eboracensis, Dunelmensis ; Hispanus, &c, none of which
are as yet recognised.

This catalogue, as will be noticed, stops before William Spenser, who
suffered 14 September, 1589.

The second ancient list of York Martyrs known to me, is already
printed by Fr. Morris, Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, iii, 39,
from the MS., Collectanea E, now at Oscott. It names twenty Martyrs
between 1582 and 1589, the last being Spenser and Hardesty.

The third ancient catalogue, the second of those printed below, is also
from Collectanea E.

As to the first catalogue, Father Grene' s criticism, Hip Catalogus
errat in multis, is doubtless true, and may be easily confirmed by com-
paring the received dates of the York Martyrs with those given here.
Still one is interested to know how a writer, who had some valuable sources
of information now to us inaccessible, could have made so many deviations
from accuracy. As to this we may notice two points. The heading, " Dyed
in ye Castle;" and the list for 1586, where we find one series of Martyrs
and another series of confessors following it, without any attempt made
to fuse the two together. Hence one concludes that this list is a reduction
from earlier materials of unequal value. One or two of the obituaries used
by the editor would seem to have been unreliable, or written in a hand
that was easily misunderstood, for the forms which the names have taken
are evidently often at variance with those which would have been used in
Yorkshire. In a small MS. volume at Stonyhurst by Father Grene, called
Martyres Anglice, pp. 94-108, he makes an elaborate comparison between
our two lists, and shows that almost every name in the first list (except
the Martyrs) may be recognised in the second, though differently spelt.

These persons following dyed prisoners and suffered martyrdom at
ye citty of York for ye Catholick faith from ye yeare of our Lord 1582,
to this present yeare 1592.

Anno 1582.
John Challmare Gentl. 7 Jun. Rob. Jackes 28 Jul.

John Constable 1 Jul. Rob. Spencer 28 Jul.

Rob. Viccares 13 Jul. Isabel Porter 30 Jul.

John Santon 20 Jul. Willm Smithson 29 Aug.

Isabel Chalmar 23 Jul. Christop. Watson 7 Sept.

Will™ Wright 23 Jul. Rob. Bothouffe

Isabel Langton 28 Jul. [? Belhouse] 7 Sept.

192

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

159°

Dyed in ye

Castle 1583.

John Fox 20 Nou.

Mrs Frances Webster

13 Jun.

Sir Wm Gnet* priest 9 Jan.
Sr John Swall priest 28 Jan.
Mr Cuthb. Downing

John Gille

Mr Marm. Bowes

Roger Parker

1 Jul.
x3 Jul.

Esquire 22 Apr.
Ant. Clackson 22 Apr.

John Ellerby
Wm Burton

21 Jul.
23 Jul.

Wm Hart presb. & Rich.

Thirkill presb. 29 Maij
James Robinson eod. die 29 Maij
Paul Lethame 1 Jun.

Sara Jackson
Rob. Jebber.
John Finglay Pr1

24 Jul.

25 Jul.
8 Aug.

Anno

1584

Henry Blackburn 25 Jul.

Arthur Mellare

6 Aug.

John Stable & Marg1

James Atkinson

21 Nou

his wife 26 & 27 Jul.

[Anno

1585]

Margaret Blackburn in ye Kid cot

att Hull 8 Jan.

Anno
Henry Comberforth

Dr & Priest 4 Mart.
Margaret Clitheroe

prest to death 25 Mar.
Sir Francis Ingleby 1 Jun.

Robert [blank i.e. Bickerdike]
Sir Alexander Crowe Pr* 13 Nou.
Mr Rich : Langley 1 Decemb.
Wm Raynold

1586

Elizabeth Conegeat uxor
Cuthberti Conegeat
mortua in Castro

John Tinker eod. die

Ambrose Cook

John Dockly

Roger Torkers Esquire

Sir Tho. Haiwood

Sir Rob. Ferbert priest

Jane Laughton

13 Febr.

7
20
1 1

29
29

Mart.

Jun.

Oct.

Nou.

Dec.

Anno 1587
Anthony Ask 2 febr.

Dame Isabel Whitehead an ancient religious woman 17 Mart.
Sir Tho. Riddall pr. n Apr.
Sr Wm Salterson priest 21 Apr.
Sir George Douglas pr1 & Scotch man martyred att York 9 Sept.

Anno 1588
Wm Reynold 4 Mart.

Edm. Sireth priest martyred att York 4 Mart.
Edw. Burden Pl martyred ye same day

Anno 1589
Mr Amias & Mr Daberley Priests martyred 15 March, they were taken

at Medding upon Palm Sunday euen.
Mr Duck priest surTd att Durresme 27 May
Mr Hogg, Mr Hill, Mr Holliday, all priests ye same day
Sir George Williams Prt upon Easter Eue att Niew Castle imprisoned

* Perhaps the same as Garyet or Garget infra.

159° THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 93

Left out
Mr Lane Priest
Mr Hugh Tailer Prl
mr Tomson Pf who suffd at Yorke.

\Fr. Greene] — Ita desinit hie catalogns qui errat i?i multis.

(ii)

The following catalogue is found at the end of the Oscott MS.,
Collectanea E ,1.211. It is embedded in an ample though unfinished
account of the sufferings in the North during this period. The author
is presumably Father Richard Holtby, S.J., but the writing is minute
and full of corrections, so that the decipherment is a matter of difficulty.
I have made use of a partial copy written by the clerk of Dr. Gradwell
before 1822, and now cod. 534 at Oscott, pp.46, 47.

[After narrating the sufferings of the prisoners even when allowed
to purchase for money certain relaxations, the writer continues]

Multa alia grauissima passi sunt in huiusmodi ergastulis, quorum
fetore aliisque incommodis haereticorum impietate perpessis, septem
sacerdotes cum laicis quinque diversis temporibus extincti sunt,
quorum nomina hsec sunt.

Stephanus Hemsworth, Thomas Mud, Joannes Akerick, Joannes
Alman, Thomas Bedell, Thomas Akrick, Henricus Comberforde sacer-
dotes. Thomas Vauasor Doctor medicinal, Oliuerius Walker, Franciscus
Parckinson, Jeffray Steuenson, Alicia Dauson, laici.

Tandem qui residui erant 1 1 Dei sacerdotes diuturnam hanc injuria-
rum seriem perpetuo exilio condemnati in Gallias transportati sunt anno

D. 1585, quorum nomina hsec sunt. Wright licentiatus theologian,

Peacoc, Joannes Bolton, Phillippus Sherewood, Thomas Feild,

Willielmus Feildesend, Jacobus Clarkeson, Robertus Williamson,

Kent, Willielmus Ustison, Guillielmus Wilkinson, sacerdotes. Laici vero
omnes, exceptis septem, in alios carceres translati sunt.

Qui autem in Carceribus Eboracensibus ab anno fere 1580 vita
defuncti sunt, 76 numerum implent, quorum 8 fuerunt sacerdotes,
videlicet.

Sigeswick Sacrae Theologiae Doctor, qui tamen mortuus est

an. D. 1573, Joannes Shawe, Thomas Ridiall, Guillielmus Bauderseby,
Robertus Fribank, Willielmus Garget, Nicholaus Grene, et alius
Guillielmus cuius cognomen non occurrit.

Laici autem nobiles 19 [? 20] videlicet Thomas Metham eques
deauratus, qui mortuus est anno 1573, Rogerus Tockets armiger,
Anthonius Aske, Cuthbertus Downye, Guillielmus Singleton, Thomas

Blenkisop, Paulus Latham, Joannes Constable, Arthurus ,

Antonius Claxton, Joannes Stainton, Foster, Mallet, Cristo-

ferus Watson, Thomas Pudsay, Elizabetha Conyers, Isabella Foster,
Jana Rawson, Dorothea Vavasor et uxor cujusdam Allani ordinis
equestris atque civis Eboracensis.

Reliqui autem honestae conditionis sunt 48 videlicet.
Guillielmus Renold Jacobus Attkinson Robertus Jebb

Isabella Whitehead Lucia Jud Joannes Stable

quae fuit monialis Alicia Oldcorne Robertus Spenser

i94

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO

March

Joannes Tinkeler
Jacobus Robinson
Margarita Webster
Francisca Webster
Joannes Ellenbre
Guillielmus Wright
Sara Jackman
Henricus Blackburne
Elisabetha Lanckton
Robertus Jarkes
Thomas Coplande
Radulphus Cowling
Robertus Belhouse
Thomas Harwood

Jana Page
Ambrosius Cooke
Joannes Chalner
Joannes Doclay
Joannes Gill
Rogerus Parker
Robertus Vicars
Isabella Chalner
Uxor Walton
Jennetta Geldand
Joannes Sylvester
Uxor Abbatti
Uxor Joannis Tinkler

Isabella Porter
Guillielmus Smithson
Hercules Welburne
Joannes Fox
Margarita Blackeburne
Maria Hutton
Uxor cujusdam

vocati Foster
Uxor Danielis

cujusdam
Agnes Johnson
Uxor Williamsoni
Uxor Porteri
Isabella Bolton

Guillielmus Bolton
Anno vero D. 1585 e carcere in exilium pulsi sunt sacerdotes 10
scilicet : Thomas Shillito, Willielmus Hudson, Willielmus Birkbeck,
Michael Bolton, Willielmus Robinson, Joannes Marsh, Antonius
Wilkinson, Thomas Smirthwate, Edmundus Hartburne, Edmundus
Sykes qui postea in Angliam zelo animarum flagrans rediit atque
captus martirio coronatus est. His adde Joannem Hugh Diaconum,
qui ad ordinem Presbyteratus promovendus, iterum rediit in Angliam.

LXII.

RICHARD AND OWEN LLOYD

n.d. [about March, 1591]

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, 72.39, f-8i. Original.

In the massacre which followed the defeat of the Armada, the twelfth
victim was Richard Lloyd, who was sometimes called Fludd, or even
Flower. Very little is known about him, but the writer of this paper was
evidently well acquainted with his elder brother, the priest, Owen Lloyd,
of whom a fuller picture is drawn, while a good deal is also told us about
the Martyr. The Douay Diaries add a few particulars about the priest,
they call him " Bangoriensis." The date of his arrival is not stated,
but he received the sub-diaconate on the 24th of February, 1578, was
ordained on the 28th of March, migrated to Rheims on the 8th of
April of the same year, and eventually left for England on the 12th of
October, 1581.

His name is not given in the Prison Lists (C.R.S., vols, i and ii), but
he may have been at Wisbeach (Morris, Troubles, ii, 231).

A Richard and Thomas Lloyd from the diocese of St. Asaph, came
to the College of Rheims in 1582, and this Richard afterwards went on
to Rome, whence he was eventually expelled in 1589 {Douay Diaries,
186, 198, 202 ; Foley, Records, vi, 507, 556). He was evidently a
different person from the Martyr, Richard, who is here commemorated
(see C.R.S., ii, 209).

I H C

AVREVM PAR GERMANORVM

(eorum memoria in benedictione sit) quorum poste-/rior in terris
et prior in coelis, omnibus natu-/r?s bonis cumulatissime refertus, cum
praecla-/rae indolis specimen dedisset in ipsa lei-/cestrensis tragediae

I591 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 195

castastophe et fu-/nesto epilogo, religionis ergo londi-/ni comprehensus,
illustre testimonium / Jesu Christo dedit, et martirii palmam / adeptus
est, a0 aetatis circiter 22 / die mens: a0 D. 1588.

Senior vero, Presbiter venerandus & sensu & / aspectu, supra
aetatem canus et gravis / aegro et infirmo corpore, sed mente semper /
valida firmaque, quotidie quoad potuit / offerens Deo veneranda et
illibata / sacrificia, fratris (quern unicum / habebat) languens desiderio,
et horum / temporum iniquitate, et aliquorum / ingratitudine, loco (quo
in-/firmus iacebat) coactus / discedere, cum ingenti pe-/riculo gestatus
est in / Pauperis cuiusdam tugu-/rium, u5i intra paucos / dies, animo
sacris fe-/liciter expiato, in summo / (quo aliquantisper tor-/sus est)
corporis cruci-/atu, animam Deo reddi-/dit, a0 aetatis suae cir-/citer 45
22 martii / a0 D. 1590.

^ttrahit in barathrum mea me fortuna doloris,
^ndique Densorum circumstat turba malorum :
Z?itatum bene nuper yimico, /'atre, .Propinquo
Omnibus, immitis mors me spoliavit in uno,
Ex facit (heu miserum) rumpente senescere luctu
iVatura Cbgnatus erat, fortuna factus Amicus,
vt simul atque ^Parens esset mihi, gratia fecit.
Sic tribus, unius en, orbor in orbe, nece.

/ugeo defunctum, venerandum iure /arentem,
/ugeo dilectum, fraterno more .Sbdalem,
o ut nunc pungit, quod me recreare solebat,
/nditum ab illo cognomen (Cbgnatio nostra)
Z>um frueretur adhuc ille salute sua,

Magnus erat magno condignus honore sacerdos
Orbe tamen iusto penitus privatus honore.
iVbtis (proh dolor) aeger clam peragrabat in oris,
Ex. limen nunquam valuit remeare paternum,
iVec patriae fundos iterum calcare relictos.
6anctus Abraham quondam fuit exul, ut iste fidelis,
/ustitia in terris quoniam peregrina moratur,
Sic bona, cana fides exulat orbe malo.

-Andens subtilis summa gravitate dotatus,
Pectus sincerus detestabatur iniquum,
^■quum zelose, cupidis circumdabat ulnis,
.Sanctos devote antiquos, coluitque modernos,
^elle tractabat fratres, conviva facetus,
/mmordax, salibus mentes hilarabat abunde,
Terribili haereticos, aiebat, fuste docendos
isstque precatus Christum saepe beare fideles
Roxe beare Poli, rore beare So\\.

Hunc J/ona Cambrorum Venetorum ilia insula florens
Protulit insignem nobis pietate Parentem,
qui genus illic nobiliori ex stemmate ducens,

196 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

in patria tenerae aetatis tria lustra peregit.
Oxoniae totidem (ni fallor) deinde terebat
unum Remigii consumpsit trans mare Galli
altera bina reversus parti m degit in urbe
Londini, quo foedifragi male fraude nocentis
Carcere captivus squalido fuit ille semestris,
ex quo dilecto a mortalibus aere redemptus
exul ab urbe vagus, Praesul in orbe fuit.

Pectus erat germanus huic atque unicus orbe,
/ngenuus docilis juvenis lectissimus ille,
Cum gremio ex materno aetas hunc iure vocaret,
ZZunc docet hie Senior iuniorem dogmata Christi,
^4rdenter iuvenis turn dogmata percipit ilia,
j^ecte et praeterea mundanas imbibit artes,
Ztexteritas tanta est ingeniique vigor.

Zumine perspecto, lumen complectitur iste,
Zumen coelorum dispellens mente tenebras,
Crbatus vita pro Christo, vivit in aevum,
Thclitus hie gestat gemmis diadema coruscans,
Z>ilectus Christi, regnat in arce Poli.

Mater adhuc vivens gnatis orbata duobus,

quos habuit cunctis, orba fit orbe Parens,
O Martir Christi, coelo super astra triumphans,

omnibus evictis hostibus usque tuis,
Ora pro cunctis, fidei tibi foedere iunctis,

quorum est vera fides, sanguine teste tuo.
Sanguine teste simul sanctorum mille virorum,

totius et sacro sanguine martirii.
O Decus et Veneti Cambrorum gloria gentis,

ora pro Populo, pro patriaque tua,
Ora proque parente, sorore superstite utraque,

Cognatis, charis, omnibus atque tuis,
Ora pro misero servoque Propinquo et Amico,

me, iunctumque solo, me tibi iunge Polo.
Ftere quo frueris regno sine fine Polorum.

Recipe, quod nulli sic datur orbe, vale.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — De Audoeno et Richardo Lloid, qui non
sunt in catalogo martyrum.

It will be noticed that besides the acrostics there are a number of
other capitals in italics (red ink in the MS.). Writing all the italic
script together we get I.H.C., AVREVM PAR GERMANORVM,
Senior, AvDOENvS lloID M ONE MSI S PRJSSBITER, RICHARD
LLOID A.P.P.C.A.P.P.S.C.A.C.P.S.M.C.C.C.V.P.A. vale. The
care that has been taken to write these capitals in red ink makes me
believe that they must be inserted with some method, though I cannot
make out what it is. The twenty apparently irregular initial capitals may
be arranged thus .—MCCCCCCV PAPPAS PAPPAS.

159I THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 197

[Translation]

Two Brothers of Golden Worth.

May their memory be in benediction. Of these the younger born to
earth, the first to inherit heaven, was most richly endowed with all the
gifts of nature. After having given proof of brilliant talents, he was
arrested in London on account of his religion during the dread calamity
caused by the Earl of Leicester, with its fatal conclusion. He bore noble
testimony to Jesus Christ, and won the crown of martyrdom on the [30th]
day of [August], A.D. 1588, in about the 22nd year of his age.

The elder brother, a priest of venerable character and aspect, grave
and grey beyond his years, sickly indeed and infirm of body, but gifted
with a mind ever strong and vigorous, offering daily, as long as he was
able, the adorable and spotless sacrifice. Wasted with yearning after his
only brother, he was forced, by the iniquity of the times and the ingratitude
of certain persons, to leave the place where he lay ill, and was carried
with great risk into the hut of a poor man. Here, within a few days,
his soul being happily sanctified by the Sacraments, after suffering the
severest tortures for a while, he yielded up his soul to God in about the
45th year of his age, on March 22, 1590 [? 1591].

Ill fortune drags me down to the depths of sorrow,

A thick cloud of woes hangs o'er me on every side.

Till lately I was truly rich, possessed of Friend, Father, Relative,

But cruel death, by claiming one, has reft me of all.

Poor me ! breaking with grief mine age I pass.

By nature he was my kinsman, by fortune he became my friend,

Grace made him also to be my Father.

Thus by the death of one I am in this world bereaved of three.
I mourn the dead, veneration is due to him as to a Father.
I mourn my loved one, a companion like to a brother.
Oh how that pains me now, which was wont to delight me,
The surname taken from him, — our kinship,

While he still was in enjoyment of health.
Great priest he was, entitled to great honour :
But on earth wholly deprived of the honour due to him :
Sick and in secret, alas ! he strayed through places familiar,
And never was able again to cross the threshold of his fathers,
Nor to set foot once more on the estates he had left in his country.
Like him, Blessed Abraham of old was an exile, but faithful.
As Justice dwells on earth like a pilgrim

So the blessed, the hoary faith, is banished from a wicked world.
Prudent, penetrating, gifted with rare gravity,
Right-minded, sincere, he loathed the evil-doer.
The just man he heartily embraced with eager arms.
The Saints, both old and recent, he devoutly worshipped ;
Agreeable in dealing with brethren, a companion witty,
Without bitterness, he brightened our minds with many a sparkling jest.
He was wont to say that heretics needed a lesson from the dreaded cudgel.
And he often prayed Christ to bless the faithful ;
To drop like dew upon them blessings of Heaven, and the blessings of

earth.
To him did Man, flourishing isle of the Celts, give birth,
He who to us was a parent noted for kindness paternal.
From a right noble stock there he traced descent.
At home were passed thrice five summers of his tender age,
At Oxford then, unless I err, as many more he spent ;
Then five years at Rheims of France beyond the sea,

[98 documents relating to September

Other ten on his return he passed partly in the town

Of London, where through the evil fraud of a word-breaker,

He lay six months captive in a sordid prison,

From which he was ransomed by money beloved of mortals.

A wandering exile from the city, he was in the world a leader.

A brother he had, an only brother, righteous,
Frank, docile, a youth most choice.
When from his mother's side a fit age called him ;
The elder brother taught the younger the doctrines of Christ.
The doctrines the lad took in even then with ardour,
With precision, too, did he assimilate the learning of this world,
So great was the vivacity and vigour of his mind.
When light was seen, that light he welcomed,
The light from heaven that scattereth darkness from the mind.
Reft of life for Christ's sake, he lives immortal,
Glorious he bears a diadem flashing with jewels :
Beloved of Christ he reigns in the courts above.

The mother still living, bereft of both her sons,

Of all the sons she had, is now in this world a childless parent.
O Martyr of Christ, triumphing in heaven above the stars,

After utterly conquering all thine enemies,
Pray for all, who are united to thee in the bond of faith,

Whose faith is true, attested by thy blood,
Attested also by the blood of a thousand saints,

And of the sacred blood of the whole martyr throng.
O pride and glory of the Cambrian race

Pray for thy people and for thy country :
Pray for thy mother, and for thy two surviving sisters,

For all thy relatives and dear ones.
Pray, too, for the luckless one, thy servant, kinsman, friend,

For me, united am I by race to thee on earth, unite me to thee in heaven.
Enjoy the kingdom in the skies which is thine for ever,

And accept a greeting, such as is given to none on earth. Farewell.

LXIII.

NEWS ABOUT THE MARTYRS OF 1591

20 September to 1 November, 1591

(*)

Westminster Archives, iv, 287 and 321 {ohm — Collectanea B,$\ and 65).

The following "News" is interesting for its own sake, and also indirectly
because of the information we acquire as to the methods by which such
news got abroad and was eventually published. Though the latter topics
do not directly concern the Martyrs themselves, they are too important
to be passed over in silence.

The origin of our information is here a certain John Cecil, a priest
indeed, but a suspicious and dishonourable character. Though he would
not betray his co-religionists to death, he gave up the active work of
the ministry in order to act the base part of a spy for the persecutors,
and to advance their interests. He says truly that " Mr. Fixer and
myself were taken, and ... I was carried to the Treasurer," and after
some questions "dismissed." He meant his correspondents to believe
that he had hoodwinked the Government, but as we can now see [Domestic
Calendar, 1591-1594, pp. 39-70), that he purchased his liberty by under-
taking to thwart secretly as far as he could, the very men whom he here

I591 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 199

professes to serve as a friend. There also seems to be good reason for
suspecting that many of the accusations enumerated in the proclamation
of 18 October, of which more below (p. 203), were due to the disloyal and
treacherous statements of this man.

It sometimes helps us to form a broad judgment of a character such
as John Cecil's, to see the end which he subsequently reached. He never
left the Church, but after the persecutors had done through him all the
harm they could to the Catholics at large, they cast him off with scorn
and imprisoned him in 1604. After this he settled in Paris and became
an ardent advocate of a French policy for the English Catholics, and
died on 26 December, 1626 (C.It.S., i, 113).^

Thus we see that despite very unworthy motives of the writer, there is
not yet sufficient reason for rejecting his evidence cited below, which,
indeed, may be confirmed in all its main lines by more than one other
witness. The wording of some expressions does, indeed, sound a little
forced, and one of these is annotated, but the point is not very material.

The value of Cecil's evidence is enhanced by his having given it twice
over. We have considerable extracts from a Latin letter of his to Creswell
{Collectanea M, 187), written "ex Anglia, 20 Septembris," 1590, and then
a letter to Father Persons, endorsed by him 1 November. ^

The latter is given here so far as it regards the Martyrs, and then
the Spanish paper drawn up from it. The letter of 20 September agrees
with that of 1 November (Father Grene has only copied the parts relative
to the Martyrs), both in the order in which the subjects are handled and
in the subject matter, though the phraseology, metaphors, &c, are of
course different. The only material points of information given in the
earlier letter, not in the later, are appended in footnotes.

Right R. & my very loving Father. ... of your Spanish Mission,
the first that went from Caler were all taken at Portchmouth and
sent to the Council. In the way one feigned himself sick namely
Roberts & for this companion Dudley was left to follow the rest for their
reward to the Council : the other two Blount and Younger were
carried to the Admiral, and after 2 or 3 days examination were
rewarded and dismissed. Mr. Fixer and myself were taken by the
Queens ships over against Dover by Sir Henry Palmer, and by him
sent jointly to the Admiral and Treasurer, who being both out of the
way the one at sea the other at Tibalds with the Queen. We were
kept at a man's house of his in Westminster, and there had sent us
certain interrogatories of martial men and warlike affairs of the K's
intentions & preparations and such like. After 5 or 6 days I only
was carried to the Treasurer, and by word demanded the same
questions, which in writing were tendered us, and so we were
dismissed, of the particularity whereof more hereafter either from
Rome or in presence. Mr. Fixer was like to have been taken twice
sithence that time, once they took his horse and rapier. Mr. Warford,
Mr. Oliver and all the rest are placed and in colour, as also Coffin
and Bell and the last mission from Rome, and Mr. Bishop out of
France.

5fc See also D.N.B. sup., i, 403.

f The last page with the original date is missing, and Father Persons has written
at the head, " mense Julio 1592." This must be too late. If, however, it should
be correct, it will increase the value of the argument drawn from the repetition,

200 documents relating to September

In Easter and Whitsun term were martyred at York, to whose
executions Toply the torturer went, a priest and a clerk, viz. Robert
Thorpe and Thomas Watkinson.

At Winchester, Roger Dicconson and Ralph Milner,* who, desiring
the Judges to be good to his wife and 8 or 9 small children he had,
was answered this : " Go to Church, fool, and look to thy children
thyself." He replied that the loss of his soul was too high a price
to pay for so small and vile a commodity, *f and so he died§ blessedly
in Domino.

With them were condemned 8 or 9 young damsels^I but not
sentenced, the which with open outcries and exclamations urged the
Judges most constantly that, as they were all culpable of the same
crime, viz. of hearing Mass, relieving a priest, confessing their sins
and serving their Saviour after the rite of the Catholic Church, so
they might drink all of the same cup, with such fervour and vehemence
that they made the whole assembly astonished. ||

At London J were martyred George Beesley and Mumford Scott
of whom Topley said that he had that day done the Queen and
Kingdom a Singular piece of Service, in ridding the realm of such a
praying and fasting papist as had not his peer in Europe.

To make Mr. Beesly the more odious, after exquisite torments
exercised upon his innocent members, they proposed this most
barbarous and bloody question, what he would do in case the pope
should command him to kill the Queen. He answered that he
thought it a meritorious act, being so commanded.**

Mr. Portmort was taken some xx days before I departed, ft first
committed to Bridewell, and then had to Topleys house, and men
stood in fear of his confession§§ . . .

Endorsed by F. Persons. — Mr. Sicils aduices, 1 Nov. 1591.

>fc The earlier letter calls Milner — comitem vitae et martyrii, cuius ope et opera
uberrime et diu in vinea Domini usus fuerat.

if The letter has — pro re tarn momentanea et caduca. These reports reflect, I
take it, the want of true sympathy in the writer. "A relation written by a Priest
in England,''' gives an answer with much more of a true Catholic ring about it. " He
answered that he hoped to do them as much good where he went {i.e. in heaven)
as if he were with them." Having the halter about his neck, his son asked his
blessing, which he gave him in this following manner, "I pray God send thee no
worse end than thy father" {Acts of English Martyrs, p. 97).

§ Letter of Sept. 20 adds — mense Tulii.

IT Letter of Sept. 20 reads — virgines nobiles numero 7.

il Letter of Sept. 20 adds — at sententiam Judices prae pudore pronunciare noluerunt.
J Letter of Sept. 20 adds— in platea Fleet Street.

** Letter of Sept. 20 reads — Respondit Papam tale quid non iussurum, verum si
iuberet meritorium esset si exequeretur. Here, too, I fancy that Cecil has coloured the
words which he reports. The actual phrase used by the Martyr does not seem to
be on record, but we must remember that none of our Martyrs ever subscribed to
such an opinion, and that it was never taught or admitted in the Seminaries. If
Beesley did say what is here ascribed to him, it will have been by some confusion
or inadvertence, to which anyone may be liable when on trial for his life, and his
sincerity and evident good intention would no doubt have corrected whatever bad
impression might be made by the ill-judged concession, if indeed he ever made it.

ft Letter of Sept. 20 reads — mense Augusti.

§§ Letter of Sept. 20 adds— Charissimus frater noster Thomas Stanneus, Collegii
vestri alumnus, in unica prouincia Hamptoniensi animas trecentas Christo Domino
lucratus est.

I591 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 201

Father Persons has also headed it, "Mr. Sicils letter written in Italy
in his iourney to Rome, mense Julio 1592. He telleth of the Martyrdoms
of Thorpe, Watkinson, Dicconson, Milner, Beesley and Scott, and of the
apprehension of Portmort." But this is probably a later addition, added
after the loss of the last page of the letter on which the original date
would have been written.

(ii)

Westminster Archives, iv, 287 [plim — Collectanea B, 31).

We here see the form in which the above letter was published by
Father Peralta or Father Persons in Spain. It has been combined with
another letter of the 1st of October. [In the translation the added passages
are distinguished by square brackets.] We can thus see the way in which
the expressions were gradually modified as the news passed from mouth
to mouth. It is interesting to note that while this paper follows the
variants of the letter of 1 November, addressed to Father Persons, the
paper which is printed by Ribadeneira (fftstorta Eclesiastica del cisma
de Inglaterra, ed. 1786, pp. 397-400), follows the variants of the letter of
20 September, addressed to Creswell.

Avisos de Inglaterra de prim° de Otubre 1591
Ya V.R. aura sauido como aca han llegado a salvo todos los ocho
Sacerdotes Ingleses, qui ay se embarcaron en Andalusia, y estan
repartidos por el Reyno ; y juntamente casi al mismo tiempo llegaron
otros de los Seminarios de Roma y de Rhemis : de los quales a uno
llamado Portmorto prendieron la semana passada, y esta en la casa
de Topeli donde se entiende que pasara muy rigorosos examines,
pues el Topley es el mas cruel perseguidor y verdugo de los Catholicos
que los hereges tienen en estos Reynos. Este verano ha auido
muchos martirios de Catholicos en este Reyno por que en la ciudad
de Yorque martirizaron a dos. El uno era Sacerdote llamado Roberto
Churche el otro fue clerigo llamado Thomas Watginnson, y para
darles mas crudeles tormentos ymbiaron a Yorque desde Londres (que
seran mas de cinqta leguas) al sobredicho Topely para este effecto, sus
muertes fueron de muy grande edificacion.

En la ciudad de Wintonia llamada Winchester hizieron lo mismo,
porque martirizaron a un sacerdote cuyo nombre era Rogero Diginnson
hombre de grande virtud, el qual avia servido a los catholicos que
estan presos en las carceles desta ciudad mucho tiempo, proveyendoles
de todo lo que avien menester en lo temporal y espiritual. A este
siervo de Dios llevaron preso y atadas manos y pies a londres y
sentenciado a muerte lo boluieron a Winchester para martirizarlo, y
pusieron espias para prender a todos los Catholicos de aquella
provincia que viniesen a su martirio. Con este Padre murio junta-
mente un lego hijo suyo espiritual llamado Rodulfo Milnero, porque
avia estado con este sacerdote, y Rehusaua andar a las yglesias de los
hereges. Y assi quando los Jueces conforme a la costumbre de
Inglaterra le pronunciaron la sentencia de muerte en publico con
la solenidad y pregones que alii servan, este la recibio con Rostro muy
allegre, y les dixo que una sola cosa les avia de peder, que tuuiesen
quenta con su muger y con ochos o nueve niiios chiquitos que tenia,
pues ellos no tenian parte en este delicto de lesa magd que se le
ymputava. Ellos respondieron que en su mano stava Remediarlos

202 documents relating to September

todos y de salvar aun su vida, si quisiesse andar a sus yglesias y con-
formarse en esto con las leyes del Reyno. Pero el les replico que
esto seria en prejuycio de su alma, y que no queria comprar tan caro
el Remedio temporal de sus hijos, que Dios era poderoso de
Remediarlos, y con esto fue alegremente a la muerte.

Con estos dos varrones fueron tambien condenadas a muerte ocho
o nueve doncellas por los mismos delictos, de averse confesado con
sacerdotes y oydo misas y pensaron los Juec.es (como parece) que un
sola la condenarian se spantarian y boluerian otras. Pero quando las
vieron constantes y muy animosas delataron la sententia publica que
se suele dar (para consultar el negocio con la Reyna y su conseyo
como se puede creer). Pero quando las donzellas oyeron la sentenza
dada contro el Sacerdote y el lego y no contra ellas, comencaron a llorar
y dar voces a los Jueces, que no las apartasen de aquel Padre y
hermano, pues ellas tambien estavan ya condenadas por los mismos
delictos que los otros dos, con que toda la multitud de la gente quedo
attonita y los Juec.es mandaron que las boluiesen a la carcel.

En Londres martirizaron en el mismo tiempo a dos sacerdotes
llamados Jorge Bisley y Monfredo Scoto al primero por ser hombre
animoso y averles respondido con mucha libertad le dieron muy
grandes y Rigorosos tormentos, y despues para hacer lo mas odioso
a la gente lo sacaron en publico para examinarlo de nuevo, y le
preguntaron que le parecia se deuia hacer, si el Papa mandase a
alguno que matase a la Reyna. A lo qual el respondio que si el papi
lo mandase, seria con mucha Justicia y circunspection, y asi le pareva
que seria meritorio cumplir la obediencia, con lo qual los hereges
quedaron muy enojados.

Del otro que era hombre muy manso y de grandes penitencias el
Topely dixo en la corte el mismo dia que lo auia martirizado, que
entendia aver hecho el mayor seruicio aquel dia a la Reyna que le
avia hecho en muchos dias antes, por aver librado el Reyno de un
papista hypocrita de los mayores ayunos y de las mas largas plegarias-

que avia en toda Europa.

* * * *

Endorsed. — Advises of England, the first of October 1591.

[ Translatioti\

Advices from England: the first of October, 1591.

Your Reverence will already know that all the eight English priests
who embarked in Andalusia arrived here safely, and have left again for
the kingdom [of England]. j|c Almost at the same time there arrived
others from the Seminaries of Rome and of Rheims. Of these they
have arrested one called Portmort last week. He is in the house of
Topcliffe, where, it is reported, he will undergo very severe questioning,
for Topcliffe is the most cruel persecutor^ and torturer of the Catholics
in these realms.

This summer there have been many martyrdoms of Catholics, two in
the city of York, one a priest called Robert [Thorpe], the other a cleric

9|c The ambiguity is no doubt intentional. "Here," the place of writing, is not
defined.

ifi Notice the alteration often days before I started" to "last week," and the
omission of the fears for Pormort's constancy.

1 59 1 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 203

called Thomas Watkinson. They were sent from York to London (which
would be more than fifty leagues), to the aforesaid Topcliffe,to be tortured ;
their deaths gave very great edification.

In Winchester they did the same, executing a priest called Roger
Dicconson, a man of great virtue [who had attended the Catholics in
prison in that town, providing for all necessities, temporal and spiritual.
This servant of God was carried prisoner, hands and feet bound, to London.
Being sentenced to death, he was returned to Winchester for martyrdom,
and spies were set to arrest all the Catholics of the county who might
come to see him suffer]. Together with this Priest a layman, his spiritual
son, by name Ralph Milner, suffered for being in his company and refusing
to go to their churches. So when the judges, according to English custom,
publicly pronounced the sentence of death with the usual solemnities and
proclamations, he received it with a cheerful countenance, and said that
he had only one thing to ask them, that they should take care of his
wife and his eight or nine little children, who had had no share in this
crime of treason which had been imputed to him. They answered that
the remedy for all was in his hand and the saving of his own life too.
Let him but go to their church and conform himself in this to the laws
of the realm. He answered that this would injure his soul, and that he
would not buy the temporal advantage of his children at so dear a price ;
God was able to make it up for them. Herewith he went merrily to his
death.

Together with these two men eight or nine young maidens were con-
demned to death for the same reasons, for having confessed to priests, and
heard masses. The judges thought (it seems) that they would condemn
one and that they would terrify and upset the rest. But when they saw
them constant and very courageous, they postponed the public pronounce-
ment of sentence that is usual (to consult, as one may think, with the
Queen and her Council). But when the young ladies heard sentence
pronounced against the priest and the layman but not against themselves,
they began to ask the judges that they should not separate them from
their Father and brother, since they were also now found guilty of the
same offences as the other two. Hereat all the people were astonished,
and the judges gave order that they should be returned to prison.

At London they martyred at the same time two priests called George
Beesley and Monford Scott. The first, a man of courage who answered
with great liberty, they accordingly tortured very much and severely, and
afterwards to make him more odious, they examined him in public once
more, and asked him what he thought should be done if the Pope ordered
someone to murder the Queen. To this he answered that the Pope, if
he ordered it, would proceed with much justice and circumspection, and
so it would seem to him that it would be meritorious to be obedient. In
fine the heretics were much annoyed.

As to the other, a man very gentle and of great penances, Topcliffe
stated at Court on the very day that he had martyred him, that he
thought he had done the Queen a better service that morning than he
had for many a day before, for he had ridded the Queen of a Papist
hypocrite, one who fasted more and prayed longer than any other in
Europe.

LXIV.

JOHN INGRAM TO FATHER CRESVVELL
28 September, 1591
Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, n. 65, f. 116.

Having left the English College, Rome, 4 September, 1591 (Foley, vi,
1 68), Ingram should, as appears from the following letter, have taken up

204 documents relating to December

at Florence ten crowns in gold, in accordance with the note of Father
Creswell to be addressed to the Rector of the Jesuit College there. But
the note had not yet arrived, and Ingram wishing to push on, begged the
rector to forward the letter to the provost of the Jesuit house at Milan. But
again on his arrival at Milan the note had not arrived, so the future
Martyr was constrained to borrow from the Proposito the ten crowns
necessary for travelling expenses, and wrote the following paper in
acknowledgment of his debt, which he calls upon Father Creswell to
discharge. Proposito should mean the superior of the Casa Professa,
not the "Rector" of the Jesuit College, yet the terms are sometimes
confused. The Padre in question may have been Father Achilles Gagliardi,
of whose affection to the English we have heard before (p. 174 supra),
but he was more probably Father Ricalcate (p. 187).

R.P.R.

Cum ego Florentiam appulissem, adiui collegium Patrum Societatis
Jesu, et a Rectore petij utrum literas quarum vi 10 aureos in auro
ab illo reciperem, accepisset ; sed cum nil literarum se habuisse diceret,
rogare non destiti ut, si post discessum internuncius cum tali epistola
adventaret, illam ad collegium patrum Mediolanum nulla interposita
mora transmitteret. Sed cum hoc non sit culpa alicuius praestitum,
cogebar (ne partem tantam viatici mei amitterem) ab admodum Rdo
Patre Casae Mediolanensis Proposito petere ut ipse scuta haec 10 aurea
in auro mihi persolveret ; quod praastitit. Itaque vestras curas erit
secundum promissum et ius meum illi quamprimum tot numraos aureos
in auro reddere. Mediolani 28 octob. 15 91.

Joannes Ingramus Sacerdos.

Addressed. — Rdo patri Rectori collegij Anglicani Romas.

Endorsed by F. Grene. — Literas Joannis Ingrami Martyris 28 81,r 1591.

LXV.

THE MARTYRDOM OF EDMUND GENNINGS
AND COMPANIONS

10 December, 1591

While considering the papers for 1588, we noticed that some mitigation
of the persecution would naturally follow in time after the defeat of the
Armada of Spain. But certain as was the decline of Spain's naval power
after that defeat, it would be a mistake to think that the fall was a
sudden one. Two or three years later the religious wars in France
reduced that power to impotence, and Spain seemed to be relatively more
powerful than ever. When, therefore, King Philip gained a foothold in
the north of France by the capture of Calais, &c, there was a great
deal of anxiety in England, and this was used by the persecuting party
as an occasion for a new outbreak of severity. On the 18th of October,
1591. a remarkable proclamation against the Catholics was published, and
was afterwards circulated as a tract under the title of A declaration of
the great troubles mtended against the realm (Strype, Annals, iv, 78;
Domestic Calendar 1591, p. 112. The order for inquisition after Catholics
is given at p. 114, their renewal in 1592 at p. 200. On p. 118 it is stated
that up to 31 October, 1591, the proclamation had not been published).

It was only to be expected that charges so false and injurious as
those contained in Elizabeth's tract, should have been met by vigorous

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The Ven. JOHN INGRAM, M.

159I THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 205

replies on the part of the Catholics. Four of these have survived, by
Dr. Stapleton, Father Persons, Father Creswell and Richard Verstegan.*
The controversy became somewhat diffuse, as it included all the matters
in debate between England and Spain. But in most of these books,
however, there is something that illustrates the cause of the Martyrs.

Soon after the proclamation and long before any answer had appeared,
the scaffolds were reddened with a new outpouring of Catholic blood, more
copious than had occurred on any one day except during the massacre
after the Armada. These Martyrs form an attractive group.

(i)

The Draft of the "Life and Death of Edmund

Genings"

Stonyhurst, Collectanea M, 186, 187. Father Grene's abbreviated copy.

That well-known book, The Life and Death of M* Edmund Genings,
Priest, printed "at St. Omers by Charles Boscard 1614,"^ with its
twelve engravings by Martin Bas, of Douay, though but a quarto of
no pages, is upon the whole the most sumptuous, artistic, and, typo-
graphically speaking, the most interesting literary monument to our
Martyrs which our poor persecuted church was ever able to set forth.
From the following paper by Father Grene, we see that an earlytedition
was planned at least (if not published) in the year 1603. That it was
actually published I do not think likely, as we have no record of it, and
the whole edition of a book so interesting as this would hardly pass away
without at least being described by some bibliographist. It is much easier
to believe that the manuscript copy which Father Grene had before him
represented the author's first draft, prepared indeed by him for press,
but postponed because he wished to bring out something more sumptuous
and complete, as indeed he did in good time.

Though the finished work contains a notice of Gennings' companions
in martyrdom, which Father Grene notes to have been wanting from the
MS. draft, it contains, on the other hand, a few names, which for caution's
sake, were omitted in the printed book. We here learn that the Martyr
was born at Lichfield, and that the gentleman whom he, when a page,
visited in prison, was Mr. James Layburne.

A brief relation of the life and death of Mr Edmund Jennings priest,
martyred 10 Dec. 1591 in London.

Written by Mr J. J. {stretto parente del martire, nay brother),

1600, and published of late by J[ohn] Wplson] etc. printed

with licence 1603 (but in the book cited it is in written hand)

a fol. 238 usque 275. §

Edmund Jennings born in Lichfield (Staffordshire) of honourable

citizens of that town ; with one fair tooth to the astonishment of all.

Of modest behaviour in childhood, little given to play, much delighted

to view the heaven and stars : one night saw in the heavens armed

men killing others unarmed with immensity of blood all round about,

whereat frighted ran into the house to his mother, who with three or

four more saw the same. This was in the beginning of the persecution,

not long before F. Campion's death. A gentleman (R. S.) [Richard

sfc See below, lxxxv, (ix), n°.

f The Approbation is dated, St. Omers, 10 February, 1614. Reprinted in 1887
by Fr. W. Forbes-Leith, S.J.

§ That is folio 238 to 275 of the now lost Collectanea A.

206 documents relating to December

Sherwood], Catholic, by chance passing by Lichfield in the inn where
then Edmund lived, about 14 years old, took him for his page, and
soon after converted him to the Catholic faith. Devout after his
conversion and fortunate in all business, and particularly when he was
sent to speak with Mr James Layburn, then most close prisoner, in
Lancaster, after a glorious martyr.

His master resolved to retire to a religious life, he to study at
Rhemes and to be priest, he arrived with unexpected good fortune
there. By application to study and devotion fell into a consumption,
therefore sent towards England. At Newhaven unexpectedly recovering
his strength and zealous to prosecute his studies, returned to Rhemes,
although he now had bargained for his passage with a ship. There his
zeal very great : at the mention of persecution and martyrdom
frequently using to repeat Vivamus in spe and Si Deus pro nobis, quis
contra nos ? [He] obtained a dispensation to be priest at the age of
23 years, showing ever great esteem of that dignity, and celebrating
with singular devotion etc. trembling at those words of Malachy Labia
sacerdotis custodient sa'entiam, et legem [require nt ex ore ejus] ; quia
Angelus Domini exercituum est.

Soon after he went to England with Polydor Plasden, then passing
by Rhemes from Rome. Landing in England they presently at mid-
night separated one towards the north his country, Edmund towards
London, after praying God to send them a happy meeting of suffering
in this world etc. Finding all his parents and kinsfolk dead but only
his brother John, whom in Lichfield he had heard to live somewhere
at London, came hither and after long search in vain, unexpectedly and
indeed miraculously at last found him (just when he was about to
depart out of town) being seized on by a cold sweat etc. twice when he
met him in the street etc.

On All Saints' day, primo Novembris, Mr Jennings returned to
London (sicut promiserat ante unum mensem fratri suo Joanni), was
taken by Topcliffe at Mr Swithin Wells his house in Holborn, together
with Mr Polydor Plasden come to London by chance, and others,
Mr Gennings saying mass, at end of which he in his vestments with all
there present, about ten in number. Mr Wells then absent out of
town, returning was also imprisoned. After many examinations [they]
were carried from Newgate to the Sessions House in the Old Bailey,
arraigned etc. although nothing could be justly objected but that they
had heard Mr Jennings' mass. Topcliffe enraged as having been thrown
down the stairs by Mr Brian Lacy's man at the chapel door, threatened
therefore to have him hanged, and so he was. The next day morning
all carried from Newgate to Westminster, there the Jury (the day
before empanelled) found them all guilty and they were condemned,
Mr Jennings for saying mass, the rest for hearing it, Mr Wells only
for mass being said in his house. All carried back to Newgate, and
Mr Jennings refusing many fair offers of his life, if he would go to
church etc., was put in a dark dungeon unto death.

On Friday morning, 10 of December, Mr White, Mr Plasden,
Mr Briant Lacy, with two other lay people carried to Tyburn and there

I591 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 207

executed ; Mrs Wells reprieved ; Mr Jennings and Mr Wells dragged on
a sled to the upper end of Holborn (over against Mr Wells' house)
Mr Jennings arrived to the gallows said, O Crux diu desiderata et jam
concapiscenti animo praepqrata etc. Being bade to confess his treason
and so doubtlefs the Queen would pardon him, answered, " I know not
ever to have offended her etc. If to say mass be treason, I confess to
have done it and glory in it etc." At which Topcliffe enraged, giving
him leave to say no more, and scarce to recite the Pater noster, made
him be turned off the ladder, and the rope immediately cut. The
martyr stood on his feet, then the hangman tripping up his heels, cut
off his members and disbowelled him. Then the martyr crying upon
St. Gregory his patron to assist him, the hangman astonished said with
a loud voice, " God's wounds ! His heart is in my hand and yet
Gregory is in his mouth."

Mrs Lucy Ridley after much desire finding no means to get a relic,
took one of his thumbs (happened to light on the ground just by the
virgin one of the quarters snowed to the people by the hangman at the
door of Newgate where the quarters were to be boiled) as if she would
touch it only reverently, and behold, the whole thumb remained in
her hand : and she soon after became a nun of Sfc Benet's order in
Louvain, and now liveth Anno 1600. His brother John, a perverse
Puritan, glad for the martyrs death, being so well rid of an importune
persuader, some ten days after being alone at night, weary with sports
of that day, began to think of his brother the martyr's life and death,
was strangely moved, suddenly resolved to be Catholic, go to the
Seminaries and follow his brother's footsteps, and so he did, and wrote
this relation Anno 1600.
[Grene] — No other mention here of yc companions martyred wthMr Jennings.

(«)

The Companions of Edmund Gennings

Record Office, Dam. Eliz.t ccxl, n. 109.

There is no sign as to the authorship of the following paper, but to
judge from the last clauses, it seems to have been drawn up by some
bloodsucker, who was hoping for still greater booty to be pressed out of
the Catholics.

Edward Jennyngs alias Irenmonger Preiste, Hanged and quartered.

Swethinge Wells, Sydney Hodgson, & John Mason Hanged.

Swethinge Wells wyffe condemned to dye and is reprived.

On Dixson adiudged to paye a hundred marks, but he is supposed
to be nothinge worthe.

Anne Lawrence

Mary Harcotte

A basket maker

& Wells his mayde

<% Edwarde Knighte my Lord Caunterburye's Lawnderer.

>fc Mr. Harrington a man of livinge and ability cussen to Justis
Younge, these 2 are in houlde and as farre as I cane lerne shall shortly
be delyvered.

Nothinge worthe.

208 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

*h Mrs. Clarke a wydowe and verie welthye, by ye confession of
these before named is knowne to have bin at two of his Massis at
Wells his howse and as yet not called in question.

Blasden & White prests Hanged and quartered & on* hanged for
conselinge them.

Endorsed. — Seminaryes and Jesuits.

LXVI.

RICHARD VERSTEGAN'S DISPATCHES

5 March, 3 August, and n.d. 1592

Westminster Archives, iv, 293, 309 {plim — Collecta?iea B, $"], 53), and
Stonyhurst, Anglia, i, tz. 68, f. 119. Verstegan's holographs.

Richard Verstegan, the author of The Restitution of Decayed In-
telligence, and other quaint books, was at this period correspondent and
agent in Flanders between the English Jesuits in England and those upon
the continent. The following are all taken from his Advices, which were
generally addressed to Father Persons, who was then in Spain.

(*)

The enumeration of Martyrs given in the first paragraph has its

importance, because it has been copied by Ribadeneira (ed. 1786, p. 405),
lib.iii, cap. x, and from him by other martyrologists, who have considered
that this " priest executed at Norwich " must have been a Martyr separate
from any other known to us by name. But on comparing Verstegan's
series of names with our " official list," it will be seen that the Martyr
described is presumably Pormort. His name is not otherwise mentioned,
and the place where this "priest at Norwich" is entered, is just where
Pormort' s name should have been found, as he died in February after
the martyrdoms of Gennings and his companions. I am, however, unable
to explain why Norwich is assigned as the place of his execution instead
of St. Paul's Churchyard, nor can I give any particulars of Mr. Grey.

Right Reverend . . . There were executed about Christmas 3
priests, and 4 laymen for receiving them : the names of the Priests were
Mr Jenings, Mr Eustace Whyte, and Mr. Paul Blasden : 2 of the laymen
were gents: the one named Swithin Wells the other Bryan Lacy, the
other twain were serving men, whose names I have not. Since which
time there hath been a priest executed at Norwich, and one Mr Grey,
in whose house he was taken, is sent vnto the tower. The last
month was one Mr. Patteson a priest executed at Tyburn, for
receiving of whom one of the gents before mentioned is fled away.

This Mr. Patteson the night before he suffered being in a dungeon
in Newgate with seven prisoners that were condemned for felony he
converted and reconciled six of them, to whom also he ministred the
sacrament, which the seventh remayning an heretic in the morning
vttered. They were all executed together, the six died Catholic, which
made the officers to be the more fierce and cruell unto the priest,
who was cut down and bowelled being perfectly alive. No priests
are suffered to speak at their deaths, but so soon as they are dead,
Topclif in an oration unto the people faineth the cause to be for the
assisting the intended invasion of the realm, and to that end he fixeth
also papers upon the gallows or gibbet.

if. This will have been Brian Lacey.

I592 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 209

The afflicted state of Catholics was never such as now it is, and
therefore it is high time to sollicite the redress thereof. Some other
things I could signifie, which for want of more secure means of
wryting I will omite. . . .

Antwerp this* of March 1592.

Your Fatherhoods assured Servitor
R. Verstegan

5 of march. I have expected these 3 days past to hear from
F. S. but the wind seemeth contrary &c.

Addressed. — Al molto Rdo in X° il P. Roberto Personio della . . .
gnia di Giesu [. . .] a Validolid o Madrid.

Endorsed by F. Persons. — Mr. Verstingham of the Martyrs 5 Martii
1592.

(")

To appreciate the significance of the following paper, one must bear
in mind that the object of the writer was not to give currency to scandal
against Queen Elizabeth, but to show what a rascal Topcliffe was. The
charges were given, we see, to members of the court, and did not come
into the hands of Catholics till much later, nor indeed did they ever
publish them against the Queen. But Topcliffe was, as has been said, the
dominating spirit at this period of the persecution. It was he who,
before the Council, the courts and the people, produced the evidence on
which the Martyrs' lives were taken. Prudence advised them to expose
his untrustworthiness as well as in their weakness they could. In effect
Topcliffe was disgraced for a short time in 1595, and even imprisoned,
and his power was afterwards abridged. It is not impossible that the
representations of Pormort contributed to this result. He had made the
charges openly at the bar, stating that "Topcliffe had said unto him
that he had used very secret dealing with the Queen, and had seen her
bare above the knee. This Topcliffe spoke to Mr. Pormort when he
thought to have persuaded him to recant, in hope to come to preferment
by Topcliffe' s means, being as it might seem by that action in great
favour with her Majesty." At his execution Pormort " was enforced to
stand in his shirt almost two hours upon the ladder in Lent time upon
a very cold day, when Topcliffe still urged him to deny the words, but he
would not" {Acts of English Martyrs , p. 120, from Stonyhurst, Anglia,
vi, 117. This is an independent account by James Yonge or Younger,
which confirms the main points of the following paper).

We see, therefore, that Pormort did not allege Topcliffe' s words to be
true. The charge was that he did utter them. Topcliffe, not Elizabeth,
was the person incriminated. He was notorious as a coarse braggart,
lewd as well as mendacious, and here was one more proof.

Again we may note, that, if we descend to details, the authenticity of
the statements cannot be considered strong. Verstegan tells us little of
the original from which he copied. But this does not invalidate the docu-
ment, for the age was uncritical, and very few adverted to the necessity for
full and accurate references. Taking this paper together with Younger's,
quoted above, there can be no doubt that Pormort was entirely convinced
of the truth of his allegations.

So far as Elizabeth's reputation is concerned, it can be little affected
by Topcliffe' s talk. There will be but few nowadays who will take his
word for proof. But unfortunately there are other matters on record,
which, if not exactly of the same kind, are perhaps in other respects
rather worse.

# Blank in MS.
N

2IO DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

To say nothing of court scandal, which it might be hard to sub-
stantiate, or of certain rough manners, such as "nipping" or "kittling"
a favourite, a lack of restraint for which her age would not have con-
demned her severely, and which may explain the origin of Topcliffe's
vaunts, we have two letters from Topcliffe to her. The one is addressed
to her as his "goddess," the other actually asks her "pleasure" for the
torturing of the sweet poet Robert Southwell, whom he desires to hang
up in the gauntlets, and he even pictures for his correspondent the
writhings of the victim. "It will," he says, "be as though he were
dancing, a 'trick' or figure at ' trenchmore.' " The leave was given, the
torture inflicted, and the patient Martyr declared on his trial that he
would rather have endured ten deaths than pains so exquisite. >fc

The letters are in the British Museum, Lansdowne MSS., lxxii, 39
(printed in Strype, Annals, iv, 9, Foley, i, 354, Rambler, 1857, i, p. 116),
and Harleian MSS., 6698, f. 184. See Morris, Life of J. Gerrard, p. 227;
Jessopp, One Generation of a Norfolk House, 1878, p. 63.

These letters do not substantiate the truth of Topcliffe's boasts in
regard to the precise character of the improprieties mentioned. But they
show that there was a very objectionable understanding between them,
and they help us greatly to understand why Pormort should have stood
so firm in his report of Topcliffe's speeches.

A copy of certain notes written by Mr Pormort Priest and
Martir, of certaine speeches used by Top[clif] unto him whyle
he was prisoner in the house and custody of the said Topclif.
The which notes were since delivered to Wade one of the
clarcks of the counsel, and by him shewed to the co[unsel] in
november last 1592.^

1. Topclif said that all the Stanleyes in England are to
[be] suspected to be traitors.

Whitegift§ of 2. Item Topcliffe offred (this priest) his liberty, yf he
Canterbury would say that he was a bastard of the Archbishop's of

unto the said Canterbury, [or] that the Archbishop had maintayned

Mr. Pormort. him beyonde the seas.

Item [he, cancelled] Topcliff told (vnto the said priest) that he was
so [MS. torn] familiar with her maiestie that he many tymes putteth
[MS. torn] betwene her brests and pappes and in her neck.

That he hathe not only scene her legges and knees [ . . . ] with his
hands above her knees.

That he hathe felt her belly, and said unto her maiestie that she
h[ath] the softest belly of any woman kynde.

That she said unto him : " Be not thease the armes, legges and
body of king Henry ? " To which he answered : " Yea."

That she gave him (for a favour) a whyte linnen hose wroughte
with whyte silke etc.

That he is so familliar with her that when he pleaseth to speake with
her he may take her away from any company, and that she [is] as
pleasant with every one that she doth love.

♦ For other cases of Elizabeth's interest in Topcliffe's barbarities, see below
Nos. lxix, lxxvii, lxxix.

>f 1592 has been altered by a later hand to 1593.

§ Pormort had taken the name Whitgifte as an alias (see before p. 189).

1592 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 211

That he did not care for the Counsel, for that he had his authoritie
from her Maiestie.

That the Archbishop of Canterbury was a fitter counselor [in] the
kitchin amonge wenches then in a Prince's courte. And to Justice
Yonge the said Topclif said that he would hang th[e] Archbishop and
500 more, yf they were in his hands.

Addressed. — Al Padre Personio.

Endorsed. — Topcliffe's speeches 1592.

(iii)

In Antwerp the 3 of August 1592.

About the 10 of last month Mr Roger Ashton was drawn hanged
and quartered at Tyburn : there was present at his execution their
Bishop of Bristow, who willed him to desire the people to pray with
him ; whereunto he answered, that he desired such Catholics as were
present to pray for him, but the prayers of the others he requyred not,
because they could do him no good. He was charged by Topclif
that he had been a principal actor in the delivery of Deuenter, and
that he had taken a pension of the King of Spain, and moreover that
he had practised with dyvers fugitive traitors beyond the seas. He
answered that he was not any principal actor in the delivery of
Deuenter, and confessed that he had a pension of the King of Spain.
"For," quoth he, "I being a younger brother had only 5 pounds annuity
by year, and yt pleased the King to give me 25 crownes the month."
But that he had ever practised treason with any fugityve he denied,
saying further that he did never among them hear any talke of
treason.* He was willed to pray for the Queen, and so he did, and
was bid farewell by diuers of his acquaintance, and so died very
resolutely making profession of his faith, nevertheless he was not
exclaimed on, but rather pitied of the people in such sort as the lyke
in this time hath not been seen. . . .

F. Southwell was apprehended at one mr Bellamys 1 5 miles from
London, about the 12 of July, he came thither but the nyght before,
and by a name that before that time he had not used. And Topclif
coming thither to apprehend him asked for him by the same name,
which argueth that he was betrayed by some of that house. More-
over Topclif did will the gentlewoman of the house (for her husband
was absent) to tell him where the secret was wherein he was conveyed,
and she answered that she knew no such place. " Then," quoth he,
" I do." And so he went directly vnto the place.

* Ashton seems to have been commissioned by Sir William Stanley to ask
Cardinal Allen to write in defence of the surrender of Deventer; at all events
Allen's Defence is ushered in by a letter written with that purpose, and signed
R. A., under which it seems natural to recognise our Martyr. This was probably
his worst offence, from a political point of view, against Elizabeth's government
(Allen's Defence of Stanley, ed. Heywood, Chetham Society, 1851, p. 3). When he
denied having practised, or even having heard of "treason" against the Queen, he
no doubt meant plotting against her life, of which he had been recklessly accused
by the Crown lawyers.

212 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

Topclif carried the Father with him to his own house in West-
minster, and there he hath exceedingly tormented him at four several
tymes, both by hanging by the hands and otherwise, demanding of him
whether he were not a Jesuit & whether his name were not Southwell,
whether he were not employed there for the Pope and King of Spain.
The Father refused to answer to any thing, saying that if he should
tell them any thing at all, yet would they not leaue to torment him
to know more : yea to know more than himself did know. Whereupon
one of the examiners did ask him whether he would confess yf ever
he had been in Pauls. The Father answered that he would not
confess that neither, because he could confesse nothing unto them
but they would still infer further matter upon it, and seek to get from
him more than he knew. Vpon this he was hanged by the hands
against a wall many hours together, and Topcliffe left him hanging
and so went abroad.

After he had been a long while absent one of his seruants
perceiuing the father to be in a swoon, or in some danger to give
the ghost, called him hastely home again to let him down for that time.

Because the often exercise of the rack in the Tower was so odious,
and so much spoken of of the people, Topclif hath authority to
torment priests in his own house, in such sort as he shall think good,
whose inhuman cruelty is so great as he will not spare to extend any
torture whatsoever. Our Lord of his infinite mercy strengthen and
comfort this good father and all such as shall fall into his merciless
hands. . . .

Addressed. — To Fr. Robert Parsons, Madrid.

Endorsed by F. Persons. — Mr. Verstinghams advises from Antwerp
3 Augusti 1592.

LXVII.
THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON TO LORD BURGHLEY

(i)

31 July, 1592

British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6995, n. 76, f. 89.

[Autograph postscript to a letter dated Durham 31 July 1591.]
Of the two Seminaries taken in Newcastle, one that is Lampton was
executed. But Waterson* is yet stayed, upon his suit made to the
Judges, and me to have conference with some learned.

Your Lps most assured.
H. Huntingdon.
[With further postscript to ask favour for the bearer, who is an
"honest" man, and inward with Papists in Newcastle.]

(ii)
17 October, 1592

British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6,995, n. 94.

I feare your lordship maie somwhat mislike my lonnge silence,
but knowinge that you were advertised of all thinges doen at Newcastell
and Duresme where the Bushop and diverse in Commission did

sj: The date of Edward Waterson's death is given by Challoner as 7 January, 1593.

I592 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 213

accompanie me, I have spared to trouble your Lordship with my
lettres, because synce then I had not suche matter to write of as I
desiered and have laboured for, whereof this hath bin speciallie one
thinge viz. to have taken three principall Caterpillers, and sedicious
seducers of hir Maiesties subiects in these partes, by whom most of
the Seminaries here scattered be directed, and on whom our principle
Recusants doe chieflie depend, their natures in the paper enclosed
your Lordship shall reade.* Trulie Syr, I have endevoured in the
beste sorte I could to doe that which hir Maiestie commaunded in
everie respecte, and as allreadie some good hath bin doene in everie
place, soe surelie noe doubte, muche more good wilbe doen, yf the
hope which is conceaved of great favour to be obteined, take not
place. For be they frustrated once of that, noe doubte your Lordship
shall see, to your Comfort, a thorowe yeldinge in outward obedience
of the stouteste and grettest recusants here. It is not my opinion
onlie, which I am bold thus to deliver to your Lordship, but the
wyseste that ioyne in this service with me, are of the same minde.
Thus hopeinge shortlie to see your Lordship myself, for this tyme I
take my leave, and committ your Lordship to the Lord Jesus.
ffrom yorke this xvijth of October 1592.

Your Lps moste Assuered
H. Huntingdon
Names of ye principal Recusants

Smith

Dudley

William Mushe

Thwayts

Stafferton

Atkinson

Nelson

Frankish

Bakehouse

Crawford

Jackson

Sewel

Johnson

Clynche

Pickering

0 Hemsworth

Pattison

Norley supposed to be

0 Parker

Graie

a Jesuite

0 Anlabie

Holtby

Anthony Trollop, son of

Pullein

Samuel

John Trollop,supposed

Boast

John Mushe

to be a Seminary

Addressed. — To

the

Rl honorable

verie good Lord the Lord

Treasurer of England.

LXVIII.

MR. JUSTICE YOUNG TO THE LORD KEEPER,
SIR JOHN PUCKERING

23 December, 1592

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxliii, n. 93.

This letter gives us a lively picture of the miseries suffered by prisoners
even in the Marshalsea, one of the easier places of confinement. " Ric:
Stone," as we hear, had "objected certain Speeches & matters" against
two fellow-prisoners, and the objections dated 30 September, 1592, may
be read at p. 275 of Domestic Calendar, 1591—1594. Faukes and Webster,
forsooth, are represented as having actually grumbled against Elizabeth

# This paper is now missing. It will be noticed that in the list given in the
postscript three names have points opposite to them, yet they are not names which
are specially well known.

214 documents relating to December

and her persecutions, the most objectionable words being the wish that
"God or the Devil would fetch her ere long-," saying- that "if the
Spaniards landed they would find plenty to follow," and that "if the
Catholics thought Elizabeth would live 20 years more, it would kill their
hearts"; and these words were alleged to have been uttered from three
months to a year before.

Even in that age serious action would rarely have been taken upon
matters so unimportant, but here, as it happens, we are able to trace
an external cause for the prosecution of further inquiries. It appears
that one Renold Bisley had been employed by some of the English exiles
to take messages into England from various persons, and in particular
from Hugh Owen, who was in the service of Spain, and against whom
Elizabeth's Government was naturally suspicious. It was rumoured that
Bisley had once carried a letter about some plot against Elizabeth's life,
but as he was in the sequel taken into Elizabeth's service, the authority
for this rumour must have been trivial {Calendar, 1594, pp. I^>2> 298, 371)-

There was, moreover, yet another complication. Phelippes, the de-
cipherer (who had contributed so much to bring Mary Stuart to the
block), was in difficulties with his subordinate spies. One of these, who
was then going by the name of Sterrell or St. Main, had had dealings
with Bisley, and believed himself to have been somehow taken in by
him, and was now anxious out of revenge "to get something by these
two knaves [Bisley and Cloudesley] that had so often cosened him"
{Calendar , p. 164). On the other hand Bisley, who had been arrested
by July, 1592, was already beginning to win Phelippes' confidence, and,
as has been said, eventually succeeded completely, was freed (8 September,
1593) and rewarded by Elizabeth.^ But in July, 1592, Phelippes was
still very doubtful about his captive, and has written under the abstract
of his examination, " He [Bisley] will, as others have done, make his
profit of me at one thing or other. Query." It was no doubt with a view
to settle some of these sordid squabbles that Phelippes wished Webster
to be examined, for he suspected him of having received letters from
Bisley. There is still a note of the interrogatories which he wished to
be proposed to Webster, "as to his acquaintance with Bisley and
Birkett [the future archpriest] and receiving letters through them"
{Cale?idar , p. 297).

Amidst much, therefore, that is obscure, we see the persecutors,
apparently for no better reason than to advance the vile intrigues of spy
against spy, making use of Stone's mean tale-bearing in order to subject
Webster and Faukes to the ordeal of examination under torture. Both
denied the truth of Stone's reports, and Faukes persevered in this denial
even amid tortures. Webster, a Catholic schoolmaster, who had already
endured ten years imprisonment for his religion {C.R.S., ii, 231), on
being asked about Renold Bisley, ingenuously confessed his dealings
with George Beesley, the Martyr. In the opinion of the Attorney-General
this was enough "to touch his life," and, moreover, the same legal authority
" gathereth by presumptions that he is guiltie of the accusations against
him." So here the inquisitors paused until they should learn from court
whether their brutalities were to be carried further. Presumably they were
ordered to continue, for Webster was transferred to Bridewell, the ordinary
place for torture at that time {Calendar, p. 310). Next April he was
examined again (Strype, iv, 256). In IS95 he was back in the Marshalsea,
and remained there till the end of Elizabeth's reign [C.R.S., ii, 285, 288).

* After which his name absolutely disappears from the Calendars, as if he had
really been imposing on Phelippes all the while.

I592 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 2 15

Righte Honourable myne humble duety remembred. Yt may
please your Lordship to bee advertised that Mr. Bowyer and I have
taken paynes in the Examininge of Ric. Webster and Robert Vaukes,
and did first seeke by all meanes to drawe from them quickly &
curteously what could bee done for her Maiesties service without
Torture, and the said Webster confessed that hee was maried in the
marshalsea about three or foure yeares past by George Bisley the prieste,
a notorious executed traytour, and that hee gave the said Bisley for
his paynes ij s. vj d. And hee saieth that about a yeare or two after,
Bisley came to this examinate to see him, and his wife did make the
said Bisley a Cawdell, and when he had eaten it hee wente his waye.

The said Fawkes confesseth that about three or foure yeares paste
before hee was committed to prison hee gave to one Forreste a priest
a gray nagge with saddle and bridle, which hee delivered to the said
priest at an alehouse in Stoke in the county of Northampton, and hee
heard about vi or vij yeares past that the said priest was aboute
Harborowe.

And the said Webster and Faukes being examined concerninge the
speeches and matters obiected against them by Ric. Stone they doe
both flatly denye them, whereupon wee did putt Fawkes to the torture
for awhile but could not by any meanes drawe any further matter from
him, and as for Webster wee thought good to acquainte Mr. Attorney
with his voluntary confession before wee would putt him to the torture,
and Mr. Attorney is of opynion that he hath confessed yneughe to
touche his life, and gathereth by presumpcions that he is giltie of the
accusacions againste him, and so the matter as yet resteth. As for
Brownell, hee is so sicke that we cannott deale with him untill he waxe
stronger. And thus havinge advertised your Honour of our whole
doinges, I humbly take my leave prayeing God to bless your Lordship
with health and much encrease of honour.

London this xxiijth of December 1592.

Your honours most assured to commaunde

Rye : Young.

Addressed. — To the Right Honourable my very good Lord, The
Lord Keeper.

Endorsed. — Mr. Justice Young of Webster's confession, & Fawks
Examinacion.

LXIX.

THE CAPTURE OF JOHN BOSTE

11 September, 1593
British Museum, Lansdowne MSS., lxxv, n. 22.

(i)
The First Examination

Apud Dunelm.

ii° Septembris 1593.

Presentibus

The Lord President
Mr. Deane of Durham
Sr William Bowes
Charles Hales
Raphe Rookebie

216 documents relating to September

John Eoste then examined being of the adge of aboute 50 yeres.

Confesseth that aboute xiij yeres synce, he departed from Oxford
to the partes beyond the seas, and that within a yere and an half
after his departure, he was made prieste at Rhemes, by the Busshop
of Laon, or the Busshope of Soissons or bothe, and that about the
yere and halfe's ende, after his said departure, he retourned ageine to
England, at which time there came alsoe 25 other priestes awaie from
Rhemes, whereof Ballard was one, what his viaticum was he cannot
remember, but he had iiijor crownes thereof lefte at his arrivall in
England. He saieth, that he arrived at Hartlepoole, and then without
anie greate staie he repaired Southward.

And confesseth that since his arrivall, he never departed the
realme, savinge at divers tymes into Scotland, in which realme he was
some tyme at Edenbrough, some tyme at the Lord Seatons, some tyme
at Fernehurst and at other places, and these five yeres he never was
in Scotland.

And he confesseth that this laste yere he was never out of England,
nor forthe of Yorksheire, Busshoprick, and Northumberland.

And he confesseth that within these five laste yeres, he hathe bin
by a moneth to gether in Yorksheir. He confesseth that he hathe
saied Masse, but when or howe manie he will not confesse he hathe
saied. Yeat he confesseth that, if he saied not everie daie a Masse,
it was against his will. He alsoe saieth he is an Englisheman borne
at Dufton in Westmerland. John Boste.

Vera Copia
H. Huntyngdon

Endorsed. — The Examinacion of John Boste 1 1° Septembris 1593.

(ii)

The Earl of Huntingdon to Lord Burghley

British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6996, n. 19, f. 37.

I have receaved bothe your Lordships lettres the one dated the
xxijlh thother the xxvth of the laste moneth. By the firste, I doe, to
my great comfort perceave, that hir Maiestie pleaseth to give me
thanks for the takeing of Boast. I have bin often and greatlie abused
by those which I have trusted for the takeinge of him, but I thanck
God that nowe at the laste, I have obteined him to hir Maiestie's
likeing.

By the second I see it is hir Highnes' pleasure that he should be
sent thither with safetie soe closelie as maie be, for which I have taken
the best order I canne ; and I hope it wilbe faithfullie performed
accordinge to my direccion. I thinke I maie be assured, that he
shalbe at his firste night's lodging before he be myssed here. And
syns he was first taken tooe of my owne servants, which was at the
takeinge of him, have allwaies attended him, and be parte of that
companie which is chardged with convoie of him this journey : but I
have speciallie commaunded the pursivant, for that he is hir Maiestie's
sworne servant to be with him allwaies. throughe the hole journey, and
untill some other order be taken not to departe from him.

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 2TJ

I praie God hir Maiestie maie at the laste have all the principalis
of his faction and societie, if the hole rabble of them cannot be
gotten, or driven out of the land ; which were to be wished, for none
doe more impeache the happie government of hir Maiestie, then these
wicked Seminaries and Jesuits doe, whoe under the pretence of
holiness, plante chieflie treason, and treacherous conceits ageinst hir
Maiestie in the hartes of those subiects, with whom they doe prevaile.

This your Lordship knoeth better then I canne tell you yeat I am
bolde to touche it, and to lett your Lordship knowe, that for this cause
I have bin carefull allwaies, to cutt them shorte, within my chardge, so
muche as in me did lye, and mind still soe to continewe, tyll I be
commaunded the contrarie, for he that [? knoeth, cancelled^ loveth hir
Maiestie and tendereth hir safetie canne doe no other (as I thinke) if
he desire to doe well.

Uppon this Texte I have verie manie tymes discoursed (I will not
saie preached) unto the Justices and others here within my chardge,
and I could wishe (if it soe liked hir Maiestie) and my Lords of hir
Counsaill, all we which serve abroade in the realme might be once
ageine streightlie warned for our receavinge of suche guests, or
winkinge and slacke dealinge, when we heare where they doe haunte :
suche an admonicion will quicken our dulle spirites, and manifest the
contynuance of hir Maiestie's goodnes. Your Lordship will pardon
my boldness, and to your wisdome I leave the reste.

I cannot well certifie your Lordship (as in your laste lettre you
require) what the some is of the stipend which is paied to the Ladie
Margaret Nevile [Daughter to ye Earl of Westmerland, one of ye
Heads of ye Northern Rebellion in ye year 1569 Foot-note in a
different hand~\ or by whom the same is paied, for it was a thing
spoken in my hearinge at Durham, but by whom I doe not remember.
I shall write to Mr. Saunderson to aske of hirself. Till the receipte of
your Lordships last lettre, I thought your Lordship did better knowe
this matter then he that spake of it, and therfore I gave the lesse
heede therto. Thus ceasinge anie further to trouble your Lordship, I
committ the same to the mercifull proteccion of the Allmightie.

From Yorke this second of October 1593.

your Lps most affured
H. Huntyngdon.

Addressed. — To the R. Honorable my verie good Lord the Lord
Treasurer of England. Endorsed, &c.

(iii)

Postscript to a Letter from Richard Topcliffe to

Sir John Puckering

10 October, 1593

Record Office, State Papers, Dom. Eliz., ccxlv, n. 124.

The letter is dated "At the Court thys xth of October 1593. Your Lo-
humbly at Commandment Rye. Topclyffe." It recommends the bearer,
Henry Aired, for the Vicarage of Marneham, in Nottinghamshire (yearly
value v1! or viu). Topcliffe also praises Alred's brother (? Solomon Aldred).

218 documents relating to October

Postscript. — The Lord Treasurer and Sir Robert Cycell bee ridden
this morninge to Wymelton &c. Sir Robert Cycell, Sir Jhon Woollye,
and myself, (by her Maiestie's commandment,) to attende them, were
with Boaste ye Northerne Preest yesterday to examyn him. Since ther
Honors knew the world they never hearde a more resoluyt Traitor, for
he saiethe that he is

i. sorry ther is not xx^ preests for every one Popish preest in
England.

2. That he hathe not woone to ye Church Catholicke, xx^ for
every one. That he loves the Quene and will tayke her part, if the
Pope of him self send an army ageinst her Maiestie. Butt if ye
Pope by his Catholyck auctorytee do proceede ageinst her to depryve
her as an herityck, Then he cannot erre, nor ye Churche, then
Catholyks must obbey the Churche, &c. Full of treason as ever
wretche was ; I dare say they learned to knowe more of a Traitors
dispocytion then ever they knewe before. And never heard a Traitor
ledd to his haunts better on the borders than I ledd hym. He must to
the Tower. But I would your Lordship and my Lord Chamberlayn
spent one afternowne with him before. I chardged him with accom-
panying with Ballerd a lytell before he was taken, & he could not
deny it. There is a spy out of ye Northe to learne news of Boast, &c.

Endorsed by Puckering. — Mr. Toplif about Bost the preest.

LXX.

THE TRANSFER OF BOSTE TO WINDSOR

15 October, 1593

Record Office, Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, 542, roll 193a.

To William Nevell gent., upon the Councils warrant dated at
Windsor xvt0 Octobr 1593 for the charges and pains of himself and
five others in his company for bringing up one John Boaste a
Seminary Priest apprehended in the North parts by the Earl of
Huntingdon Lord President there, and for their horsemeat diet and
lodging and for coming and returning the sum of x'1.

LXXI.

TOBIE MATHEW, DEAN OF DURHAM, TO
LORD BURGHLEY

16 October, 1593
Record Office, Dom. Eliz. Additional, xxxii, n. 89.

Right Honorable, my very good Lord . . . Those two late letters
Righte Honorable which I receaved from your L. thone touching the
acceptance of my second in the cause of thearle Bothuell, thother
concerning my reddinesse against Seminarie Priestes and suche like,
were so favourably and beningly written as in verie truthe I must
confesse, I knowe neither howe to beginne nor where to ende in
yealding your L. suche condigne thankes, as my dutifull heart beareth
me witnesse, that I owe and vowe to your good L.

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 219

Mr. Atkinson hath made too muche of my little in that mater,
him selfe in dede dealt verie circumspectly in Boste's apprehension,
and seemeth a man of sufficient discretion, courage and experience,
to be emploied in that kinde, in suche a countrey as this, if he be
considered as he expecteth, & his nede requireth, which mought happly
be some encouragement to him and others to adventure to advaunce
the like services hereafter.

Howbeit I could have wisshed he would rather have only followed
the dewe of his oune desert then therewithall to have taken upon
him to censure so grave learned and reverend a man, for slacknesse
or slownesse in his proceedings. Full little knoweth thone what the
other maie be forced sometymes to forbeare to doe. And as your
Lordship doth moste wisely and rightly ponder what is the meetest
meane to amend that amisse, if anie suche were : So shall I, upon
the signification thereof receaved from your Lordship in your said
last letter (yet as of my selfe and not otherwise) handle the same
according to my dutie with all the good maner I can, as occasion
shalbe offered. Trewe it is, for all my Lord Bushop's care and
diligence, which is muche more then some wolde have it seeme : for
all my Lord Presidents travaile and charge, which is verie great and
continuall : for all the direction and commandment of Lawe, which is
as muche as wisdome and policie can devise : for all thexhortacions
and executions therof from your Lordship, and other the Lords of her
Maiesties most Honorable Privie Counsell, which are as effectuall and
precise as authoritie in yourselves, or Soveraigntie from her highnes
maie prescribe, yet these remote corners it wilbe harde to reduce to
an egall conformitie with other Counties and Diocesses nerer about
the Court and in the heart of the Realme. Howbeit I should conceave
good hope the brunt were nowe past, in case this late Commission
of Enquirie against the Wyves and Servants of Recusants, when it
shalbe retourned up to your Lordships maie not be suppressed, or
by respect of persons uneavenly handled, but dewly executed, yea and
as thes tymes and this place require, more severely prosecuted with
effect according to the statute, without suche Intercessions and
Mediations from above, as hertofore have drawen on great inconvenience
both to Religion and the Realme. If myne eares and myne eies were
not greved herewith, my penne should not blott the paper at this
present. Sed expertus loquor, and I could name the particulers. But
I will only saie with the Prophet Jeremie, Myne eie breaketh my heart.

And as to the Schedule of names included in your L. letter, amonge
some other pettie mistakings of him that did present it to your
Lordship, one great error I dare saie there is touching Mr. Ewbanke,
supposed to have had speache with Boste about Julie last. Pleaseth
it your good Lordship to licence me somewhat particularly to saie
both of the mater and of the man. I knowe the man well and have
knowen him long : he is verie honest, learned, sounde and painefull
in his Charge, as well thought of as anie of his coate and calling here.
He with his owne brother and with his curate about seaven yeares
sithence, not without the Danger of his life did apprehend Bernard
Pattenson (the first Seminarie priest that ever hand was laid on

220 documents relating to October

herabout) together with Thomas Trollopp a base begotten desperat
and dangerous fellow, who caried in a cloke bagge on his horse behind
him the priests massing vestments bookes &c. The priest and his
Man he caried to Yorke upon his own Charge, where Pattenson brake
the Castle and made escape, Trollop afterward being here indicted
upon that felonie remaineth still in the Gaole of Duresme unexecuted,
I see not howe.

Before or nere about the tyme aforesaide, Mr. Ewbanke, by my
Lord Presidents allowance and appointment, not without my privitie
I must confesse, had conference once with Boste and was in some
hope to have brought him to his Lordships hande, the rather for that
in their youthe they had been Chamber fellowes in the Quenes
College in Oxford, and were countrymen, and had been scholefellowes
before in Westmorland. But Boste growing ielous of his safetie, they
never mett since as Mr. Ewbanke protesteth depely, untill Boste was
nowe taken, where Mr. Atkinson knoweth Mr. Ewbanke was present
by my special direction, and behaved him selfe so consideratly, as
without him and his man, Boste percase, had not been gotten at
that instant. I will saie no more, nor this neither to lessen the merite
of Mr. Atkinson, or of anie other therin used by my Lord President,
but only to testifie Mr. Ewbankes fidelitie, and to justifie his reddinesse
and aptnesse to her Maiesties service. Whereof (if your Lordship doe
doubt and will trie the truthe further), I shall cause him to waite upon
your Lordship, with what spede you please, to discharge himself of
the former imputacion, and to saie that to your Lordship of Boste,
that all men peradventure cannot charge him with.

I have importuned your Lordship over-longe : but your Lordships
extraordinarie favour and goodnes towardes me is the cause thereof.
Wherefore I will here take my humble leave, yet not leaving daily
and howrely to praie to God for your Lordships longe and prosperous
continuance, to the comfort of her Maiestie, and desire of all her
faithfull subiects. At Duresme 16 of October 1593.

Your L. most humble & most bounden
Tobie Mathew

Addressed. — To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the
Lord Burghley, Lord Treasurer of England, at the Courte.

Endorsed.— 16 oct. 1593. Deane of Durham to my L.

LXXII.

ANTHONY ATKINSON'S INFORMATION

24 October, 1593
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxlv, n. 131.

24°octobris Enstruccions for your Honour

1593 Medcalf a preist said Mass att ye Waterhouse aft one

ofSDarham Claxtons house a recusant who is in prison and yr were
present att ye Mass ye 12 and 13 of Julye 1593 — George
Errington Nycholas Bridges, Francis Eglisfeild and many others.

Boost did say Mafs att ye said Waterhouse ye vth of August 1593
in y* componye and many gentlewomen. Upon Sonnday ye 26 of

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 22 T

August 1593 one Lee alias Stapfourth a preist and one yl sarveth ye
Ladye Graye, one of ye Earle of Westmerland dawghters and last wife
of Sir Thomas Graye, said Mass at ye Waterhouse in ye company of
ye said Ladie Gray, Ladye Margarett Nevell her sister, ye wife of one
Wattson, Mrs. Anne Lee, Francis Eglisfeild and others. Vernon a
preist dothe kepe companye with all theise persons, and he is chaplen
to Josephe Connstable, and remaynes most at Kirtley knowle, a house
of ye said Connstable in Yorkshier.

Walles e John Carr ye post master of Newcastell in Julye 1592

poostmaster did resave and harbor Boost Dudleye and a nother
of Durham Semanarye preist and knewe theme. And ye said Carr
is in ye like decl buy and provide certen thinges for Boost and sent
manner. hjm tQ yC Waterhouse, or to East Brandon at Charles
Hedworth's house.

Upon Thursday ye 30th of August 1593 Davy Englebye and George
Errington ded harbor all night at one Wilfride Lee house in Bushoprick.

The vth of September 1593 Davy Englebye, Thomas York, William
Norton and two others not knowne rode by Peares brige, and had
everye man a case of pistolls.

Yorkshier. At Rainscroft a litle from Rippon at Mrs. Ardington

house, she beinge sister to Davye Englebie dothe harbor
hym and sonndrie preists and other recusants.
Yorkshere Also one Mr. Nycolson, Mrs Pudzaie, Mrs. Gascoyne,

& Mrs. Witham, Mrs. Lambartt, Mrs. Bowmer, Mrs. Cra-

Northumberland. thorne, all dwellinge within tenn myles of Peares bridge
dothe harbor bothe preists and all other recusants : and ye said
Nycolson is supposed to have some great somme of monye, yl comes
oversea for reliefe of ye nedfull papists.

Mr. Ratcliff of Darnton and Mrs. Ellerington of ye same in North-
umberland are ayders of preists, and likewise Mr Ratcliff of Mowgray
in Yorkshier.

Westmerland and Combreland
Ye names of suche as favours and aydes preists.

Mrs. Mydleton of Leighton, Mrs. Kirkbie dwelling about Fornas

[Furness]. William Beaslie dwelling about Cartmell. Richard Cole of

Cartmell. Robert Ward about Cartmell, who was cooke to ye Lord

Pagett. Richard Tailler of Lyndall in Cartmell hathe a boatt and he

. dothe often convey from Milne-throppe haven bothe

WestmeXnd10 Preists and bad Persons into Ye hele of Man 0r Sc0t"
lande, when any Searche is made for any preists or

Recusants.
And when any Searche is maid in Yorkshier, Bvshopprick, Northum-
berland, Comberland, Westmerland and Lancashier ffor any papist
preist, then eyther they ar conveyed into Caves in ye grownd or secrett
places not possible to ffeind theme. And, further some ffleethe into
Darbieshier into ye Hie Peeke, and ther is one Robartt Eyre a Justice
of Peace onely for yl County, and he ffavoringe his brother Robart
Eyre and many of his kynsmen yl ar Recusants geves warnning
when any searche is pretended, and so makes theme ffle into ye

22 2 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO October

mounteynes in ye Peeke country, where ye papists have harbors in ye
Stony Rockes, and then ar releved by shippards, so y* yl Country is
a Sanctuary ffor all wycked men, and is more used of late than ever
was in respect of yl Justice of Peace. Butt he hathe moe ffellowes yl
are under ye Poopes dispensation, which may do any thing to ye ayd of
Papists, eyther go to ye churche or be in Authoryty or obey any
commaundment uppon saffgard of liff, landes, or goodes. Suche
matters ye Papists hathe (sic) amongst theme to increase ther number,
whiche is devised by a pollocy to prevent ye knowledge of ye nomber
of yl Religion.

The xth of September 1593 I tooke John Boost ye preist, who said
Mass at ye said Waterhouse : and yr was in his componye ye Ladie
Margarett Nevell, her maid, Adylyn Claxston, Mrs. Claxston. Now they
ar in Bransbie Castell. Thomas Robinson servant to ye Ladie Graie
who is in Yorke Castell.

Anthony Mayor a preist and now in prison at York used muche
Boost his Componye, and can saie muche, being examyned.

The Ladie Hilton ded muche use Boost componie and hathe bene
often att Mafse in ye Northe.

Thomas Leades, dwellinge upon Peckfeild, [More, cancelled} is a
papist and harbors manye preists, and yr is a house >rt standes nere
unto Bugwithe Ferrie. It belongs [to] ye Bushopp of Durham, and
she y* is fermer yr of is a wedow dwellinge in Duncaster a Papist, and
she dothe harbor preists in hir house.

Boost abowt xviiteen yeares past when he went oversea
Cor°„w^sThoTeaS he lay at Brome in Suffolk and had in his Componie
one Yaicsleie a [preist, cancelled] Papist.

Theer is one Mr. Craik in Yorkshier, a great harborer of Preists,
and thousandes moe yl upon certentye can not be named. But ye
counteyes of Northumberland, Bushoprick, Comberland, Westmerland
and Yorkshier ar muche within theise twoe yeares converted unto
popery and especially Westmerland tennants and his freindes.

Davie Englebie hathe married Ladie Ann Nevell second dawghter
to ye Earle of Westmerland, and he, havinge many freindes in ye
Northe, hopes for a daie of alteracion and rides in Yorkshier and ye
Northe parts like Robin Hoode, and in like manner dothe Josephe
Connstable and his wife and sonndrie of yr consorts.

The names of ye preists y* are now in ye Northe

1 Dudleye 6 Petfourthe 11 Hemsworth, et 16 Claxston

2 Patteson 7 Dakins 12 Hemsworthe 17 Dugdaile

3 Mydleton 8 Medcalfe 13 Cleborne 18 Pearson

4 Greme 9 Gerrett 14 Ingless 19 Bardhay

5 Lee alys 10 Elwold 15 Typpin 20 Fetherston

manye more I can not name. 21 Battye

The ixth daie of September 1593 upon demand of me to knowe
of him ye said Boost whether he was one yl wrote and sent lettres of
intelligence oversea of ye state of England or no, he answeared and
said, I am ye man yl beares ye name of suche matters but ther [be]
Sonndry preists of my ffunction in ye Northe y* might have bene taken
aswel as I am, y* deales more in those matters then I doe, and ye

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 223

cheiff intelligence gevers of matters of state ar abowt the Courte, and
if they weare well loked unto, would be ffownd owt.

And he being moved for Dacres to be some Conspiracy with him
answeared me then [? that] he was moved for sonndry causes to deale
with him, but suche matters as ded concerne the state he wold ne
medle nor come at him, sayeing further he would hereafter tell me
what mocions they weare was maid to him abowt Dacres, and upon yl
I mayd him promes off ffavour.

And now upon his examynacion he maid no derect or plaine
declarance but referred all to one Welton called Nycholas Welton,
Lord Welton brother in Northumberland and to one John Whitfeild
who sarved Dacres.

Boost makes yt a Conscyence not to accuse no man in matters yl
may concern liffe, but if your Honnor will permytt me frome tyme to
tyme to have recourse to him I may perhappes learne some more
plainly to gett knowledge of things. And if he be used in curtesse
manner and not to hardlie punished yt may better perswaid him to
open what he knowes, or at least who can open all matters derectlie,
all which I do leve to your Honnorable consideracion.

Your honnors to Commaund
Ant : Atkinson.

The Earle of Westmerland, ye Lord Padgett, Sr William Stanley,
Dacres and all those Rebbells ar drawne into ye Lowe countries.

Not addressed, but presumably intended for Sir Robert Cecil.

LXXIII.

TWO LETTERS OF FATHER HENRY WALPOLE
3 September, 1593

(i)
To Father Cabredo

From the Autograph in Arch. Gen., S.J.

Partly printed in Yepes, p. 672, who adds that it is addressed to Father
Cabredo, the Rector of the Seminary at Valladolid. It should be compared
with the farewell letter to the Rector of Seville (Jessopp, Letters of
H. Walfole, p. 45).

Rd° Padre. ®

Oy a 3 de Septembre recibi la de V.R. del 24 de Agosto
iuntamente con los 4 libros de P. Ribadeneyra los quales en flanndes
seran muy agradecibles. Escriuere a Richardo West que mira se ay
papel bianco y de buena marca en Bilbao como entiendo que aura,
y si sea mas baratto que en Valladolid de embiar algunas rezmas para
el Colegio. A mi han dicho que si no compremos vna fardele grande
de muchas rezmas iuntos, que no se hallara a mezor precio que
alii, y con el porte costara mas.

En flanndes terne cuidado de hazer todo lo que V.R. a mi ha
mandado, y tambien en ynglaterra si Dios mi concede libertad y vida,
y se no, no dexare entonces de tener memoria de V.R. delante de
Dios, a la cuia Diuina magestad supplico a V.R. de encomiendarmi

224 documents relating to November

en las oraciones y sacrificios de su Ra y de los demas de su Colegio
del qual yo indegno son hijo, y asi todo lo que sera de mi sera
reputato del Seminario de Valladolid. Plega a Dios que sea de
manera que su diuina Magestad sea glorificado, y V.R. y todo el
Colegio consuelado. Al P. Gaspar, al P. Richardo, P. Ministro y todos
los padres y hermanos nostros, y alumnos muy queridos mis humildes
y intimas encomiendas, al P. Personio he scrito mas a la largo en
ynglaterra, en [? sua] lingua, y espero la de V.R., aunque no sean
[? mas injteligibiles que estas mias en Romance, aunque [? per ? forse]
nan de ser a causa de la gramatica. V.R. per amor de Dios mi
perdone todas las faltas y me tenga en su alma y coragon come hijo,
porque asi tengo de ser siempre. Amen. Portugalete a 3 de
Septembre 1593. Di V.R. sieruo y hijo

[Address not given.] Henr0 Walpolo

[ Translation J

Reverend Father. To-day the 3rd of September I received yours of
the 24th of August, together with four books of Father Ribadeneira,
which will be very welcome in Flanders. I will write to Richard West to
see whether there is white paper of good quality at Bilbao, as I heat-
there is, and if it be cheaper than at Valladolid, to send some reams
for the college. I have been told that if we do not buy a big bundle
of many reams, we shall not get it at a better price than there, and
that with the carriage it will cost more.

I will take care to do in Flanders all that your Reverence has
commanded me, and in England, too, if God gives me liberty and life.
If He does not, I shall then not fail to remember you before God, to
whose Divine Majesty I beg you to commend me in your prayers and
Holy Sacrifices, and in those of the rest of your college, of which I am
an unworthy son, so whatever comes of me shall be ascribed to the
Seminary of Valladolid. I pray God that it may be in such a way that
His Divine Majesty may be glorified, and your Reverence consoled with
all your college. To Father Gaspar, Father Richard, Father Minister,
and all the Fathers and Brothers of our Company, and to my most dear
students, my humble and sincere commendations. To Father Persons I
have written more fully [? about] England in [? his] tongue, and I hope
in that of your Reverence, though they should not be [?more unintelligible
than these letters of mine in Spanish ; though [? perhaps] they must be,
because of the grammar. Forgive me all faults for God's sake, and keep
me in your soul and heart as a son, as I ever take myself to be. Amen.
From Portugalete, 3 September, 1593.

Your Reverence's servant and son,

Henry Walpole.

(ii)
To Father Persons
13 November, 1593
Westminster Archives, iv, f. 135.

To judge from the endorsement it seems likely that the first half-sheet
is missing.

T & ic remain great with H who commends him to you, and they
desire your N were in Rs place which they think more easily obtained
than for 0 his friend, T or other.

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 225

I remember your words, but would be glad to have had your opinion
in particular if occasion should be, but chiefly I desire your prayers,
and holy sacrifices that I may bestow my tyme and life to Gods greatest
glory, how and when it shall please his divine majesty to appoint.

It hath been told w y* ff would be geuen T as dd or such like,
if he would vse it. If a hear that w is great friends with w □ &c.
I know he will like it well, and so do I desire he were with all men
as S. Paule saith pacem quam fieri potest habentes cum omnibus. Some
fear x is <£, some not.

By some mens unsecrecy, which I will not name, my iourney is
much known, which may breed danger or rather infinite gain to me,
that go in so happy a mission and message, though most vnworthy,
legatione fungens pro xpo, ut per eundem obsecrem, et reconciliem Deo.*
Wherein if I employ my life, how can I wish to bestow it better.
Wherefore Rd Father I humbly thank you upon my knees for so high
a fauour obtained and granted, and desire you to demand grace of
God for me, that I may be thankful to his divine majestye, and walk
always worthily in his presence, in whose business I am now immediately
to spend all the days to come of my life! I mean by our youths to
write f to Sir Francis, both our Rectors, Ministers and Fathers and
friends of those Seminaries, so dear vnto me. But if commodity of
passage should offer itself before, I desyre that these may signify my
duty, love and most hearty & humble commendations, beseeching them
all to remember me in their holy sacrifices and prayers to God, as I
hope to be mindful of them for euer and euer. And thus Rd. Father
I humbly crave your benediction, and commend you to the eternal
love of Jesus.

After I had written thus far, F. Rector cometh here and he
showeth himself altogether resolved to sett forward this work what he
can, and for the number he saith " On Gods name when there be means
let them come an hundreth." And whereas some of the Magistrates have
seemed backward, he will reprehend them to their faces and tell them
their duty to the K[ing], and how they should be ashamed to be more
rude and unciuil or rather uncharitable then they in Doway, France,
Spain and Rome. And if that will not serve, will cry out upon them
in the pulpit in behalf of God. Some there be which had need be
cried [at the fier of MS. torn].

Also in your next it will be good presently to appoint to F. Flack,
F. Smith and F. Bray their seueral charges vnder the new Rector
when he cometh, which they will better take from you then from any
other, as I perceyve, and perhaps otherwise not be so at their con-
tentment.

This is all which occurreth to me now, and the rest and much of
this you shall have from others. Our Lord Jesus direct and bless
you and all your holy actions to his greatest glory. I pray you good
Father pray for me. S. Omers this 13 of ghev 1593

Yours all euer.

H. W.

* cf. II Cor. v, 20.

f That is the youths for the Seminaries at Valladolid and Seville were to carry
the letters.

226 documents relating to November

Before I had a messenger to send this away f. Bray is returned from
Nieuport bringing with him vij c. (700) florens and an half, the half of
the [? three months . . .]. They of Gant deal not so well with us, who
should pay the other half. F. Rector desireth me again and writeth
himself to you to moue you in behalf of Mouns. Souastie for the
gouemment of Bethuine a town here hard by.

We hope to have a house very commodious and large for 2 5h by-
year at Candlemas by fa. Rectors means with a gentleman his friend.

Addressed. — ^Al Padre Roberto Personio dela Compa de Jesus.

Endorsed by Father Persons.— F. Hen. Walpole 13 Novemb. 1593
from S. omers.

Endorsed in another contemporary hand. — fa. Henry Walpoles letter
to fa. Persons of the 13 of Nov. 1593 concerning the beginning of
S. Omers Colledge, with the K's pension for 16, and with subordination
to the Walon Rector. About our hauing a College for 251 at Betuyne
by Candlemas by means of a friend ; of fa. Henry Walpoles going in
Mission to England & about fa. Persons booke of Resolution.

LXXIV.

EXAMINATION OF JOHN WHITFIELD

16 November, 1593

British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6998, f. 118.

Though endorsed as "Whitfield's examination, set down by his own
hand," this does not seem intrinsically probable. See also Strype, iv,
264-271.

The Sommer before Francis Dacre went forth of Scotland he sent
me with a letter to John Boste from the Laird of Bouingedward to
Nicholas Tempus of Stella his house, wher I should hear of the said
John Bost, ther I did meet with John Whitfeild a Recusant to whom
I was directed by Francis Dacre to goe unto for to help me to the

speach of Boste. The effect of which letter
John Whitfield is a scooul w ag j do think d as b Francis Dacre \
maister to teach young ,. ' . 111 • 1 • n

children to read and write, dld understand, both to requier his counsell
and he teacheth gentelmen what was best for hym to doe as touching his
children to play of the lute going into Spain or into Flanders first, and also

\MafTna?no^ Tofidipe') he desiered his company to have gone with
{ argxn no e y ope iffe.) ^.^ ^ ^g g^ jonn Whitfeild did answere

that John Bost did saie unto hym, that if he had knowen Francis
Dacres purpose before he had gone forth of England, he could have
gotten hym passadg from Newcastell or theraboutes in a ship that had
commed laitly out of Flanders to Flanders again before his going out
of England, also he showed me a letter sent from John Boste to
Nicholas Tempus wife, which did signifie unto her that he was gone
out of Bushobrick into the South, and that he would not retourn again
for the spaic of half a year. The said John Whitfeild is now at
Nicholas tempus house. A messadg came to Francis Dacre when he
was in Scotland that he should haisten hymself out of Scotland for
ther was no goodnesse meant hym by her Maiestie nor her counsell

1593 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 227

but delay of tyme. He knewe not from whence the messadg came,

nether the messinger, but it came from one who

3^vm?^Tnfi;nlT was of creditt both with her Maiestie and with the

was William tomhnson, .. , . . .

who had bene a servant councell, and as he thought it came from my Lord
unto Francis Dacre and Mountague or some frindes of his in the South. In
now dwelleth in Cum- the Lent before Mr. Dacre went out of Scotland

hres^haSper\kandaS he Sent me with a letteF OUt °f Scotland from

the Laird of Boinged wards his house to his
daughter Francis Dacre at Sir Robert Dormers hous in Buckingham
shire and with me one Henry Ridley a recusant who is at Thornbrough
in Northumberland at this present.

The effect of the letter was cheifly that his daughter should come
unto hym in Scotland and that he ment that she should goe with hyme
to Spain and ther to be with the duches of feria as he ment. But
mistris Dormer would not consent that his daughter should goe, but
delivered by his daughter unto me thre messadges sent as tokens from
Mistris Dormer to the duches of feria in the behalf of Francis Dacre
that she would be a help unto hym in his buusines. Which messadges
I delivered unto Francis Dacre and which when he came to the duches
of feria I was called to make recitall of the same before her grace.
The effect of these said messadgs was by a token that the envite
which the duches of feria had of her frindes she had resined it over
to her sister the Lady Hungerford ; and that envite which the Lady
Hungerford had she geven it unto her two men, one Gardiner and one
Godsole ; and also that she had sent or would send by don Francisco
maldonado y figuroa, who had bene a prisoner in England and that he
would be there before Francis Dacre could gett to Spain and make it
knowen unto the duches of feria that he was coming to Spain. The
third token was that Sir Robert Dormer had procured liberty for a man
who did belong ether to the duches of feria or to the lady hungerford
and sent hym over. [Autograph Signature] John Whitfeild.

Francis Dacre told me that before his going forth of England he
sent to John Bost for [to] have help hym with a passadg to Flanders ;
but John Bost refused to speak unto the messinger.

Endorsed. — Whitfeild. Examinacon set downe by his owne hand
16 of Nov. 1593.

Endorsed by Puckering. — about Dacres, bost, Whitfield & al. Then
follows a Summary in Puckering 's law French, beginning " Dacre myt ce
deponV &c., very hard to decipher.

LXXV.

FATHER GARNET'S REPORT ON THE MARTYRS OF

1592 and 1593
Early in 1594

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, i, n. 73, f. 149.

Father Garnet used to send Annual Letters or yearly reports to the
Father General in Rome. This is one of the few that have survived.
The paper is in several sections. What follows is the part devoted to

2 28 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

the Martyrs. The year-date is evidently 1593-4, and though the report,
which is very long, is dated at the end 17 March, the following section
may have been written earlier — at the beginning of 1594.

Magnifice Domine, Fuit turn nobis . . .

Habuimus hoc anno martyres nonnullos insignes D. Gulielmum
Pormortum Presbyterum, de quo iam antea initio anni r"ic;]92i scripsi,
qui in [urbibus, cancelled} ditione Neapolitana ac Mediolanensi varia
fortuna exagitatus, huius mundi vanitatem perspicere, atque eius illecebras
contemnere incipiens, in patriam remeare constituit, ibique pro Christo,
si ita illi placeret, vitam profundere. Quare regnum ingrediens nihil
prius duxit, quam ut cum D. Roberto quern turn Londini esse cogno-
verat amicitiam laesam quidem antea a se, ut ipse dicebat^redintegraret,
quod item in Italia prius cum nonnullis aliis e nostris hominibus fecerat,
factaque illi generali totius vitae confessione, illius in omnibus sequi
consilium nunquam destitit : donee comprehensus ac miserandum in
modum cruciatus, denique usque ad sanguinem resistere non dubitavit,
de quo plura alio anno scripsi.

Hunc secutus est D. Gulielmius [sic] ex antiquis illis Catholicorum
temporum Presbyteris, quem nihilominus morti damnarunt, quod Calvini
partibus relictis, in quibus Ministri aliquando functus erat officio,
Ecclesise Catholicae se aggregasset, atque in bigamia, quam incurrerat,
dispensationem obtinuisset.

De D. Josepho Lamptono in ipso regni ingressu comprehenso, ac
misere dilaniato, quem Carnifex insolitum illud munus exhorrens,
dissecto ventre in medio laniatu destituit alias iam litterse egerunt.

Nuperrime per litteras de alio Presbytero martyre cognovimus, cuius
nomen adhuc ignoramus apud Novum Castrum [ut opinor, cancelled},
palmam consecuto : utrum hoc ipso anno 930 an sub finem prsecedentis
nihil certi habeo. De huius morte ex ilia Provincia scribit Presbyter
quidam, eum cum crati impositus esset, nulla ratione loco dimoven
potuisse, quamvis acriter instante atque equum stimulante ac verberante
carnifice. Quam rem conspicatus Molendinarius quidam qui equum
forte ducebat, quo frumentum portare ad molendinum solitus est : —
"Sinite me,"inquit, "equum hunc trahse apponere: hie enim equus eum
pertrahet profecto usque Jericho." Factum igitur ita est. Atque equus
strenue quidem rhedam per loca lutosa atque aspera ad exiguum inter-
vallum pertrahit. Ubi autem ad viam pulcherrimam ac planissimam
ventum est, nullis verberibus cogi potuit, ut vel unum gradum faceret.
Quare pedibus martyr ad eum locum pergere coactus est, unde anima
evolaret in coelum.

In civitate Wintonensi habitis generalibus comitiis in quadragesima
anni 921, oblatus est Iudicibus laicus quidam iuvenis eiusdem civitatis
civis, cuius Pater adhuc vivit et magistratum in ea urbe iamdudum
gesserat. Is accusatur quod Recusans sit. At ille qui iam totius
decenarii spatio fere semper in carcere propter hoc videlicet crimen
fuisset, ac Londini carceres fere omnes ac flagella ipsa eo nomine

* See p. 189. It may be noticed that Pormort did not sign the declaration of
loyalty to the Fathers who governed the English College in 1586, though he was
certainly in the College at that time (Foley, vi, 507).

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 22Q

expertus fuisset, de palma ilia quam ei Dominus iam prasparabat nihil
suspicabatur. Turn Andersonus alter ex summis regni Iudicibus duo-
decim viros convocans, quorum erat de latronibus sententiam suam
ferre, ita illos allocutus est.

"Habetis hie Ioannem Birdum Recusantem. Scitis quid sibi velit
Recusans. Recusans est qui Ecclesias adire recusat : hoc nemo
recusat, nisi qui Ecclesias Romanse sit reconciliatus. Qui autem
Ecclesias Romanas reconciliatus est, perduellis ac Proditor est. Iam
scitis quid agendum vobis esse videatur."

Ergo illi post modicum secessum pronunciant Iacobum esse per-
duellem. Illud enim intelligere oportet : posse quidem hasreticos ex
lege Anglicana omnes Catholicos morti adiudicare. Nam quicunque
confitetur sacerdoti peccata sua absolvitur. Ergo absolvitur potestate
accepta a Romana Ecclesia. Atqui hoc capitale est. Solet tamen fere
(nisi ubi Dominus aliter disponit), (fol. 149^) legem illam mitius inter-
pretari, de prima ilia reconciliatione qua ab hasresi quis revertens
Ecclesias restituitur. Quod si quis asserat se reconciliatum quidem Deo
saepius esse per sacramentum Confessionis, Ecclesias autem Romanas
nunquam reconciliatum fuisse, in cuius communione et iam vivat et
semper antehac vixisset, hie reconciliationis periculum declinatur, nam
reconciliationis nomen adversarii semper inculcare solent.

Tamen quoniam Iacobus iste longo tempore Ecclesias hasreticorum
frequentasset, et postea frequentare destitisset (quamvis revera nunquam
fortasse extra Catholicam Ecclesiam fuerit, utpote qui in omnibus
quoad sciret illius fidem ac prascepta servare potuerit [sic]) placuit
Domino Iudici ita rem interpretari, ut reconciliatus omnino censeri
debuisset. Neque vero repugnavit Iacobus, sed mortis sententiam
alacri animo sustinuit. Verum cum diu dilata mors fuisset, ecce adsunt
quodam die qui hominem deferant ad supplicium. Descendit gaudio
ac voluptate repletus. Sed cum festinus accurreret nuncius, ac diceret
differendam adhuc supplicij diem esse, incredibili cum eiulatu in
cubiculum revertitur, indignum se vociferans prasmio tarn singulari.
Noluit autem militem suum Dominus tarn pio desiderio fraudari ;
quare ductus tandem ad supplicium post multam fidei ac constantias
demonstrationem mox e scalis deijeiendus : "Obsecro," (inquit),
" Domine vicecomes, quoniam huiusce urbis sum civis, unicum mini
beneficium prassta antequam moriar." "Quodnam?" inquit ille. "Ut
mihi dicas quam ob causam sim moriturus." Turn ille, "Ego," inquit,
" nescio: tu coram Iudice fuisti, mortis sententiam accepisti: quis te ipso
melius causam, ob quam damnatus es, intelligat?" "Atqui," ait alter,
"Ego minime intelligo." Turn vicecomes, "Quin age, crimen tuum
fatere, promitte te ad Ecclesiam iturum, et venia tibi a Regina
impetrabitur." " Immortales," ait Iacobus, "tibi gratias ago. Si
enim Ecclesias adiens vitas meae consulere possim, profecto hoc totus
terrarum orbis agnoscat, me nulla alia causa interfici, quam fidei ac
religionis. Hoc tantummodo volui ex te elicere. En iam libens
morior." Atque in ea voce deiectus e scala est.

Alium ibidem laicum mense Augusto martyrio donarunt. Is in
quadragesimalibus comitijs, simul cum Iacobo eadem de causa
damnatus, horrore acceptas mortis sententias perculsus adhuc coram

230 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

iudice stans, promittit Ecclesias se aditurum. Ergo Iudex cum revocare
sententiam datam non potuit, iussit tamen [eum] non occidi, ut postea
venia ei a Regina impetraretur. Ille autem ad carcerem rediens
secum reputans quod egisset, vicit tandem (forte et non sine Iacobi
exhortationibus), timore gehennse mortis horrorem ac protinus Iudicibus
iamiam ex urbe discessuris nunciari iubet pcenitere se suae timiditatis,
firmiter in animum induxisse, nihil unquam facere, quod Catholicum
non deceat. At Iudices : — "Adeone festinat ad furcam? Ne dubitet,
si ita contumax perstiterit, minime serum erit in proximis comitijs
suspendi." Et tamen cum latrones ad mortem ducendi essent, accurrit
simul ille, linteum brachio gerens, quo involvatur ad sepulturam, et
sistit se vicecomiti. Vicecomes quid vellet interrogat. Ille se ait
damnatum esse, paratumque ad mortem venire. Cui ille, "Quando te,"
inquit, "tantum suspendij desiderium tenet, scito me libentissime tibi
satisfacturum, si in mea schedula esses, verumtamen quoniam descriptus
non es, abito " Discedit ille miserabiliter flens peccatum suum,
simulque prioris vitse peccata incusat; nam in Calviniano ministerio,
Lectoris munus obierat.

Neque hunc distituit Dominus, longa enim poenitentia purgatus,
atque auctus meritorum cumulo, Augusto mense, quod avidissime
concupierat obtinuit.

Alij duo Presbyteri in carcere diem obierunt. D. Cliftonus qui post
decenij perpessa vincula, et iniurias inauditas, squalore carceris enectus,
magna cum pietatis significatione et dolore ob praecedentia delicta
concepto incredibili, mortuus in Domino est. Et D. Io: Brusfordus,
vir valde pius, qui e Societate cuius Novitius fuerat ob perpetuam
invalitudinem dimissus, eas quas habebat corporis vires, ac vitam ipsam
in Angliam rediens ex carcere diutumo pro Christo dimisit.

Haec de Martyribus. Alij fortasse nonnulli me praeterire potu-
erint. . . .

17 Martii, 1593. Magae Domis Vae Servus obsmus H. G.

[ Translation]

Most noble Sir . . . We have had this year some remarkable Martyrs.
Mr. William [Thomas] Pormort, priest [20 February, 1592], of whom I have
already written at the commencement of the year 1592, having been tried
by various changes of fortune in the kingdom of Naples and in the
Milanese, began to see through the vanities of this world and to despise
its snares, and resolved to return home, where, for Christ's sake (if He
so willed) he would spend his life. Entering this realm and learning that
Father Robert Southwell was then in London, he made it his first duty
to renew with the Father a friendship, the break in which was, he said,
his own doing (in Italy, too, he had acted similarly with some other
Fathers of ours). Having made a general confession of his whole life,
he never ceased to follow Father Robert's advice in all things, until
finally being arrested and tortured pitifully, "he did not hesitate to resist
unto blood." I wrote more about him last year.

He was followed by Mr. Williams, one of the old priests made in
Catholic times, whom they nevertheless condemned to death, because,
having abandoned the side of Calvin (for he had discharged the office of
minister among them for some time), he had joined the Catholic Church

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 23 1

and had obtained a dispensation for the impediment bigamia, which he
had incurred.*

Of Mr. Joseph Lampton [27 July, 1593], who was arrested whilst landing
in England and gruesomely mangled, my other letters have treated. The
executioner, overcome with horror at his unwonted task, abandoned it
after he had cut open his stomach, when the butchery was only half
done.

We have just heard by letter of another priest and Martyr, though we
do not know his name yet, who won his palm at Newcastle, whether
during the current year 1593, or at the end of last year, "f1 I have no
certain news. A priest of that county writes about his death : — that
when he had been laid on the hurdle, it could by no means be moved
from its station, though the executioner made vigorous efforts, now en-
couraging now beating the horse. A certain miller seeing this, as he
was leading the horse with which he usually carted his grain to the mill,
called out "Let me," says he, "harness this horse to the hurdle; it will
drag him, for sure, even to Jericho." So it was done, and the sturdy
beast drew the hurdle for a short space and over a rough and muddy
part of the road, but when it arrived at the excellent well-laid high road,
no amount of beating could make it go one step farther. The Martyr
was therefore constrained to walk on foot to the place from which his
soul took its flight to heaven. §

In the city of Winchester when the general assizes were held in the
Lent of 1592, there was set before the justices a young layman, a native
of the town, whose father had long since been in office there and was
still alive. He was now charged with being a recusant. As he had now
been almost continuously in custody full ten years for this offence, and
had become acquainted with well-nigh every prison in London, yea, and
with violence too for the same cause, he was not expecting the palm
which the Lord was preparing for him. Then Anderson, one of the two
Chief Justices of the realm, calling the jury, thus addressed them : —

"Here you have John [James] Bird, a recusant. You know what a
recusant means. A recusant is one who refuses to go to church. This
no one does except those who have been reconciled to the Church of
Rome ; but he that is reconciled to the Church of Rome is a rebel and
a traitor. Now you know what you have to do." So after a brief retire-
ment they pronounced Bird to be a traitor.

This should be kept in mind. The heretics can, according to English
law, condemn all Catholics to death, for whoever confesses to a priest is
absolved from his sins. Therefore he is absolved by power received from
the Church of Rome, and this is a capital offence. As a general rule,
however, except where the Lord disposes otherwise, the law is wont to be
interpreted more mildly of that first reconciliation, by which a convert is
restored to the church. But if a man asserts that he has often been
reconciled to God by the sacrament of confession, but never reconciled

9)c On this martyr see Persons' Responsio ad Edidum, <SrV., per D. And. Philo-
patrutn, § 376. His position in our lists of martyrs has been much obscured, probably
through confusing his name with William Patenson and William Davies, who both
suffered this year. He is generally transferred to 1588, and called Richard Williams,
where he seems to have taken the place of Symons. (See pp. 10, 12.)

^This was Edward Waterson, who suffered 7 January, 1594. So that we see
Fr. Garnet is here using the old style.

§ Challoner tells the same story from Broughtoti's Relation, Westminster
Archives, xi, App., but omits the last words, "This Jane and Dorothy Hodshone,
vertuous good Catholic gentlewomen did report unto me, that themselves did see
it." The expenses of this execution are on record (Chester Waters, Parish Registers
of England, 1883, p. 56).

232 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

to the Church of Rome, because he now lives and has always hitherto
lived in communion with it, such an one avoids the penalty of " recon-
ciliation," for the adversaries are always wont to harp on the term
" reconciliation."

Nevertheless, as this Bird had long frequented the churches of the
heretics, and afterwards ceased to frequent them (although he was perhaps
in reality never outside the Catholic Church, being one who observed so
far as he could whatever he knew of its tenets and precepts), the judge
put such an interpretation on the facts (by God's permission), that
James was sure to be considered as "reconciled." Nor did he raise
objections, but received the death sentence with ready courage. The
execution having been long delayed, one day the men arrived to lead
him to the gallows. Down he went full of joy and gaiety, when a messenger
arrived in a hurry to say that the day of execution was still postponed,
at which he went back to his cell with expressions of grief that would
hardly be believed, declaring himself unworthy of so special a crown.
The Lord, however, would not disappoint His soldier of his pious desire,
so eventually he was taken out to execution after many a proof given
of faith and constancy. Just as he was about to be thrown off the ladder,
"I beg you, Mr. Sheriff," 9aid he, "seeing that I am a native of this
city, that you would grant me one favour before I die." " What favour?"
said he. "Tell me what I am to die for." "I know not," quoth the
sheriff, "You received the death sentence in the presence of the judge.
Who can know better than you the reason for which you were condemned."
"Nay," said the other, "I don't understand it at all." Then said the
sheriff, "Come now, confess your crime. Promise to go to church, and
the Queen's pardon will be begged for you." "Right heartily do I
thank thee," quoth Bird. "If by going to the church I can save my
life, surely all the world will see this, that I am executed solely for faith
and religion and nothing else. It was just this that I wished to elicit
from you. Now I gladly die." With these words he was thrown from
the ladder [25 March, 1593].

They martyred another layman* there in the month of August. In
the Lent Assizes he was sentenced at the same time as James for the
same cause, but struck with horror at the sentence of death, he promised
the judge that he would go to church. The judge could not recall the
sentence he had given, but he ordered him not to be executed so that
he might hereafter obtain the Queen's pardon. Going back to prison
and thinking of what he had done (perhaps, too, helped by Bird's ex-
hortations), he conquered the horror of death by the fear of hell. So he at
once sent word to the justices, as they were leaving the city, to tell them
that he repented of his cowardice, and that he was resolved to do
nothing which a Catholic ought not to do. The justices' answer was,
" Is he in such a hurry for the gallows? Let him not be afraid, if he
persists^ in such contumacy he will not be too late to be hung next
assizes." Yet when the thieves were being led out to execution, he ran
up carrying a linen sheet on his arm ready for burial and presented
himself to the sheriff, who asked him what he wanted. He said he was
condemned and came ready to die. "As you are so greedy of hanging,"
replied the sheriff, "know that I would most willingly satisfy you if you
were on my list: but as your name is not written there, you must go back."
So he retired pitifully bewailing his sin and the sins of his past life, for
he had been a reader in the Calvinist ministry. Yet did not the Lord

* This was John Thomas, who is not in the official list of Martyrs (see Acts of
English Martyrs, p. 234). On Thomas Clifton, see Douay Diaries, p, 175, &c. On
John Brushford, see H. Foley, Records, iii, 276-8; vi, 149.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 233

desert him, for purged by long penance and with a large increase of
merits, in the month of August he obtained what he desired.

Two other priests have died in prison. Mr. Clifton, who after suffering
bonds for ten years and injuries unspeakable, was killed by the miseries
of his prison. He died showing great evidence of piety and of deep
grief for past sins. The second was Mr. John Brushford, a truly good
man, who had been a novice in the Society, but sent away because of
continued ill-health. Such health as he had and life too, on his return
to England, he gave up in prison for Christ's sake.

So much for the Martyrs. There may yet be others who have
escaped me.

LXXVI.

FATHER HENRY WALPOLE, S.J.

January, 1594
Archives S.J.; Anglia Historia, ii, f. 64.

Ex responsione P. Henrici Walpoli exhibita Judicibus dum in
vinculis pro fide teneretur, de seipso, suoque ex Anglia discessu,
Die mense Januarii 1594.*
Discessi ex hoc regno Angliae annis ab hinc duodecim ut liberius
alibi Deo deservirem, abunde de veritate fidei Catholicae jam antea
edoctus. Quare ad portum Novo-Castrensem memet contuli, et inde
solvens brevi in Normanniam applicui, cumque Rhotomagi et Parisiis
exiguam fecissem moram, Rhemos petii, ubi theologise moralis studio
tradidi annum unum et postea tantumdem Romae ; donee Religionem
ingressus Societatis JESU mentalibus exercitiis et humilibus mortifi-
cationis operibus ad nutum Spiritualis magistri anno uno totum me
impendi, quando contracta pectoris necnon stomachi imbecillitate
jussus sum a Praeposito generali meo P. Claudio Aquaviva, coeli
mutandi causa, in Galliam profiscisci et in Collegio nostro Mussipontano
commorari ; verum prolabente etiam illic in deterius valetudine, primo
in praedium quoddam suburbanum, mox Virodunum destinatus sum,
quo in loco, quia tyrocinium nostrum erat, ut inter novitios altero adhuc
anno degerem petii et impetravi. Hie tandem postquam convaluissem
penitus, Mussipontum remissus in Scholastica theologia duos vel tres
annos continenter impendi, et Sacros Subdiaconatus .et Diaconatus
ordines in Metensi civitate suscepi, quando jussus a Praeposito Generali
in Belgium me transferre, Parisios primo (ubi Sacerdotio initiatus fui)
mox Bruxellas profectus sum, ubi confessiones Italice, Gallice, Latine,
Anglice, et subinde etiam Hispanice excepi. Nonnunquam etiam ad
castra ministrandorum Sacramentorum causa militibus praesertim Anglis
sub Colonello Gulielmo Stanleio merentibus missus sum, et dum de
civitate in civitatem ut fit transirem, ab hostibus captus Vlissingam in
vincula abductus fui, donee elapsis quatuor vel quinque mensibus
[?] lytro memet redimere a Francisco Walsingamo Equite permissus,
persolutisque eo nomine sexcentis circiter florenis a P. Provincial!,
Bruxellas redii et officium pristinum resumpsi. Hinc Tornacum post
paulo evocatus tertium probationis annum pro more Societatis nostrae
in mentalibus exercitiis exegi, eoque elapso Brugas ire iussus Confessarii

* In MS. 158I erased, with note non puo stare, and 1594, written beneath.

234 documents relating to January

munus tarn Nostrorum de Societate quam externorum prsesertim vero
Scotorum quorundam exercui, et residuum temporis cum bibliothecas
prseterea curam gererem, privatis studiis insumpsi, verum effluxerat ibi
vix bimestre spatium cum Generalis mei nomine, procurante id P.
Personio, iubeor in Hispanias profiscisci, quare navigationem commodam
Caleti post trimestrem expectationem nactus Hispalim tandem appuli,
ibique primo in Collegio Societatis mox in Seminario Anglicano
aliquantisper haesi. Translatus inde ad Seminarium Anglicanum Valli-
soletanum officio Ministri (prout in Societate vocamus secundum a
Rectore) per sex circiter menses functus sum, donee Madritum missus
cum P. Personii Uteris commendatitiis ad procurandum diploma regium
pro erectione novi Seminarii Audomarensis in Belgio, ibi id negotium
aliquandiu tractavi, et illius occasione cum Secretariis sta[?tus] aliisque
viris primariis saepe egi, et denique votorum compos factus ad ipsum
Regem gratiarum agendarum causa accedere permissus fui. Hinc
statim in Belgium remeavi, et eiusdem Gubernatori diploma a Rege
tradidi et ut executioni res mandaretur aliquantisper solicitatorem egi.
Denique eo ex sententia confecto reditum in patriam institui, et Deo
volente appuli.

[ Translation]

From the answer of Father Henry Walpole to his judges whilst
he was in bonds for the faith. Concerning himself, his leaving
England, &c. January, 1594.

1 departed from this realm twelve years ago, in order that I might
serve God elsewhere with greater liberty, being already fully informed of
the truth of the Catholic Faith. I therefore betook myself to the port of
Newcastle, and sailing thence soon landed in Normandy. After I had
made a short stay at Rouen and Paris, I went to Rheims where I spent
one year in the study of Moral Theology, and afterwards as much at
Rome, until I entered the order of the Society of Jesus, and devoted
myself for a whole year to spiritual exercises and humble works of
mortification, at the bidding of a master of Spirit. Then having an
ailment of the chest and stomach, I was ordered by my General, Father
Claudius Aquaviva, to go into France for change of air and to stay at
our college of Pont-a-Musson.

But even there my health continued to decline ; and I was sent first to
a neighbouring farm near the town, then to Verdun. As there was a
novitiate of ours there, I asked and obtained the favour of passing
another year among the novices. Having finally grown quite strong
again here, I was sent to Pont-a-Musson for Scholastic Theology, in
which I spent two or three years continuously, and received the sacred
sub-diaconate and diaconate in the town of Metz.

Then I was ordered by our General to go to Belgium, and went first
to Paris, where I was ordained priest, and immediately afterwards to
Brussels, where I heard confessions in Italian, French, Latin, English,
and occasionally also in Spanish. Sometimes I was sent to the camp to
administer the sacraments to the soldiers, especially to the English serving
under Colonel William Stanley. Whilst I was passing from town to
town, I was captured by the enemy at Flushing and led off in bonds,
until four or five months later I was allowed by Sir Francis Walsingham,
knight, to ransom myself, and about six hundred florins were paid for
that purpose by Father Provincial. I returned to Brussels and resumed
my old work.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 235

From thence I was summoned before long- to Tournay, and passed
the third year of probation according to the custom of our Society in
spiritual exercises. When it was over I was ordered to go to Brussels
to discharge the office of confessor, both for ours of the Society as also
for externs, especially for certain Scots, and the rest of my time I passed
in private study, having the charge of the library. But two months'
space had hardly passed when, in the General's name, by the arrange-
ment of Father Persons, I was bidden to start for Spain. So having
found a convenient passage at Calais after three months' waiting, I finally
reached Seville, and there I stayed a short while first in the college of
the Society then in the English Seminary. Moved thence to the English
Seminary at Valladolid, I discharged the office of Minister (so do we call
in the Society the second below the Rector) for about six months. At
last I was sent to Madrid, with introductions from Father Persons to
procure the King's charter for the erection of the new Seminary of
St. Omers, in Belgium. I looked after that business for some time, and
frequently treated with the Secretary of State and other principal persons.
Finally, having obtained what I desired, I was permitted to see the King
himself to return him thanks. Thence I immediately returned to Belgium,
and handed to the Governor of that country the royal charter, and for
some time solicited its execution. Finally, when this had been satisfac-
torily settled, I set out on my return to my country, and with God's blessing
reached the land.

LXXVII.

TOPCLIFFE TO SIR JOHN PUCKERING

25 January, 1594

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxlvii, n.21.

Notwithstanding the tone of triumph which Topcliffe assumes, and the
Earl of Huntingdon's "leaping for joy," the capture of the Walpoles and
of their letters, and the confessions of the younger brother, led to no great
"benefit to her Majesty in state and purse''' We are not, in fact, able to
trace any calamity to the Catholics from the inglorious confessions, of
which we shall hear in the following papers, though some ill consequences
there will probably have been. Ere the next year was out, Topcliffe himself
would be in disgrace and the Earl of Huntingdon dead.

Right honorable. I know not my good Lorde, whether my Lorde
President of the North have signefyed unto your Lordships and the
residew of her Majestie's Preevie Counsell owr proceedings with those
: 3 : persons tayken at there arryvaile at Flambroughe or not. Father
Wallpoole ye preest Jhezewit, a younge man his brother a soldyor
under Stanley, & Lyngen a soldyer under him also. Butt for many
convenient regards I thought my dewty that her Maiestie maye (by
your Lordship) have some inkeling by your Lordship (to whome her
Highness cheefny referred mee in this my travell) to signefye how farre
wee have digged into the hartts of two of those unnaturall trators the
Jhezewit preest and Lingen. By the incredible toyle day and night of
ye Lorde President him selfe, for his Lordshipp in wisdome fyndinge
the 3de personn a younge man of a mylde dispocytion, and not so fare
gyven over in ye poyntz of cyvell honestye as the other too ye Jhezewit
and Lyngen, his Lordshipp applyed him him selfe with godly
persuacion himself & f day and night, and then applyed him with ye

236 documents relating to January

labor of his chaplain, Mr Doctor Favor, a very mylde devyne well
knowen to my Lorde of Buckhurst. That after the younge man
Wallpoole once hadd grace to know what offence he hadd commytted
to God in his disobedience & runninge to her [? foes] to serve them,
to serve his Idolatroos hewmors. Then all trewthe, secretts, and
matters even ageinst himself, & ye other too ye Jhezewit and Lyngen
flowed from him as fast as his Lordship culde or can imadgen
questyons, lyke & more yen lyke to proove very greatly to do her
Maiestie highe service, thus mutche beinge fawllen out from him
alreddye.

Fyrst, the Jhezewit and Lingen bee so farre gyven over in Poperye,
and so therby bownde to disloyaltye that they wold nether of them utter
or confesse any one letter eather delyvered [to] them, or brought over by
eather of them, or by younge Wallpoole, or one cipher, marke, noate,
toaken, dyrection or message for any purpose, But Salutacions by worde
of mowthe from one frinde to another. The Jhezewit avowed so, and
Lingen upon yr conciens. But after my Lord hadd so paynfully
labored younge Wallpoole But younge Wallpoole, the fyrst tyme he
was examyned before mee with a good concyence (as wee might well
The very originalls iudge) confessed that his brother the Jhezewit did
his Lo. will send delyver to him to keepe vj smale pieces of parch-
by mee they bee ment wrytten upon, lyke to theis fyxed in the
not fitt to bee hazard- margent, and a packett of lettres and directions
ed. Nor the lettres. seemjnge to bee about xij, and iij parchments to
Lyngen. The parchments bee cutt in halffs that whosoever hereafter
should flye over with theis noats to Dunkyrk havinge ij of them, or to
Newport havinge j of the greatest, he should be receved, and any
thinge that he should bringe with him to ether of those places or any
person yb shoulde cume with hym, without daindger stopp or losse.
?f£^> He furder confessed yt besids those xij letters delyvered to
^^ him by his brother the Jhezewit, the Jhezewit did at Dunkyrk
in his chamber before him reade to hym self (ye Jhezewit) iiijer or v
other letters and burned them, and one letter ye Jhezewit pulled in
peecees, but still desperaytly (lyke devylls of nether faythe loyaltie or
honesty) the Jhezewit and Lyngen denyed any suche, thoughe broade
speche were revealled to them to trye ther desperayt spyrets.

Herupon ye Lord president sent younge Lingen and ye Jhezewit
severyd [i.e. severally] to rest, and younge Wallpoole, to prove his
honesty, his Lordship sent well garded to the sea syde, to see if he
culde fynde ye place where he hadd with his dagger cutt upp a sodd
very neare a fyr bushe, and buried his xij lettres as ye Jhezewit had
dyrected him. And by ye younge Wallpoole a trusty servant of my
Lordes was brought to ye sodd, & ye servant tooke upp the bundell
all wyett with rayne, and brought them home to Yorke to his
Lordship, whiche mayde him leape for joye.

Presentlye his Lordship delyveryd them to mee, and before a fyer
his Lordship and I so tenderly handelyd the same that we unfolded
xxij lettres and dyrections, which were every one in all those xxij not
one tyttill blemyshed.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 237

And before younge Wallpoole did go yl iorney for

?dvv^redSm? to ^ letters' he honestly for Ye fYrst prooffe delyvered
ajl. to my Lorde the vj lavells or preevie marks above

fyxed.

By this your Lordship may shewe unto her Sacredd Maiestie how
God blesseth her Highness with the utteringe of that whiche I see will
turne to Her Highness's service for discovery of disloyall men and
women both about London in sundre cuntres in England and deepely
in Irland, and her Maiestie shall see what a toyllinge Lorde President
can do by day and night's labors in this, wherof I am an eye wytness
and not one of this counsell. After his Lordeship had gotten this
light he glanced at this Jhezewit so that he confessed ixen of those
Lavells or parchment marks whereof vj delivered to his brother ye
yoinge man, and iij delivered to Lyngen, which Lyngen yet shaymefull
and tratorlyke deniethe lyke an Atheist.

Now hathe his Lordship digged out of that hollowe harted
Jhezewit that the intent of the use of those parchments was (as his
brother confessed honestly before his goinge and finding them) for
any to passe that hadd them.

7j^|p Ther also is fownde about the Jhezewit a bracelett of

Theis I brinrre gow"lde flagon fashion & upon the loop a cypher or
upp to Her ' mark of armes that will bewray the sender in Spaygne
Maiestie or in the Low Cuntries & to whome it was sent in

aIso- despight of the Jhezewit.

A ringe with a seale of armes theron ingraven fayre ancyent coatts
(if not disperdged* with treachery to the sovereigne of the owner),
that cannot bee hidden, for I will proove a harreld.

A weddinge ringe the Jhezewit is trusted with, for freares and
Jhezewits bee farre and deeply trusted by Catholike Popyshe women.
Theis must bee Muche more lyethe hydden in theis tow lewde
gotten by persons, the Jhezewit and Lyngen, whiche wytt of

Her Ma1?'5 man gevethe occacion to bee suspected that labor of

power & man vvithowt further auctorytie and conference then

wisdomes n*s Lordeshipp hathe here can never bee digged out.

And therfore, as it is most honorrable for her Maiestie's
fayme yt theis [thinges] whiche thus hathe beene gotten owt by his
Lordeshipp with fayre counsell and labor and conversyon of the
sowle and body of young Wallpoole ; so the Jhezewit and Lyngen
must be dealt with in some sharpe sort above, and more will burst
out then yett, or otherwise can bee knowen. Yett see I more in this
servyce then ever I did in any before to her Maiestie's benefyet bothe
of stayt and pursse ; and so I beseche your Lordship to shewe to her
Maiestie [?and] that the woorst affected subiectts in the Northe gaze
and [looke] after the iustice and doings of her Maiestie, and the Lord
President] syttinge in her seat as her iustice, the countenancinge of
whome in this and lyke services in theis partts will make trators
appaulled. And so must I say, with all trewethe and hewmilytee to

* Disperge. See Murray's Dictionary, iii, 476, under " disparage," § 3, meaning
" to lower in position or dignity."

238 documents relating to February

Her Maiestie at my returne, when she shall vowchesayffe to heare mee,
or els I shall not dischardge the oathe I nave avowed to Her Maiestie,
nor the dewty of a trewe Englisheman and so wearyenge your
Lordeshipp with my tedyoosnes, but so muche the playnere, whiche
yow may abridge at your pleasor, I ende with all dewty At Yorke where
I will see a little furder the 25 of Januarye 1593.

Your Lordeshipps ever at commandement
Rye. Topclyffe.

Postscript. His Lordeship is not previe hereunto. My Lorde
presedent still laborethe yoinge Wallpoole and gettithe contynawallye
as ye yoinge man can remember. About the end of this terme I
shall wayt upon your Lordeship. Before which tyme I hoape her
Maiestie will commande for ye Jhezewit and Lyngen to bee sent for
upp, for to utter y* woorthe knowinge, for great is the opynyon emongs
all papists here of Wallpoole ye Jhezewit.

Addressed.— To the Right Honorable Sr Jhon Puckeringe Knight
Lorde Keeper of the great Seale of Englande.

Endorsed by Puckering. — Walpole & Lyngen from Mr. Topliffe.
Walpole overtoke Caihill at Cales [& au emp al Docu de t rom &z
comend t fact & al entend il ne fera conq p t doblet il au' serve que
Je change Doblets une luy. Reading doubtful i\

Attached by threads are three slips of parchment —

On one is written. — of this is wryten a spanyshe sentence hard to
bee perceved but by the fellow.

On the second. — of this ioyned with ye other another nayme.

On the third. — of the originall of this is wrytten a nayme, joyned
with the others.

LXXVIII.

THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON TO LORD BURGHLEY,

YORK

n February, 1594
British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6996, ^.34, f. 66.

These are to advertise your lordship that before the receipte of her
Maiesties commission and letters for the border causes I had appointed
to be at Durham for a gaoll deliverie and other causes and when I
came thither I caused indictments to be drawen against sundrie
Recusants, and some of those which had receaved Boaste, and com-
forted other Seminaries in that countie, as by examinacions taken was
apparent ; amongest which the ladie Margarett Nevile was one, whom
my self and others thought it noe waie fytte to omitte and [to] deale
with the rest. Therefore thus farre she hathe bin proceaded against,
firste she was indyted, then called to the barre and arraigned, where with
great humilitie appon hir knees she confessed the indytment, and
desired hir Maiestie's mercie ; the others did not soe, but putt them-
selves to the countrey, whereof Grace Claxton of the Waterhouse was
one, and she was found guiltie as another meane man was. They
all have iudgement of deathe, but because the execucion (as your L.
doth knowe) is to be hanged, I thoughte fytte to reprive the Ladie, till
hir maiestie were made acquainted with the cause ; and for the others,

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 239

when I departed for the border causes to Newcastell, I lefte order with
the Sheriff to execute them, with the reste that had iudgement of
deathe. But the next daie beinge Sondaie, a peticion was brought me
to Newcastell, in which the saied Grace Claxton desiered to be reprived,
alledginge herself to be with child, my answere was, that if it were soe
she had loste the benefitt thereof, because she did not require it before
iudgment, and yeat I sente unto the Sheriff to staie the execucion of
the prisoners till my retourne to Durham^ and at my cominge thither,
thoughe my firste answere was agreable to lawe, yeat to stoppe the
mouthes of those that inclyne allwaies falselie to slaunder the mercie
and iustice of this happie and graciouse government, I willed the
Sheriff to make choise of some viij or more grave woemen, to goe to
hir, and in that morninge after they had viewed hir, to bringe me their
answere, which was done accordinglie, and their opinion was this that
they thought she was with childe, for which cause she is alsoe reprived,
and the man named Speede with the reste of the felons was executed.
I have thought fytte to acquainte your Lordship with the proceadings in
this cause, and soe for this tyme take my leave, and commit your
Lordship to the mercifull proteccion of the allmightie. From York this
xjth of Februarie 1593. Your Lp's moste assured

H. Huntyngdon.

Thys was forgotten to be put in ye last pakkytte.

Addressed. — To the Right honorable my verie good Lord the lord
Treasorer of England.

LXXIX.

THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON TO SIR JOHN PUCKERING

12 February, 1594
British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6996, n. 35, f. 68.

My good Lord. — I had appointed lonnge sithens for a gaoll deliverie
and some other causes to be at Durham the xxxth of the laste moneth,
and the daie before I should take my journey your Lps letter dated the
xxiijth with hir Maiesties letter and commission was brought to me
which made me to goe a little further then I was determyned to have
done, to sett forward the service by them commaunded, whereof I
neede here to write no more, because my lettres written to my Lords
will come to your Lordships viewe. I have noe *doubte but afore
this time, Mr Topcliffe hathe waited on hir Maiestie, and after bin with
your Lordship.*

Sithens his departure, I have not delte ether with Walpole the Jesuite
or with Lingen, because I have bin absent ; but by that I heare of their
kepers synce my retourne they remayne the same men I did leave
them. And for the Seminarie which was sente from Barwick, I finde
hym still to be bothe moste close, obstinate and resolute, but I thinke I
maie boldelie affirme that he is an Englisheman borne, and noe Scotte,
thoughe himself saieth otherwise. I cannot hitherto learne his right
name, and I fynde nowe, that it is doubted his name is not Bourne, as
it is most certeine that it is not Oglebie. But with Scotland he is

if. From here to end of paragraph scored in MS.

240 documents relating to February

greatlie acquainted, and amongest others speciallie with the Earle of
Huntley, with whom (as to me it is verie constantlie affirmed) he hathe
bin for tho moste parte of one yeare and a half, and soe greate is the
reputacion of him with the Arch-papists of Scotland and some others,
that if money wold redeeme hym, he should not longe continewe
prisoner, and I have bin tolde that if the time of his sending from
Barwick had bin knowen, some wold have adventured to reskewe him,
before he had passed Northumberland, a matter which I had cause to
doubte of, and therefore I sente a man to mr. Carey expressely to send
him awaie well garded on the soddaine, which [? was] well performed.

*I thinke I shall shortelie be hable to advertise at whose house,
and with whom he hathe bin in the Southe, as I doe allready partlie
know, some places and persons where and with whom he hathe bin in
Northumberland when I have gotten hereof* more certeintie, I wishe
rather that I might be licensed to bringe him to London, then com-
maunded to sende him, for I doe greatlie desire to see hir Maiestie, and
saie somewhat to herself, which I will not write, and that done, if my
service here be requisyte, I will appon tooe daies warninge retourne
againe, thoughe I could be contented to stay there a moneth or sixe
weekes this springe tyme. I make bold to write of this to your
Lordship, because by your lettre I perceave your Lordship did see my
wif in the courte, and that she tolde you she hoped shortelie to see
me there [which is more then from hir I can learn, cancelled}

But to returne to this Seminarie, I thinke till he come to the Tower,
he will not speake Englishe, soe rightelie as he canne and should doe.

Thus takeinge my leave I commit your Lordship to the mercifull
proteccion of the Allmightie.

From York this xijth of February 1593.
Your Lps assured poore frend
H. Huntyngdon.

I doo advertise thease thyngs to your Lordship onelye. Because
Mr. Topclyffe dyd tell me (as I remember) that hyr Majesty dyrected
hym to your Lp for ye lyke causys.

Addressed. — To the Right Honorable my verie good Lord the Lord
Keper give theese.

Endorsed. — 22 Feb. 1593. My L. of Huntingdon about the Jesuyte
taken at Barwyk.

Note by Harley.— "Bought of Mr Baker."

LXXX.

THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON TO LORD BURGHLEY

23 February, 1594
British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6996, f. 72.

I am right glad to understand that your Lordship hath soe well
recovered your health, for soe I gather by the letter and pacquett, dated
at Hampton Courte and signed by your Lordship, which I receaved on
the xxjth of this instant. The contents whereof (God willing) I will

>|c Scored in the margin.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 24 1

endevoure to performe effectually, as the weight of the matter moste
justelie requireth.

Immediatelie uppon the takeinge of Walpole the Jesuit, and them
that came with him, I did take order, all alonnge the coaste from
Humber to Tweede for care to be had of the persons that should come
in or desire to passe furthe of the realme. But nowe appon thes letters
and instruccions receaved from my Lords, I shall give better direccions.

Upon Mondaie next the Jesuit Walpole and his brother shalbe sent
towardes London, and before they goe I will examin them bothe againe,
which I shall send with all thexaminacions and papers that be here
remayninge. But I think Mr. Topcliff had all with him, or the true
coppies, whoe I hope is come to the Court longe before nowe, and then
your Lordship dothe understand what Thos. Wallpole hathe done, whoe
in my opinion will hide nothing that he canne tell, and he hath by his
lettres, which I have licensed him to send unto his brother the Jesuit
moste earnestlie sollicited him to doe the like. But Lingen is of
another stampe, he will answere to nothing directlie but continueth in
like obstinacie, as he was at mr Topcliffe his beinge here. I doe meane
to trie him once again, before the Jesuit be sent awaie, because I will
see what he will confesse especially of the Seminarie, that was taken at
Norham, a man full freighted (as I coniecture) with manie shrewde
practises ageinste her Maiestie by them that sent him into Scotland,
whether it seemeth he was directed, and nowe at the laste he is come
this farre that he confesseth himself to be an Englishman, soe the name
of Oglebie is loste and the name of Bourne allsoe. whereof I certified
your Lordship, for he had tooe other names in the Englishe Colledg at
Rome, the one Johannes Messinghamus the other Johannes Ingrahamus,
and I thinke your L. in perusall of that Kalendar, which you have (I
doubte not) of all gents in this lande, will fynde his right name to be
Ingram, if in the counties of Worcester or Hereford, there be anie suche
name of note; But whatsoever he be for his birth in gentrie, he is
Englishe and not Scottishe borne, this I maie affirme, for soe he
confesseth, and I thinke he will not saie muche more that is fitt her
Maiestie should knowe by him untill he see or feele the racke. Yeat _ I
will trie him still everie waie that I canne, and keape him, as I doe, in
safetie here, for to the Castell I dare not send him. Thus takeinge
my leave I commit your Lordship to the mercifull proteccion of the
allmightie. From Yorke this xxiijth of Februarie 1593

Your Lordships moste assured
H. Huntyngdon.

Addressed. — To the right honorable my verie good lord the lord
Treasurer of England.

LXXXI.
THE EARL OF HUNTINGDON TO SIR JOHN PUCKERING

8 March, 1594
British Museum, Harleian MSS., 6996, n. 40, f. 78.

These are to advertise your Lordship, that synce the receipte of
your Lordships lettres I have travailed with the Seminarie called

242 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

Oglebie, bothe by streight examination and gentle persuacion, sometimes
myself alone, and sometimes assisted with some of this counsaill,
with whom I could not prevaile in anie matter to anie purpose, suche
was his obstinacie and wilfullnes, until by that good happe (which God
giveth unto all service for hir Maiestie) I had some light given to me
by them, of whom touchinge him I never did ask anie question, that
they could satisfie me in. For of Oglebie which he allwaies
confidentlie saied to be his name, or of Bourne which I certified was
his name, according to the information given me, I could not learne
anie thinge nether of Wallpole the Jhesuit, nor of his brother Thomas
Wallpole, nor of Lingen, nether coulde the tooe Seminaries Hardestie
and Maior tell me anie thinge of him, which were bothe then here
in this house. But callinge one daie for Thomas Wallpole to take
some examination of him, it was his happe to meete this Seminarie,
goeinge from me, and when he came before me, he tolde me of himself
that he had seene this man bothe in Bruxells and in Antwerpe, or one
verie like to him. I did streightwaie send for the Seminarie ageine,
and made Walpole to stande where he might viewe him well : which
done I badde him in writinge to sett downe all his knowledge of him,
which he did ; and I have nowe sent it to my Lords with the Seminarie
his owne confession, and another of Lingen's, whom I take to be a man
as badlie affected to hir Maiestie and this state, as the worste of his
companie. I hope it shall not be disliked, that I have at this tyme
sente this Seminarie before I had anie direction for it. But in parte
that which your Lordship did write in your laste lettre hathe emboldened
me to doe soe, and partlie because I thinke nowe he is discovered to be
an Englisheman, the feare of torture with suche other good courses, as
maie there be taken with him, will gett more from him then here I
should obteyne. And to this gaoll I durste not send him, for that I did
heare verie confidentlie of some liberall offers made for his enlargement,
before he came from Barwick, which moved me to thinke him more fytte
for the Towre, where he might be in more safetie, and better syfted then
here he could be. Thus ceasing anie further to trouble your Lordship,
I commit the same to the mercifull proteccion of the Allmightie.
From York this viijth of Marche 1593.

Your Lps assured poore frend
H. Huntyngdon.

LXXXII.

EVIDENCE AGAINST INGRAM

14 March, 1594

Record Office, Dotn. Eliz., ccxlviii, n. 24, a lawyer's notes from papers
now lost.

A further clue to Ingram's doings in Scotland, of which so little is
known, may be found in the examination of Robert Barrowes alias
Walgrave, 21 March, 1594 [ibid., n. 41).

" Ffather Gordon and ffather Creighton, Scottishe Jesuites, would
have persuaded him to goe with them to Scotland, and that Creighton
would write to a nobleman to entertayne this examinate, and that he
should goe to the Abbatt of Dumffrese, where Ingram the priest is already
(as they said), but this examinate would not be ruled by them."

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 243

Somewhat later than this, on the 12th of August, Edmund Yorke
stated that he had met Ingram at Abbeville, had gone with him into
Flanders, and had there been reconciled by Father Holt {ibid., ccxlix,
7t. 63). No date is given, but it would seem that the time must have been
before Ingram went to Scotland.

Confessyd by Thomas Walpoole and by John Ingram (viua voce)
That Ingram ys a priest made priest by the vecegerent of ye Pope

at Roome about iij yers synce ; and was of thengleshe colledg in Roome.

And he hath sayd masse in the secret chappell of ye Jesuyts in Bruxels.

And hathe bene in seculer apparell in Antwerpe, and hathe also sayd

masse in the Carthusyans in Antwerpe.

Confessyd by Thomas Walpole
That he hard Mr Bruce a scott gent resydent most at Bruxels talking
of him with with father Holt, talking of hym, namyng him by name of
Ingram, saying y* he had wrytten ynto Scotland concernyng him, &
gyven him dyrection where to kepe.

Confessyd by Lingen examination
Y* Ingram ys his mother's brother. Y* he thinks him to be a preest.
Y* he hathe seen hym in the Jesuyts house in Brussels ij yers ago. He
hathe seen hym also in Antwerp. Y* Ingram was borne in hereford-
shyer or warwickshyer (Ingram sayeth in herefordshyer).

Ingrams owne confession

Y* he was borne at Stoke in herefordshyer. His name ys not
Oglebye (as formerlye he stode vpon), nor Maxfeld alias Messengamus.
He was brought vp in thenglishe seminarye at Roome. Was made preest
at Roome. He ther contynued whilest Alphonsus was rector, and after
him father Holt, & of other for vj yeres & somewhat more.

That he came from beyond sea fyrst into Scotland, but will not
confesse ye port or place where he landed ; but y* yt was betwene Lethe
& Dunbarre. He was in Scotland a yere & a halfe.

That he was sent by his superior into Scotland, had fiftee crownes
for his viaticum. He will not tell his superior's name. He was sent
after thordinarye manner to do ye offyce of a priest. He refusethe to
submyt him selfe according to ye statute.

Being asked if he will take her mal>'s parte against ye pope, he
sayethe it ys a future contingent, & knowethe not what he shold do, &
hathe answeryd this question in his former examination, but y* was as
he sayeth with sylence.

He will not tell with whom, in whose houses, or in what place of
Scotland he hathe bene.

Being told yt he ought to tell the truthe (being asked) to his
neeyghbour, much more to his prynce. And for these in Scotland he
may safely tell, for if he haue bene with ye Q.'s frends yt ys no harme ;
he may safelye tell yt. If with her enemyes he ought to tell yt. He
answereth, truthe ys not to be told at all tymes, and yt ys a poynt of
honestye not to disclose any, where harme may come to them, & yet
will not tell of any harme any person can receaue by this.

Endorsed.— 14 Martij 1593. Touching Ingram ye preest yl came
out of Scotland.

244 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO March

LXXXIII.

RICHARD YOUNG TO SIR ROBERT CECIL

15 March, 1594
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxlviii, n. 29.

Righte Honourable myne humble commendations remembred, yt
may please your honoure to bee advertised, that although I wrote
generally concerninge John Davis, not knowinge any particuler cause
wherein he was touched, yet in that matter of Allfield, I doe knowe
especially that his diligence, travaile and fidelitie, was very greate, and
by his industrie and paynes hee was taken, & the intelligence geven by
him, I have therefore, accordinge to your honours direccion, taken
bondes of him, with suerties for his apparance within xx dayes after
warninge geven at Blackhalters house in Dartmouthe. He allso tooke
Allneld's bookes in the west countrey, which were very seditious and
evill and sente them up unto mee. And so I humbly take my leave,
beseechinge allmightie God to blesse you with healthe and muche
encrease of honour. London this xvth of Marche 1593.

Your honours ready to bee commaunded
Rye young.

Addressed. — To the Right honourable Sir Robert Cecill Knighte one
of her Maiesties moste honourable Prevy Counsell.

Endorsed. — 15 Marche 1593. Justice Young to my Mr concerning
Davies.

LXXXIV.

PAYMENTS BY THE TREASURER OF THE CHAMBER

17 March, 1594
Record Office, Pipe Office, Declared Accounts, 542, roll 195.

To George Bigge and Richard Kinsley two of the ordinary
yeomen of her Majestys chamber upon the council's warrant dated at
Hampton court xvijmo die Martii 1593 for their travail and expences in
conveying the person of John Boast prisoner from Windsor castle to
the Tower of London with post horses & guides xl s.

To Richard Pollard gent, servant to the Lord President of the
North upon the Councils Warrant dated at Hampton Court xvijmo
Martii 1593 for his charges and iiijor more of his lordships servants in
bringing up the persons of John Ingram a Seminary Priest and Thomas
Walpole gent, from York to London, and for the hire of vij post horses
and their charges back again xxiijH.

LXXXV.

TEN EXAMINATIONS OF HENRY WALPOLE

27 April to 17 June, 1594

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxlviii, nn. 78, 91, 112 ; ccxlix, nn. 4, 12,
13, 14, 16, 44, 45. Nos. v, vi, ix, x, are in Walpole's own hand; Nos. i,
iv, vii, viii, x, are endorsed "Walpole/' in Sir Edward Coke's hand.

The confessions of Father Walpole are more ample than those of
any other of our Martyrs, and though they begin admirably, they end

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 245

sadly. Though they are upon the whole extremely clear, their conclusion
is somewhat mysterious, both as to the extent of the future Martyr's
waverings, and also as to the reason for his instability.

Walpole, as has appeared from the letters already printed, was not
one of those silent dogged characters, who were by nature best adapted
(so far as human nature can adapt itself to such unnatural conflicts) to
withstand the ordeal of torture. He was affectionate, effusive, facile of
speech, weak in constitution, and came to the combat depressed by the
cowardice of his brother. That he suffered torture in the Tower is
certain for many reasons. Three will suffice. In the first place he was
sent there for that very purpose. In the second we have Father Holtby's
letter, reporting the evidence of a prisoner who had heard from the Martyr's
own lips, " that he was diverse tymes (my frende thinks 6 or 7) upon a
torture (I thinke by his description somewhat like that of F. Southwells)
by which means bothe his thums were lamed, so that he had not the use
of them. He was not uppon the racke . . . Beside his praiers much
parte of the night he spent in making verses wherof I send you a copie
so far as he went until! his deathe. My frend, whoe telleth me this,
hath his owne copie in Yorkshire, which is so ill writt (by defect of his
thums) that he had verie much adoe to reade it, though I thinke ac-
quainted with his hand " ( Jessopp, One Generation of a Norfolk House,
1878, p. 253. The torture "like that of Father Southwell's," will have
been that of the gauntlets, of which Father Gerard has left us so vivid
a description, Life, pp. 235-249).

Thirdly, Gerard's evidence may also be quoted here. "He was frequently
tortured, to the number, as I have heard of fourteen times . . . and I can
well believe it . . . for he lost through it the proper use of his fingers.
This I can vouch for from the following circumstances . . . He had a
discussion with some ministers which he wrote out with his own hand.
A part of this writing was given to me, together with some meditations
on the Passion of Christ, which he had written in prison before his own
passion. These writings, however, I could scarcely read at all, not because
they were written hastily, but because the hand of the writer could not
form the letters. It seemed more like the first attempts of a child, than
the handwriting of a scholar and a gentleman such as he was" (J. Morris,
Life of Father John Gerard, 1881. P- 233).

The question, therefore, is whether the unworthy concessions found in
Walpole's answers were due to bodily torture, and there is this reason
for doubting it, that the handwriting is by no means so deformed as it
is reported to have become after the conclusion of the torture.

But though it is quite plain that these examinations were written
before the handwriting was utterly deformed, it may be that a certain
change in the handwriting indicates the commencement of the torture.
When I first inspected the manuscripts I was of opinion that it did,
though now I should be inclined to leave it as an open question. What
makes me cautious is the remarkable uniformity of the signatures all
through. So uniform are they (with but few exceptions), though the body
of the paper be written with a thick or a thin pen, whether hurriedly or
carefully, that it might seem that he had perhaps signed several of
them at one time, and that a later time. It may also be that the
change in the handwriting, the curtailment of the free and graceful
curves in which his pen used to delight in times of liberty, is due to
haste, bad light, defective writing accommodation, or even to mere de-
pression, grief, or fear.

Judging from the handwriting, therefore, we cannot with certainty
affirm that his answers were drawn from him by the pressure of bodily
torture. That he had already suffered somewhat is most likely, but the
chief cause for his change of face was probably moral pressure— dread
of future torments, weakness, depression, helplessness, confusion.

246 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

Next we ask ourselves what is the precise significance of the points
on which he yielded. At first blush the matters seem very considerable.
He says he will "never again return to Popery" (p. 258), he "does not
refuse to go to church," and there will even preach and publicly allow
the Queen "as much jurisdiction in temporal and spirituall persons
and causes, as I can perceyve the learned of both the Universityes do
ajree vppon " (p. 266). To say the least of it, propositions like these
are decidedly male sonantes, and involve principles fatal to Catholicism.

But then there are also other assertions which, in the eyes of his
examiners, would quite outweigh his concessions. Having said that he
will never return to "Popery," he seems elsewhere to explain that he
means "the ambition of the Popes, and their unjust usurpation over
princes." Finally he declares that his intention has ever been "without
prejudice of the Catholike faith, which I ever profess" (pp. 257, 266, 268),
and " Her majesty," he says, is " peerless, religion excepted." At p. 267
he says, "If I had talked with my Superiors, I could have affirmed more
undoubtedly." So he is reserving the last word for religious obedience.
Phrases of this sort do not of course excuse the ill-sounding pro-
positions, but they give us clearly to understand that his unfortunate
concessions are, at least, not to be taken as final statements of his
mind.

It is noteworthy that while Topcliffe has carefully noted in the margin
the matters which seemed to him important for further inquiry, Walpole's
promises of conformity and the like are hardly noticed. Less so than
appears from the printed page, for I have not been able to note all the
scratches and scores in the margin against the matters which did interest
Topcliffe. Nor was it needful to do so, as he also expressed his mind
more clearly in marginal notes. There are no notes on the vacillations,
only two of them are underlined. What the prosecution presumably
desired when they saw him wavering, was absolutely to upset him, and to
make him say what they liked about the sham plots of Lopez, or Cahil,
or Annias, or to make him betray Catholics of position. On these points
he was firm, even firmer, it would seem, than appears at first sight. For,
as Dr. Jessopp assures us, the apparent frankness in confessing names
is not at all so serious as it might appear, most of those whom he named
being already well known to the government. In fact he had been so
short a while in England, that he could hardly have betrayed many even
if the temptation to do so had been overwhelming.

After the last of these examinations the fate of our Martyr is lost
in absolute darkness, until he was brought to York for his trial, so
crippled by torture, as we have heard, that his writing was altogether
deformed. He then disputed, in the opinion of his Catholic auditors
victoriously, in favour of the Primacy of the Pope, and on the scaffold
almost his last word was a denial of Elizabeth's ecclesiastical supremacy.
The final confession of faith, therefore, leaves no room for doubt either
as to its sincerity or as to its significance.

(i)
(f. 224) At the Tower. The Examination of henry Walpole

f Jesuite taken the xxvijth daye of

g* Aprill 1594.

A. He sayth that he landed, at his last cominge from beyonde sea,
at flamboroughe in the countie of Yorke, about a fortnight before

* These refer to the sections marked F. G. below, and shows that these two are
taken as the most serious.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 247

chrifsmas last and came thenc from Dunkirke, and the same night he
went to Killam in the same countie, and that night was apprehended
and stayed there, and after was sent for to the Earle of Huntston.

Item, he confesseth that he became a Jesuite in Roome about
x yeres past, and about fives yeares after was made Priest at Paris.

B. He confesseth that in december was twelve moneth, he lyeng
then in Callis, first Father Archer a Jesuite came thither and shortly
after Hughe Cahill an Irishmanne came thither also in the same
moneth, and that they three laye there in one Inne at the place
blanche ; and had conference and talke together ; and were together
about a fortenight the said cahill then being sickelye.

C. He confesseth that when he departed from Callice he went for
Spaine and eschaunged a fustian dublet with Skydmore the Priest for a
dublet of stripte canvas. And sayth that at his cominge to Spaine he
found Father Persons at Civill and had divers conferencs with him, and
amongst other things talked with him about the erection of a Seminarie
of englishmen in Civill and was with father Persons at Civill about twoo
monethes (which Seminary at Civill was erected, accordingly) and from
thence this examinate went in the company of father Persons to
Madrill* and there this examinate left father Persons.

D. (f. 224^) And from thence this Examinate wente to Valedolide
to the Seminarie there, and was minister of that Seminarie and was
there by the space of vj or vij monethes. And confesseth that he,
during the tyme of his aboade in Spaine, had conference with the
Duches of Ferria at Madrill in her owne house, and with Sir frauncis
Englefield there also, and with Mr Standen there also, and with one
owyn Eaton at Madrill, whome he taketh to be a Welshe manne. And
confesseth also that he had conference with Mr Copley, my lady Copley's
sonne at Madrill. And with one bosgrave, and White a yong
manne about twoo and twentye yeare ould, who then served the Duke
of Mazara. And sayth that he spake with one Layton in Civill. And
with diuers Englishe priests there, that is to say, doctor Stillington at
Sfc Lucres, Ambler a Priest there also. And sayth that there are at
Civill, in the seminarie there, about 40 yonge englishe Schollers, and
at lucres about three, and at valedolide, in the Seminarie there, about
40, and refuseth to tell the names of the englishe Schollers in the said
Seminaries.

E. And confesseth that he went from Valedolide to escuriall, to the
monastery of St. laurenze ; and that he was admitted to the king's
presence, then lyeng at the escuriall by the meanes of Ruys de Vilasco a
manne nere about the king's person, and delivered letters to Don John
Idiaques the king's secretary, from father persons, and other letters from
him to Christofero de Moro, and other letters from him to Ruys de
Vilasco, and sayth that he gave the king thanks for the almes he gave
to the Englishe Schollers and for the colledge at S* omers. And the
king sayd unto him "God send you a good journey." And sayth that
no manne heard the conference, as he thinketh between the king and
him, and sayth that the kinge doth speake very softlye.

* Madrid is throughout written Madrill.
\

248 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

F. (f. 225) And sayth that he came out of spayne about August
last and came to callice, and so to saynt Omers in flaunders,
and Brought lettres thither from the kinge, Xpofero de Moro,
don John de Idiaques and Ruys de Vilasco directed to counte
fuentes, counte Mansfeld, and secretarie Ibarra, and delivered the
letters to there owne hands at Bruxels, and taried there about a
fortenight and sayth that he delivered these lettres in October last
about the beginning of that moneth. And sayth also that father

holt went with this examinate to secretarie Ibarra, and
owyn Zelande one of the societie went with him to Counte

Westmerland Mansfield and count fuentes and sayth that secretarie
paget Ibarra by him selfe or the Pagadore gave this Examinate

T. Throcmorton betwene 40 or 50 crownes ; and this he had by the pro-
TreshamCm°r °n curement of the said Zelande. And confesseth that he
Monnpesson conferred at Bruxels with father holt, Hugh Owyn, the
and his wife Earle of Westmerland, Charles paget, Thomas Throck-
Jaques morton, George Throckmorton, Willm Tresham, monn-

he^bert pesson and his wife, and Jaques francisco and conferred

Skydmor with him twice or thrice at Bruxels and Antwerpe. And

Darbishire with dennys and herbert at Bruxels and with Skydmor

Braye the priest and with Darbyshire a Carthusian. And also

Raiehnolds w*tn fatner Braye at Sfc omers and with Doctor Barret at

Doway and with Reynolds at Antwerpe.

G. And confesseth that he fearing that he should be apprehended,
being by contrary wynde driven on shoare where he would not, did
after his cominge to lande teare a note in writinge conteyninge certen
directions, because it conteyned the names of divers catholiques, one in
Norff and the other in Suff and Essex, to whome he was directed.
And sayth that he and the rest of his Society hath in 'England a
Superior called father Garnett.

H. And confesseth that [he did understand that his coming to
England was cause of death and yet, cancelled} he came over to England
to wynne her Maties subiects to the Romishe relligion, which he
tearmeth the Catholique faithe. And was desirous to have landed for
London, to have conferred with his superior there.
I. And confesseth that a day before his landing he caste into the

sea divers letters, some sealed and some unsealed and brought to the
shoare about 5 letters and that he cast into the sea about 4 or 5
letters, and remembreth not (as he sayth) to whome the same were
directed. And these letters, which he brought to land, he delivered
to Thomas Walpoole his Brother being in nomber 4 or 5.
K. And confesseth that he had received vj labels in parchment
in S* Omers, and three at dunkirke, and the firste sixe he received
of an englishe manne and refuseth to tell his name, and received the
other three at Dunkirke by the procurement of Salinus. And sayth
that having any of these, if he had bene apprehended by any of the
King of Spaines partie, he should have taken no harme.

Examined before vs Henry Walpole.

Edw: Drewe, m.

Edw: Coke Rye: Topcliffe

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 249

(")

(f. 255) at the tower. The Examinacion of henry Walpoole gent.

Taken the third of may 1594.
The said Henry Walpoole being Examined what the letters were
which he threwe into the sea at his late arrivall in Yorkshyre, he sayth
they were in nomber fower or fyve, whereof as he Remembrethe iij were
sealed and the rest unsealed, he knoweth not what were the contents
of anie of the same letters, nor to whom they were directed he
Remembreth not, he sayeth he cast them into the Sea because they
were not of anie moment. And he doth not Remember that he at any
tyme redd the contents of anie of the same letters, he confesseth that
he Receyved a note at Valyodolite for Irelande and being required to
tell of whom he Receyved the same, he aunswereth of one henry Bolt a
Scholler there, but no prieste, which note he Received to the intent that
if he shold land in Ireland he might have the saffer arrivall and passage
there. He also sayeth that the same noate was none of the papers
which he threwe into the sea, but he thinketh he delyvered the same
unto his brother Thomas Walpole. This Bolt he sayeth was sometyme
dwellinge in Norwich, and that this direction was gyven to this
Examynate, to the ende he might get som acquaintance in Irelande
the better therby to convey him selfe over into Englande, and the
harborough of Dradagh in Ireland was sett downe in that note as a fitt
place for him to land at. He doth not Remember that any other place
or port off Irelande was named in the said directione. He Remembreth
the names of ij severall persons being gentlemen dwellinge in Irelande
which were sett downe in that directione, the places

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 255^.) of there dwelling he knoweth not, but the names of the said
ij gentlemen he well remembreth but refuseth to disclose, for that he
hath hard they are Catholickes. One of the ij gentlemen before
mencioned lodged in a gentlewoman's house in Irelande, whose name
he knoweth, but refuseth to disclose yt, nether will he declare whether
she be a lady or not. But being told that yt was conteyned in the said
note of dyrectione that he shold saye when he shold arryve in Irelande
that he came from Balthasar de la hide, when he had anie cause, he
sayeth that he doth nowe Remember that a man of that name was
expressed in that direction for Irelande, and he doth think that
Balthazar de la Hide did dwell in Irelande, and that the same Balthazar
was a yonge man that repayred to this Examynat with the said Bolt at
valiodolyde. / This Examynate sayth that there were ij menne and
ij women named in the said dyrectione and the name of a poore mannc
dwelling in Dradaghe in Ireland, and that the same poore manne would
helpe and assist him wheresoever this Examynate would goo. / Beinge
further Examyned what other particuler derections he had for Englande,
and what particuler matter was conteyned in the same dyrections, he
sayeth that he had one derection for Englande, and had also a note
conteyninge som busines to be done in Englande for his kinsmann
Edward Walpoole the priest, who then was at Tourney in Arthois. This
Examynate was also directed therebye to a house in Lincolns Inne
fielde, but he utterly denieth to disclose the name of the owner of the

250 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

said house or of the gent, to whom he was directed that lodged in the
same house, and yet he knoweth the sayd house and the name of the
said gent, but refuseth for consynes sake (as he sayeth) to reveale the
same. Being [Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. 256) further Examined whether yt were the house of one Frank, a
whit house in Lyncolns inne fielde, he awnswereth he will nether deny
yt nor affyrm yt. Being asked againe of the gentelman that lodged in
the said house in Lyncolns Inne fields to whom he was dyrected, which
gentleman was of acquayntance, aswell with this Examynate as with the
said Edward Walpole ; he refuseth to disclose his name, and yet he
confesseth he knoweth the gent and doth well Remember his name.
He sayth that the name of one Spiller was not sett downe in anie of the
said dyrections gyven to this Examynate. And being told that a house
called Braddox in Essex was sett downe in one of his directions, he
sayethe he will nether affyrme nor denye the same. / Being told that the
name of Mrs White was conteyned in his dyrection for Ingland he
utterly denieth yt. Henry Walpole.

Examined before us the day

and year above written
Edw. Drewe, m.
Rye. Topclyffe

(iii)

(f. 301) At The Tower. The third Examynacione of henry Walpole

gent taken the xviijth of May 1594.
The said Henry Walpole beinge againe Examyned what those
ij menne were to whom he was directed to use there ayde in Irelande,
he refuseth to utter there names. / And he further sayeth that that paper
of direction which he had for Irelande he delyvered to his Brother
Thomas Walpole, as he thinketh, but whether any names of anie
persones were written therein, he doth not Remember. And this he
affirmeth to be true as he is a priest. / Yet he confesseth he Remembreth
the names of ij severall persones dwellinge in Irelande to whom he was
by worde directed, but he refuseth to tell their names. And thys
dyrection which he had for Irelande, he sayeth was of the handwrytinge
of one Henry Bolte. He sayethe he had a note in wrytinge for his
better dyrection for his iourney, if he shold land in Essex, norfolk or
Suffolk, and therein were sett downe the names of certeyne Catholickes
unto whose houses he might repayre, but he will not disclose there
names, for that he sayeth it is against God and his consciens. / and the
nomber of those Catholikes were iij or iiij, where of one was in Norfolk
a gent dwellinge there, another of those was a gent dwelling in Essex,
and a third a gent dwelling in Suffolk or Essex and more he
Remembreth not. / and this writing or dyrection was gyven him in
fiaunders at Dowaye or St. Omers, by one Hughe, whose other name he
knoweth not, and that he was either an essex or a Suffolk manne. / and
being demanded what is become of this last writing, he answered that
he thinketh he did teare yt, and did not delyver it to his Brother.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.

An other
(f. 301/^) dyrection which he had for Ingland, was written by his cosyn
Edward Walpoole, and delyvered by him to this Examynate, the same con-

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 25 1

teyned certen busines to be done here in England for the said Edward
Walpole, and a paper of dyrections being nowe shewed him, he sayeth
it is the same which was delyvered by bolt to him for Irland, and was of
the handwriting of the said Bolte. / Being demanded whether Raffe
Downes were any of the twoe that he Remembreth, he sayeth he is not.
But he confesseth that Wm. Genisone was one of them, and he lyveth
in Ireland, but he will not / name the place where, and Walter Foster
was thother of the ij which he Remembreth, who also is abyding in
Ireland, but refuseth to declare the place of his dwelling or abiding
there. / This Genisone he sayeth he knewe at Grayes Inne. / Mr Vdall
he Remembreth not to be named in that direction nether doth he
Remember that George de la hides name was conteyned in that
direction. / The Rest of the names conteyned in the dyrection, he did
not Remember that they were sett downe in that dyrection, save only
the name of More which he thinketh was the poore manne in Dradaghc
to whom he was directed. He Remembreth that one Balthazar de la
hide came to this Examynate at valyodolide with Bolte. / Being also
againe requyred to utter the names of those persons to whom he was
directed in Englande he againe refuseth to disclose the same. / And
further this Examynat havinge shewed unto him another paper of
directions for England he denieth that he knoeth the same, or that the
same pap was at any tyme delyvered unto him. / This paper doth begin
with theis words " Inquyre for Mr Collington," &c. /

This Examynat sayeth that in July last he was with the King of
Spayne, at the Escuriall, and there [Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. 302) received iij severall letters which were sent from the King of
Spayne, the one of them to count Mansfielde the other to count
Fuentes, and the thirde to Ibarra the Secretarye, thes letters were
delyvered to this Examinate by Don John de Diacques dark to be by
this Examinat conveyed over accordinge to there dyrections. / which
letters this Examinate afterward in or about the x of October then
followinge did delyver to the said Mansfield, Ibarra, and ffuentyes
accordingly at Bruxells. he had also letters sent from Don John
Diacques, Chrystophero de moro, Ruys de Vilasco, and Garciez de
loyaza, unto the persons before named, which this Examynat also
delyvered. He sayeth thes letters were sent touching the kepinge of
some schollers at S* omers. he had of Ibarra fowerty crownes or
somewhat above, for to furnishe him self in his iourney towards
Englande. / he sayeth that one Zelander pcured him this moneye, and
he sayeth that Ibarra did knowe of this Examynates coing into
Englande. / But he sayeth that he had not any dyrections from any of
them for any matter to be done in England by him : /

Examined before us \Signed~\ Henry Walpole

Edw: Drewe priest of the Societye

Rye : Topclyffe of Jesus.

(ccxlix, f. 7) (iv)

The Examinacion of henry Walpole Jesuit and priest taken the

iiijth of June 1594 at the Tower.
He confesseth that he had direction In Spaine to come into England
in July last after his conferrence with father persons, and before his

252 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

beinge and speaking with tht King of Spaine, and he received his
direction at Valedolide immediately from father persons and the Rctor
of the seminary there, which they had from Claudius de Aqua Viva the
generall of the whole societie, and had no tyme certeine prescribed him
to come into England but so soone as he could conveniently / and
confesseth that he was directed to his superior here in England father
henrie Garnett a Jesuite. And confesseth that he entended to have
arriued at london and came into England in december last.

Examined by Vs Henry Walpole.

Edw. Drewe, M. H. Kyllygrew

Edw. Coke Robrt Beale

Mic. Blount Rye: Topclyffe

Rye : young

(v)

The date at the head of this paper, also the marginal notes both in
this and in the next, are in Topcliffe's hand. He has also scored several
paragraphs in the margin.

In the following examination the first leaf is out of place and should
come second. Thus the paper should begin fol. 25, "Being in Brugis,"
then fol. 25^, then fol. 24, "I remember." The alteration of the order
was, however, made from the first by Walpole' s examiners, as appears
by their headings and signatures.

The xiijth of June 1594

*
Wherfore he did (^ 24) * remember Jacomo francischi* about four yeares
not reveale this ag°e did aske me whether it would be well done to seeke
before to bee a the death of her ma*ye to whom I aunswered that for all
warnmge to her the good in the world I would not counsell any such

speech. UCS attemPt '■ and he savd he had hard tnere were learned
men of an other mind. I told him I made no accompt
of their learning in that point.

Peace bet wextye Now at my being last with him all or talke was in

Erie of Westm' effect about the making peace betwixt the Earle of

and Charles Westmerland and mr Paget which finally with helpe of

adgett. others we did. Touching her ma*y I hard him say y* now

sK Jacomo Francisci, the son of a Venetian but born in Antwerp, and commonly
known as Captain Jaques, is truly described by Dr. Jessopp as "a dangerous and
violent man," who was "the occasion of much persecution and ill-feeling against
the Jesuit Fathers and the Seminarists.'* His Catholicism did not prevent his
taking service under Sir Christopher Hatton, but he fell under suspicion and was
imprisoned. Then he escaped, apparently by feigned offers of service to Walsingham,
who eventually let him go with a passport. Jaques then went over to the Duke of
Parma, and was taken by him into favour. Being a good soldier and a cosmopolitan
he won promotion, and was made Lieutenant-Colonel of the English regiment. But
his want of principle and desire to be revenged on Elizabeth and her courtiers,
made him a very unfit ally for the English Catholics. Such questions as he here
proposed to Walpole, he proposed to other men of a lower class, and many were
the spies who came to England to give informations against him. Though the
matters of suspicion were perhaps not really more serious than those mentioned by
Walpole, they aroused suspicions against all who had had dealings with him. Cahill,
Annias, and others, whose pretended revelations were even then creating such
difficulties for Walpole, all professed to have been instigated by Captain Jaques.
The allegations were so numerous that one cannot doubt they had some foundation
in fact.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 253

it was reported her ma*y should say yl she thoughte Papists would pve
her trusty frendes, which is all I remember of moment. With mr Paget
I had no talk of moment but of the difference betwixt the Earle
and him. He told me seinge I loved peace he would tell me of a
peace which he laboured to make for the good of all our nacion. I
told him I was ioyfull of that and would do any thing y* he would
signifye unto me I might to further it., and thereof we purposed to
talk but I departed out of y* town the same night and never heard
from him since.

Skidmore toulde him Mr Skidmore, returning (at my last being at Antwerp)
that he was accused out of England, told me y* the companion which
to practise against her f. Archer gave him (Cale) assoone as he came in
maty" person and lyffe England did falsly accuse him that he would have
In Spaigne laitly Fa. sought her ma*^ death, f. Parsons I remember
Parsons did tell him tojd me and others wh0 were with him at Valiodolid
that it was reuealed ,- , , , , , , rnj t

in England that they tnat ne na0- receyved word out of flanders yl some
had purposed to kyll in England did confesse theyr purpose to have
the Q. killed the Qs maiestye, and I did aske him apart

what he thought of such attempts; and he sayd y* catholiks, and
chiefly we religious men, ought to suffer violence but offer none
chiefly to princes, and he added that our meanes were by psuasion
The Seaminaryes and prayer and y* though it were not presently, yet no
would at length doubt the Seminaryes would at lengthe reduce England
reduce England. to the faith. And touching her ma*ye and other princes
lives to be sought, I know it to be condemned by the learned of or
Anto: Maierdid societye, and I verely think if or generall knew any man
avowe ye to deale in such a horrible entreprise, y* he would cast

contrarye. him out of the societye. and for myne own part I

ptest before god, as I have often, yfc I abhorre to think thereof, and
never did, nor would not move any man therunto for all the good in
the world, Jesus is my witnes. I do beare a most reverent, dutifull
and loving mind unto her ma'^, and for her would do all to my
uttermost, not being something disagreable to the divine ma1^, to
whom we owe all. All which I protest to be true as I hope for
salvation. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

*
(f. 25) Being at Brugis the yeare of grace 92 I receyved order from
my Provinciall Oliverius Manaraeus, by order from the generall Claudius
Aquaviva by f. Parsons pcurement as I think, to go to him into
Spayne, and so accordingly soon after I went to my Provinciall at
Valencens, who gave me my letters patens, and from thence went to
Calais, where and at St. Omers I remayned 2 or 3 moneths expecting
wind, not having any letter or message, and so departing thence I
arrived in the latter end of December, as I remember, at Sevil, where
I found f. Parsons labouring to erect a Seminary there, and stayeng
he did speake 2 monetns tnere> J went witn nim t0 Madrid, where he
with dyvers " spake with divers noblemen, and with the king himselfe
noblemen and and from thence he sent me to the Rector of Valiodolid,
with the k. of with whom I was Minister, till f. Parsons, coming to
pam- Valiodolid about June anno 93, did find me not so apt

254

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

as he sayd for yt office, and told me he was in doubt whether to send
me to heare confessions in Sivil, or to lisbonne, where is a residence
begunne, and suddenly he told me he was resolved I should go into
England, if I did not refuse ; having order thereto from the Generall
and Provinciall ; and so he and the Rector did determine, and being
then one Thorn a prist at the court to sue for the kings second
letters, for the almes to the Seminarye of St. Omers, wherein the
officers in flanders made delay, and the sayd Thorne,
Thorne a preest a having written that he could not gett a good looke

ledge1 of St. Omers: of don Juan an& tne rest> fl Parsons savd that I

a Semry had lettres being to go into England should be more gratefull

from ye king of unto them and therfore sent me with letters to

matters touching y« Don juan? Crestoval de Mora, and the rest named

Seam-rat St. Omers. beforej tQ aR whom j gave my ietterSj and with

none of them had any speech, but about my letters and answer thereto,
saving that I told Ruis de Velascho and don Juan that I was to go
into England, and don Juan did once talke familiarly a while with me,
asking me of f. Parsons, the Seminarye and how I would gett into
England, and he sayd he hard say there was a new religion in England
of such as refused to go to church, demaunding whether they were
like the Catholiks, and what hope there was of Conversion of England,
and of Sr Wm Stanley whose memoriall he sayd he had receyved but
could not geve him any answer thereunto ; and he sayd he would
write to f. Parsons now, but hereafter more largely, and that he would
write into Flanders, and finally y* the k. had not only confirmed his
former letters, but written new, and therefore it were not amisfe I should
thank him for this and all his former liberalityes. All this he spake
to me at severall tymes, but most at once, not being other whiles at
leysure. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

he tould ye k. (f. 25^) This done by Ruis de Velaschoes meanes I
of hlL-s-, had audience of the k., as dayly many have, and told

^JT hjm yt being sent into England by my superiors to labore
EnTande mt° t0 convert some soules there and having receyved his
maties new letters for St. Omers, I did humbly thank his
ma'1^ therfore and for all his other liberalityes to the poor students
of our nacion, who all therfore would pray to God for him and I hoped
many others hereafter whom they should converte to the Catholike
faith, beseching to continue his almes and liberalitye towardes them.
This was the effect of the speech I did speake unto him, and he very
low being weake so as I could scarcely heare him saye only these
words that I could understand Dios os encamina.

Then I took my letters of all the forenamed not having any message
by word of mouth but only their letters to the Count Mansfelt, Count
fuentes and Stephano de Ibara; and none of them but don Juan
wrote to f. Parsons that I remember, nor to any other man by me.
This done I returned to Valiadolid and from thence to Bilbao having
the forsayd letters saving of the kinges I had only the copy, and the
father holt ye originals were sent by the poast and geven me in Flanders
Jhezewit. by f. holt and no other letters from the court ; but

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 255

f. parsons did write to divers of our societye, and English-
men in Flanders which I sent or caused to be delivered

to h? superior unto them' My direction from f- Parsons into England
Gamett Qurere was onty to have recourse to my Superior as soone as I
whether or might conveniently, and by him to be apointed and
whither he directed in all things, and in the meane tyme, if I should
must see him. nQt £ncj ^m SQ soonej t0 do what go0(j j cou\^ according

to the institution of our societye which is by administering the Sacra-
ments and winning men to the catholik faith and he willed me to
direct such youths unto the Seminaryes as I should find meete for
ech of them having seene them all, any other message or direction
he gave me not for England, but he willed me to lett

Quaere of _y ^[m heare of my aboade by the first opportunity and

ODDort unitic *

then he would send unto me or at leastwise to f. Gamett

by whom I should understand of him, willing me to be in all things

subordinate to him. „ ,,r , ,

Henry Walpole.

This examynacon written with Henry Wallpoles owne hand
and by him delyvered unto us as his voluntary confession.
Edw : drewe ; Myles Sandys ; Rye. Topclyffe ;
Fr. Bacon ; Rye. Young.

(f. 26) Craving humbly pardon of all my actions contrary to the pro-
ceedings of her most excellent ma*^ in this her realme, and casting
my selfe down at yr W[orships] feete [who represent her person,
cancelled^ I do entend to declare all things which do come to my
mind that might be preiudiciall to the estate of the realme, wherof
I wish now I had taken more intelligence, from which I withdrew
myselfe for fear of entangling my selfe being subiect unto straungers
with their courses.

Concerning the Spanyardes, I could not, by any thing I ever heard
or noted, coniecture that they had any entention for this good while
to infest our country being busyed in fraunce, and the king having
had a revolt from him in one of their Indias. The king as I have
heard taking much money to interest (some millions) and of his subiects

exactions, whereof you have I doubt not notice, yet

yeAdelantadodesyred did j hear t h Adelantado of Castilla desired

to enterprise against , * _ , , , _

England. one day to be employed against England, but 1

M^ could not learne there was any preparation or

readines at all.

t t i Tr^ i * Sir Willyam Stanley did send a memoriall to father
In July 1593 last _. ' , * . _ M _ _ t-xjtjj-

■pp-^. Parsons to be presented to Don Juan D Iddiaques,

-^^ wherein he craved pay of his arrerages with some

summe of money besydes, and then he would therewith enterpryse

something against England, but don Juan did geve no ear to his

wm request and I caryed memoriall. Also Sr Willyam

him 2» St> did write unto me now at my cominS over to

**^ deale with some priest yl might gett accesse to the

to get a priest to at- Lord Strange now the* Earle of Darby to induce

s|e now, the. Walpole wrote 'now'; 'the' written over it in another hand.

256 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

tempt him to be a him to the Catholike religion as he termed it. I
Cathol. spake not with Sr Willyam these four or five yeares

he said that MrJohn nor ^ad any direction thereunto but his desyre, but

^P° he added that Mr John Gerard he thought wer a

ye priest should be ye fitt man thereunto.

fittest man. Mr pagett having bene at difference with the Earle

of Westmerland and being made frends by some others and my selfe,
did tell me yt seing I loved peace he would imparte a peace unto
me which he was labouring to make for the good of all our nation,
which I gladly heard, but departing that night from ye town I heard
not of him since.

I heard Sr Frauncis Englefield say yfc the Catholikes in England

were much to be blamed for yl though they desired the re-
storing of their religion, yet they would not allow of the meanes

[Signed'] Henry Walpole.
(f. 26^) which were most or only probable, by admitting the Spanyards
when they came, or when they should come if ever they did againe.
Which speech I then much disliked, though professing then theire
religion, for that I ever thought their insolency and vice, to be most
odious to God, and that their coining hether by force would not only
be the wofull mine of the commonwelth and my dearest country, but
also their example, especially of soldiers, make such as arre of their
religion to stagger, because for peace, morall vertue, and good govern-
ment of the commonwelth, I in my pore iudgement do not know
any comparable unto England, not considering of religion at all. That
part of Spayne which lieth towards Africa called Andalusia sheweth
much desire of peace and trafBque with England because they have
bene beaten much at sea and stand yearly in hazard of their Indian
fleete, insomuch as I have heard it assuredly reported that the duke
de Medina Sidonia, who was generall of the armada against this realme
where he was allmost cast away uppon Godwin sandes, what by his
experience then here and at home since hath not spared to say that
in his port town of St. Lucar (the best in Spaine) he could be con-
tent to breake traffique with all nations, so he might have it with
England only.
gggi, Mr Oen knowing of my coming into Englland did ask me if

I would not enquire whether one of the townes in flanders
would be geven up for a summe of mony. I told him I would not
meddle in any matter preiudiciall to the temporall estate of the realme ;
then he sayd this were beneficiall, for they might have a great summe
of mony, where now they spend mony uppon these townes. Of f. Parsons
I could never gather any particular matter he went about, but the
seminaryes and residences in Spayne and after he sayd he would
procure others in Italye, in which matter I know he taketh great
paynes writing infinite letters weekly to as many as he dependeth uppon
l{^§° for their maintenaunce. But he willed me to take all my direction
i*3** of f. Garnett here in England, but it may be he had matter he
would not impart unto me being unexperienced, for he hath great
favour with the king and all the court, and through out Spayne, as
also in Italy and Flaunders. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 257

(f. 27) Of any present practise or daunger towardes the realme I do
not know or think any to be other then I have declared in this paper
and my former examinations : for speeches or driftes which I have
heard of touching this realme or any other or pretenses of titles (which
speeches, though in a peaceable realme as this, they be unlawfull and
pernicious, yet beyond seas hardly to be avoyded in conversation at
one tyme or other) of these I say I suppose I do not know any thing
which her maties honorable counsell have not often heard, yet if it
please them or your worships in their behalf to demaund me of any
thing I have heard whatsoever, I will declare it, otherwise I were loth
needlessly to utter offensive talkes of other men.

Thus I have noted all that occurreth unto me importing the good
and safety of my country, which (howsoever my conversation and
being with divers men, wherein I was apointed by those which were
my superiours then may seeme to shew the contrary) I ever sought
and tended to the uttermost of my power, from the bottom of my
heart ; if ought occurreth els unto your w[orships] which I may seeme
to know, I will gladly declare it, being demanded. And so humbly
craving pardon of her most excellent Matie and her most honorable
counsell of all my offences committed against her Matles godly lawes
and the proceedings of this realme, I cast myselfe downe at her Matles
sacred feete to be disposed of as it shall please God to inspire unto
her ma^, desirous all the dayes of my life to serve her Matie with
all my possible meanes and to conforme my selfe in all to her Maties
godly lawes practised in the realme and never more be subiect to the
ambition of the Pope or any of his adherents, but live or dye in mine
own native dearest countrye in such sorte as it shall please God by
her most clement Matie to apoint to his greatest honour, her Maties
and my countryes behoofe and service. Henry Walpole.

In the margin. — All this was confessed and written voluntaryly by
henry Walpole himself and shewed vnto vs by himself.

Edw. drewe ; F. Bacon ; Myles Sandys ; Rye. Topcliffe.

Endorsed by Topcliffe. — henry Wallpoole confession the Jhezewit the
xiijth of June 1594 in ye tower. Sett downe before ye cumminge before
Mr Serieant Drewe, Serieant Danyell, Serieant fleming, Mr Michell Bloont
Leautenante, Mr Sands, Mr Bacon, Mr [blank] myself, and Mr yoinge.

(vi)

The next examination is now reckoned as part of the former, though
it is apparently different. The first statement answers a question about
Father Garnet asked by Topcliffe in a marginal note on the former paper.

(f. 30) I crave humble pardon of all my actions contrary to the
proceedings of this realme, never meaning to take that course againe
of life, if it please her ma'^ to geve me leave to be her humble subiect

conformable in all things to her lawes. Touching Garnett
G*rn* 1 have heard of Hasnett that he kept at Mns Vaux her

alias Wallet8 house in London. I never knew where he was. At Mr

Wisemans also I have heard he hath bene at Braddox

258 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

I desire leave, if you please, to write unto the most honorable her
maties councell, and that this act be concealed till it shall please them
to dispose of me howsoever to their H.H. shall seeme most to the
good of the realme and service of her ma*ye, whom I do besech uppon
my knees to take pitye uppon a miserable prisoner and offender, yet
now resolved to employ all *my forces to her ma'^ service and to
conforme my selfe even as it shall please her ma*ye to appoint me. *
I shall not need to write for I will declare unto you all that ever

1 can remember or yt you ask of any thing *and will never again
returne to Popery* if her most excellent ma*ye my gracious soveraigne
will vouchsafe her accustomed clemency uppon me, to whom (notwith-
standing all my other folyes) I have ever borne a most dutifull, reverent
and loving affection, and now more then ever.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 30^) I have heard that M1' Oen and f. Holt do labore for to
advaunce the cause of the Prince of Parma, whensoever it should please
God to call her maiesty, whom I besech God long to continue to his
honour, pretending him to have title to the crown of this realme
[Sr frauncis Englefield, cancelled],

I have heard one Bruis a scottishman say that if England would
lett them alone in Scottland y* the Catholiks there could have the
king at their commaundment, whether he would or no ; and this about

2 or 3 yeares since.

Mr Oen told me y* there had bene an Irishman on Segrave with
the governor of Vlissing (which was Mr Sidney, I take it) to deale with
him about the towne, but I besech you lett this and all that followeth
be only to my lord Treasuror, or her maties councell ; for he is, for
ought I know, a loyall honorable gentleman, and it were a great iniury
to bring him in suspicion uppon such a speech only, which is the
cause I have spared it.

Also I heard 4 or 5 yeares ago y* Coronell Morgan had bene delt
withall by Mr Oen, but these be but vulgar reports and y* the lord
Borowes had receyved messages about rendering Brill from on Seakeley
his man. I hard say there was one Smith as I remember alias Carye
in Spayne at the court 2 or 3 yeares agoe.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 31) Of the Earle of Arun[dell] I do not remember any thing of
moment, only this that there came over to Brussels 3 or 4 yeares
agoe one Greenfield who sayd he had bene his keeper or bene in his
chamber, who was after of Sr Wm Stanleyes regiment, also I have
heard say that he had written verses, which is all I remember. "F

j|c to * These passages have been underlined.

"■p These may be the verses afterwards printed with the earl's translations from the
works of the Carthusian, Johann Justus of Landsberg (commonly called Lanspergius),
which appeared under the title, The Epistle of Christ to the Faithful Soul, Antwerp,
1595- These verses are now more widely known through The Arundel Hymns.
Walpole's allusion may also be to The fourfold Meditation on the four last things,
which is ascribed to him by the best manuscript, in the Bodleian (Rawlinson MSS.).
See H. Thurston, The Month, October, 1894 (lxxxii, 231); the /sham Reprints (Ed.
Ch. Edmunds), 1895 > Pollen, Writings of the Ven. English Martyrs, in Dublin
Review, September, 1903, pp. 350, 351.

+UL

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To face p. 259]

Fr. henry walpole.

Examination written in the Tower. To be compared with p. 190.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 259

It was told me that there was on Barnes,* who came from the
councell here into Flaunders about 4 yeares agoe, did treate a manage
betwixt the prince of Parma and a lady called Arbella.

F. Parsons wrote unto me once after my departure from Spayne
unto St. Omers, telling me y* Mr Cicill'f a priest was with him there,
who had bene in England. I did hearesay y* f. Southwell did once
geve the spirituall exercises (as they terme them) to one of that name
in Rome.

There is one Vestegan in Antwerpe, who conveyeth all the letters
betwixt f. Garnet and those who write unto him from beyond seas.

It is thought this Verstegan wrote a letter which doth inveigh
against my 1. Treasuror, but I am not sure thereof.

There is one Garnet a page sometymes of one of the earle of
Arundells brethren who is nowe student at St. Omers.§ he is alyed
to f. Garnett. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. 31^) Mr Willyam Tressam gave me a piece of gold to deliver to
one of his sisters and badd me tell her y* if he could not gett a
better condicion he would sue for leave to returne home into England
but he desired me not to go to her my selfe at least a good space
after my coming for feare of breeding her trouble.

D. Gifford also willd me, if I could come or send where his mother
was, to desire her to relieve him, if she could conveniently.

There be divers chests of bookes at St. Omers, which were printed
when the armada was to have come over, sett out by Cardinall Allen,
as I have heard against her Matie.U

f. Parsons hath written an English relation of all things done in
the Seminaryes in Spayne || and in the end thereof he speaketh of a
discourse to be written of the titles pretended to the crown of England.

There was at Sivil with him a marchant named fernam or Bornam,
as I remember, I think he be a fleming, but he speaketh english very
well, he dined with him in his chamber and haunteth london.

Henry Walpole.

In the margin, — This is his owne voluntary confession written by
him selfe and to us delivered.

Edw. Drewe; Fr. Bacon; Myles Sandys; Rye: Topclyffe; Rye: young

* This was the Thomas Barnes, or Barnaby, who played his part as a spy in the
Babington Plot. From 1591 onwards he was employed as a spy on Charles Paget in
Flanders. See the Domestic Calendars.

if On John Cecil see p. 198 ; on Verstegan see p. 263.

§ The venerable Thomas Garnet, S.J., martyred in 1608.

11 This was the Admonition to the Nobility and People of England, reprinted (by
J. Mendham) in 1842, and there was also the Declaration of the Sentence and Deposition
of Elizabeth, reprinted by Tierney, Dodcfs Church History, iii, Appendix, p. xhv.

|| This paper in English on the Seminaries does not seem to have been printed,
or even to have survived ; the "Discourse of the Titles pretended to the Crown of
England" will be Doleman's Conference about the next Succession to the Throne, which
was probably written by Verstegan, though Father Persons also had his share in it.
See The Month, May, 1903, and examination ix, § II.

260 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

(Vii)

xiiij Junij 1594
(f. 32) At the Tower. Thexamynacion of henry Walpole Jesuyte

taken the day and yeare above written.
. There ar in Spayne ij semynaries the one in Valiodolyd .

' the other in Syvile . in the seminary at Valiodolide . Richard
Gibbons englyshe Jesuyt . Symon Swinborne Jesuyt . Georg hethersaile
priest, Rich : Thorn priest . John Blackfen priest . Greneway priest,
maxfielde priest . / Rbert Drury a student there . / one Benet a Welsh-
man Thompsone, Kempe, henry Maye, Twoo of the martynes there
Schollers. /

The Jesuyts and schollers in Syvill — one Worthington a
Scholler, Creswell a Jesuyte, Tankerd a Jesuit, Berington a
scholler, ij pryces sch : one Rychard Garth scholler / Balle / Chamber-
layne a Scholler / hughes a scholler . / Garoler . ormestone . /

There was dispatched for England before this Examynat cam from
thens . one Tho : More, henry ffloid, and on Rayner prieste, There was
also this examynates brother Richard Walpole priest appointed to come
with the rest into England, but what sythens became of the first three
he knoeth not.

There was also a Jesuyt on John Currye a Devonshyr man sent
over into England about 7 or 8 yeares past.

Beinge demanded wherfore he this Examynat was sent over into
England, he sayeth he was ymedyately sent from father persons, to wyn
menn here in England to the popysh religion, and to send over vnto
them som apt menne for that purpose to be in theyr semynaryes.
(f. 32^) He sayeth that Jacques francisco did aske of this examynat
about 3 or iiij yeares past whether yt were not well donne for a
man to kill the Queenes Ma*y, to whom this Examynat answered that
he would not for all the good in the world be of that mynde.

And he farther sayeth that he was dyrected unto father Garnett
here in England to thentent that he should followe the dyrection of
father Garnet in whatsoever thing he shold employ or comand him, for
so he sayeth by the Rules of theyre Religion he was bound, the said
Garnett being his superior here in England of all the Jesuyts [and
Semynaries, cancelled} That shold arryve into England. And he was
the rather sent into England for that yt was understoode beyond the
seas that Southwell which before was sent into England was taken
and imprisoned. / Henry Walpole.

Examined before vs

Edw. Drewe
Fr. Bacon
Myles Sandys
Rye. Topclyffe
Rye. young

(viii)

(f- 36) The examination of Henry Walpole / the xvijth

of June 1594.
He sayth that he received diuers letters beyonde sea by the hands
of [hughe, erased'] John hassenet to be delivered in England without

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 26 1

any expres direction conteyned within or vppon these lettres, some of
which lettres he confesseth he putt awaye, and sayth that he knewe
the same to be of no moment, and yet never redd the same, and being
demaunded to whome he would have deliv'ed these lettres (if he had
arrived at london where he wished) aunswered that when he had arrived
there, he would have singled out such as he knewe to whome they
were directed and would have deliv'ed the same and the rest he woulde
have caste aside, and being demaunded why he received the same
having neyther expres direction or writing nor other secret advertis-
ment, cannot yeld any reason thereof, nor whye he cast those lettres
into the sea, but only for that those lettres were of no moment, and
yet he confesseth he never redd the same. Edw. Coke.

Not signed by Walpole.

(ix)

(f. 107) I desire humbly this may be to yor worships for her Maties
counsell only.

i° I have conversed with the Earle of Westmorland, Sr Willyam
Stanley, Mr. Pagett, Mr. Oen, mr. Tressam, the two Throckmortens,
Captaine Jacques, Mr. Denis, Mr. Verstegan, mr. Hopkins, mr. Covert,
mr. Morgan, all which I had some inkling to have meddled in matters
of estate: also with mr. fincham, mr. Moody, mr. Barnes, Captaine Barny,
mr. Tippin, who be reputed likewise. Of prists I have conuersed with
f. Holt, D. Worthington, Caesar Clement, the prior of the Carthusians,
D. Barret, D. Gifford, and with the other of the laitye and prists in
flaunders at one tyme or other allmost all, of whose names to make
a Catalogue were long and asketh memory and study, but if you
please I will.

The Earle of West, liveth without employment in Antwerpe,
Stanley with his regyment, he desiring other employment but having
none. Mr Pagett I heard laboured a peace. I do not know at whose
apointment any of them, sauing that Sr Willyam Stanley doth professe
the K. of Spayne, and I thinke did desire to advaunce the Earle of
Darby. Mr. Oen I would think is for Parma. Mr. Tressam no par-
ticular, but his frendes and his country and cheefly reputation. The
Throckmortens be with mr. Pagett : Jacques with Sr Willyam Stanley
and them all. Mr. Denis serues mr Oen and f. Holt. Verstegan sendes
vp and down letters and intelligences and bookes betwixt the Cardinall,
Parsons, Holt, Oen and England. The rest I shall note in the articles
beneath.

The Priests : Holt is to be directed by his Supior : I think he
most affecteth Parma. Worthington followeth Stanley and the Cardinall ;
D. Gifford and Clement Pagett ; the Prior the Cardinall.

20 Garnett or Southwell or both have sent ouer to Reames and
to f. Holt : but of whom they haue it I know not, sauing that one
Edward Walpole left ane hundreth poundes

[Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. 107^) with Southwell, which hath bene all sent I suppose. Also one
mr henry Drury, who died lately at Antwerpe had some good summes
of mony of his owne or others which were to be made ouer when I

262 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

came from Brussels. Besides the Wisemans sisters, and one Mns
Rookwood, and Mris Mary Greene did expect from their frendes. The
Seminary of Doway did hope Hassnet, if he had come over with
Walpole, should have holpen them much, also they haue hope in
Anthony Rouse, lately made prist. At S* Omers there is one Stapleton
called Baxter who hath maintenaunce from his brother : there be also
3 or 4 Rookwoods brethren and 4 Malletts alias Ilsleyes, which were
lately come ouer, who I suppose expect maintenaunce from their
frendes. The Seminaryes of Spayne and Rome receyve little but Hue
of themselves. D. Yonger expected somewhat from on Mr. Colinton
and mr Mann alias Chambers from on D. Bauand, of this matter I
remember no more.

30 Allen, Parsons, Holt receyve all their intelligences that I know
of by Verstegan, vnles Covert geve the Cardinall some now and then ;
also Hopkins and I think Middleton do geve Oen his, besydes Verste-
gan ; and Tippin I take it geueth f. Holt intelligences, and he and
mr. Oen I heard, since my departure from Brussels to Sf Omers, were
with Ibara, as with Cosmo before, to whom they gave all. At my being
there I could not heare or perceyue he used any Inglishman much,
but rather f. Creyton and Vincent Zelander, but my stay was very short.
Now whence all these fetch their intelligences in England, I know
not : Verstegan taketh from Garnett for Parsons and Holt and as I
remember he told me from Spillor. Something they have by comers
and goers, as Hassenet and such like, which is all y* I remember.

4° Before my coming into England and examinations I do not
remember I euer heard of any other then that f. Parsons

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 108) in Spayne told me and others that he had newes that some in
England had confessed they had a purpose to kill her Matle, whom God
blesse and pserve long to his honor and or good. Mr. Skidmore told
me at his returne out of England to Antwerpe, that Cael had accused
him ; and as I remember f. Holt, told me Cael who came to f. Archer at
Cales was examined about killing the Q. Matie. Of P[ole]wheele, Lopes,
or Anias I never heard mencion before my being within the realme.
Cullin I saw at Calais but never heard anything of him touching such
a wicked attempt.

50 For the present of none. Sr Wm. Stanley was desirous yl some
prist and pticularly John Gerard should gett accesse to the Earle of
Darby to make him catholike. Mr. Pagett told me that the Earle
of Westmrland had sent certaine letters of defiaunce written betwixt
Westmrland and himselfe to the Earle of Huntingdon. I heard mr Oen
say that on Sedgrave an Irishman had delt in something concerning
the selling the towne of flushing with mr Sidney as I remember he
sayd then governor of ye same : 3 or 4 yeares agoe I heard that on
Creakes man was sent to the 1. Borowes.

6° I have not heard any thing of any inuasion present or in any
readines to my remembraunce. but I heard f. Parsons once say that
the Adelantado of Castilla desired to be employed for to invade this
realme, and f. Holt told me that he had heard the prince of Parma
was desirous to employ his meanes for to advaunce his title when

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 263

God should call her Matie. About three or tower yeares agoe it was
sayd but I know not by whom that Jaques did send over to burn the
Q. shipps, and one Stoker told me there was a boy that offered it to
divers, as I remember also to one Thwing.

70 Those which desire it any violent way do wish I think the
Spanyards, but their coming is not soone looked for, nor likely, that
ever I heard any man of iudgement afftrme, but commonly they expect

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. ioS7>) when it should please God to call her Matie (whom I besech
him to preserve many yeares to his honor) at what tyme they think
there wilbe division, and eyther catholike religion or pmission thereof.
And therefore I have heard of Parsons yfc he would wish such as
should be in England then should will the catholikes they were
acquainted with to kepe themselves quiet and take no part till one
were declared and then to offer their service to him with request of
vse of their religion.

8° I heard one Bruis* say 2 or 3 yeares ago (a principall man
for Scottish matters) y* if England would lett them alone they (meaning
the catholiks) could have the K. at their commaundment. I have
heard f. Creyton proposed something to the King in Spayne, but was
not heard, and y* now he hath accesse often to Ibara in flaunders but
no pticulers.

9. Of none.

10. Of none.

11. I have heard of and seene a booke called Pernius, written some
think by f. Cresswell. Didimus by D. Stapleton. Philopater by Parsons
and an English pamphlett by Verstegan.f This I have heard, but
I know Parsons to have written a relacion of the Seminaryes and
residences erected in Spayne, and therin to promise a discourse of the
divers y* pretend title to this realme and the opinion of men therein.
The first was in finishing at my departure from Spayne and I believe
be printed by this, and the second in hand.

120 Of Mr Cecill§ I heard some doubt made 2 or 3 yeares since
but now he is in Spayne with Parsons and credit with them. mr

* Robert Bruce of Binnie, the spy, Dictionary of National Biography, sup. i, 326 ;
The Month, September, 1907

f The books here referred to are -.—Exemplar literarum missarum e Gcrmania ad
D. Gul. Cecilium, per Joh. Pernium, (Rome) 1592; really by Father Joseph Creswell.
Apologia pro Rege Catholico, authore Didymo veridico Henfildano, by Stapleton.
Persons' book was Elizabethae Angliae Reginae edictum . . . cum rcsponsione, per D.
Andream Philopatrum (several editions). Verstegan's must have been A declaration
of the true causes of the great troubles intended against the realm. Of this pamphlet,
two copies survive in the Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxx, 17, and Hat I. 6807, and
one printed, B.M. Grenville 6093. It was answered by Bacon, Works, Ed. Spedding,
1862, viii, 162. See The Month, May, 1903.

§ Of the spies here mentioned, John Cecil has been mentioned before, p. 198; see
also Dictionary of National Biography, sup. i, 403.

Scudamore, or Skidmore, son of Sir John Skidamore, does not seem to have been
a spy, though he was suspected on both sides. There were designs against Allen s lite
by one Baynes in 1583 {Letters of Cardinal Allen, p. 410, &c), but none are mentioned
at this period. , e

Michael Moody was a rascal, who, with William Stafford, accused the Secretary
of the French Ambassador of attempting to murder Elizabeth. This was done just at

264 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

Skidmore is not with some in much credit, as I remember. Verstegan
told me he was advised out of England. Yet I take it they think
rather he is rather talkative then employed. The prior of the Car-
thusians told me he had heard [Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 109) that there was one in the Cardinals house employed to kill
him, but he knew not which it was. Jaques 3 or 4 yeares ago was
holden doubtfull, but now he is in credite there. Also mr fincham
hath bene suspected, and of some m1 Moody, and Thomas Morgan of
many, but they be many of them and mostly all in some ielousy one
of another in one respect or other, but to be expressly employed I
have not heard spoken of others then the named in flaunders. In
Spayne some doubt hath bene made of one Burley.

13. I know Garnett, Currye, Holtbye Jesuits, also Oldcorne, Stanney,
More, Rayner, Dudley, Birkett, Potter, Warford, Dakins, Bennet, Rouse
whom I never heard to be apprehended, their resorte I know not.
If I be not deceyved I mett Dakins riding out of London, when I
came in. Holtbye lieth about Yorke, but I never heard of any place.
Curry as I remember was told me to resort to one mr Caryes in Kent
or Sussex : Garnett at Mrs. Vaux or mr Willyam Wisemans. I would
think Rouse doth repayre to his mothers whom I have heard to be
catholike. These be all I do remember. Of them which be in prison
as I have heard, I know some, as Southwell, Bagshaw and others I
suppose. Of some I have heard the names whom I never knew, as
of Bauand, Colinton, Dolman, and others I think as Blunt, of all which
I did not ever heare any resort but of Dolman who is sometymes I
have heard at one mris Greenes in Suffolk or Essex. John Gerard I
have heard to have been at mr Wisemans, and at one of the Wood-
houses in Norfolk.

14. I think all be known which I knew or heard of to be Catholikes
14 yeares agoe. Now I have heard to be catholike the forenamed to
whom the prists be sayd by me to resorte ; besydes them Metcalfe in
Lincolns Inn Fieldes ; Mr. Hubberd, one mr Walgrave in Suffolk or
Essex ; one of the Woodhouses in Norfolke. I heard also of Mr Rigby
in Dunkirk, yfc one mr Anne of Frickly and as I remember on more
were catholik in yorkshire. I suppose they which have prists resort
to them heare Masse, but I do not remember I have heard yt namely
of any. I think Stapleton his brother that studieth in S* omers is
catholike and they whose children come over, but I know it not.

[Signed] Henry "Walpole.
(f. 109^) 15. I mett with lingen first at S* omers even when I came
out of Spayne, who having known me before accompanyed me to

the moment when the French were about to intervene to save the life of Mary Stuart.
After she was executed, Elizabeth apologised for the sharp practice of the two
"cocquins," and the affair dropped. Month, July, 1902.

Thomas Morgan's gross mismanagement of Mary's interests during the Babington
Plot gave rise to many suspicions, but. so far as we can now see, he was nof unfaithful
to his mistress.

Richard Burley, a captain in the service of the Spaniards, was executed by them
on suspicion in 1598 {Domestic Calendars, and Jessopp, Letters of H. Walpole,
PP- 34> 35)- If ne cUfl correspond with the English Government, it will have been
indirectly, or under some alias. The same is presumably to be said of Fincham.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 265

Brussels, and I going to Antwerpe he returned to Sl omers againe :
having heard his brother would come to Cales to see him, he went
thether where I returning from Brussels desirous there to gett passage
into England found him : his brother could not persuade him to returne
with him and I would not go in an English shipp, for being appre-
hended, and from Calais no frenche shipp went by reason of the
sicknes in London, so we returned to Sfc Omers: where I receyving word
from f. Holt, yl if I might spare Hassenet (who should have come over
with me) he would gladly he should stay wherevppon I told lingen of
my going into England / for before I made him believe I went into
Spayne / and so he resolved to come with me / to accompany me and
all under one [sic] to see his friendes ; and one Broy a Jesuite having
occasion to go to Dunkirk and Newport and knowing of my going
into England and lingen's with me did obteyne vj parchments for to
safeconduit [sic] him that should have one of them betwixt England
and those portes there for Dunkirk ech a ship, for Newport I know
not whether all did serve for one or no. Broyes meaning and mine
was to have holpen the Seminary with some things made over in those
shipps that would take this safeconduit, or for Students or what benefite
I could have made of them, and to gratify Lingen I did ask him if
such an one would not be gratefull to him and he said he would
gladly have on. Afterwarde going my selfe to Dunkirke to seeke passage
that way, I got three of another officer for more securitye and in the
absence of the former. Of which vj, 4 I gave my brother (who came
to me at Dunkirk unlooked for) and two to Lingen. Of the 3 of
Newport I made no reckoning, yet I think I divided them betwixt
them, and [? here] also by Salinas meanes, who knew me in Brussels,
I obteyned a shipp, which was to go to sea to take pristes [? pirates],
to sett me on land in Norfolk, Suffolk or Essex.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. no) they being shippes to take prstes [? pirates], do go in view one
of another to be more strong, which made our man that brought lingen,
my brother and me, that he could not touch the land when he would,
and the wind they sayd was not good, so y* for very wearines of the
sea, I desired them to sett me on land anywhere, or els carry me back,
and so they put me on land even where they had fought with a shipp,
where I was the same night 9 miles of taken. So y* before my appre-
hension I could not meete with any catholike. in prison there were
3 or 4 which I saw in the house who be ther for their refusall to go
to church, two I confessed in prison.

[My employment was from f. Parsons, cancelled.]

In the n article I had forgotten naming Philopaters booke to
meancion y* it was begunne to be translated and augmented by Sr
Francis Englefield who being with Fr. Parsons gave me the residue
to prosecute, which I did following too much his humor and stile, for
he having spoken unreverently of her Matie and more of some of her
councell deceased and the now 1. Treasurer, I also called her Mat,e
Bes and suche like as he willed me, though ever retayning my inward
affection and dutifull mind, as I protest before God, ever from my

266 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO April

infancy having a speciall loue in respect (besides many other her
Maties most eminent and royall vertues wherein I think her, religion
excepted, pereles) y* 1 was borne even about the tyme of her Matles
coronation, ordeyned of God specially to do her Matie service, as to
me it seemeth. for which my vndutye I humbly crave pardon, ready
as before and more then ever to serve her Matie with such conformitye
to her lawes as I have spoken of before ; and if her Matie think me
unworthy of life, I am content to dy, trusting verily by the merites of
my Saviour Jesus in the vnitye and communion of his church to
depart in peace, and caryeng the same affection towards her Highnes
before the Divine face and presence of God, pray to his aeternall Ma1*
for hers in heaven, which I besech you may be signifyed, if I obteyne
not leave to write and declare my dutye and service more at large
hereafter.

Also I remember that one Mr Creakes man told me being on his
deathbed y* mr Oen did give or offer him mony to do violence to her
Maties person royall, but because he was in a consumption when the
offer was made as he sayd and dyed the next day after, I did not
think meete to slander mr Oen with yt which I assure my selfe and it
appeared he meant not. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

(f. nod) 1 6. I was employed by f. Parsons to winne as many as I
coud to the catholike faith. My direction was in all thinges to be
subordinate to him y* should be Superior here of our Societye, which
was then, and I think is f. Garnett. The substaunce of all he ever sayd
vnto me concerning this my coming or being in England I have sett
down in the former articles, as farr as I can remember, layeng all I know
open before the eyes of this commonwealth and my dearest countrye, y*
God by them may dispose to his greatest glory, thinking it meete for me
so to do, for I never allowed of the ambition of the Popes or any of
their uniust usurpation over princes and their kingdomes, and do
think hostilitye or invasion of the Spanyard would preiudice both
the commonwelth and the catholike religion ; and therfore as a true
Englishman and subiect of her Matie, and denizen of this realme I would
in desire and all endeavour and prayer concurr in the defence and con-
seruation of my countrye, conforming my selfe to the lawes of the
realme, whether I live or dy, God willing, not doubting but my sincere
entention will appeare and redound to the honor of God the service of
my prince and country, without preiudice of the catholike faith, which I
ever professe, so not refusing to go to the church, and if I were worthy
as others be (I being very meane in learning) there preach only such
doctrine as my conscience doth tell me and the spirite of God to be
manifestly deduced out of the word of God. attributing to her Matie
asmuch honor power and iurisdiction in temporall and spirituall persons
and causes as I can perceyve the learned of both the Universityes do
agree vppon, and I would hope to reduce many to this conformitye
by private conference. And having conferred with divers learned
Protestants of the clergye at York, I did find much lesse difference then
I thought, and am persuaded that, if there were a free assembly and
consultation of learned men of all sortes of opinions in religion within

1594

THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

267

the realme, they might concurre in some generall conformitye and
vnitye to the great comfort of them all and render therby her Maties
royall person and the state of the realme seruice against all foreine
daungers and attemptes. In all which points, if I had tailed with my
superiors I could have affirmed more undoubtedly, but I hope I have
talked with God to whose honor the service of her Mat!e and good of
my countrye I do dedicate my selfe hoping salvation in Jesus Amen.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.

This is on smaller sized paper,

and is doubtless a

draft of some of the

sections above.

(f.m)

The Priests anc

Schollers in

Valiodolid.

In Sivil.

Richard Gibbons

Priests of the

Bolt

Ellis ]

Simon Swinburne J Societye

May

Garth j-Priests

George Hethersall \

[Stephenson,

Ball J

John Blackfen

cancelled]

John Worthington

Maxfield

Smithson

Chamberlaine

Thorne

. Priests

Johnson

Urmeston

Greeneway

Peter Martin

Stukley

Bentley

Martin

Stukley

Smith (

Thirkill

Price

Robert Drurye

Pallisar

Price

John Bennet

Parsons

Berington

Thompson

Parsons

Kempe

Samuel

Danbyes

[No signature to this page.]

(f. 1 n£) In the 11th article I named Philopater, / written in latten by
f. Parsons as I have heard, and did not then remember, which now
occureth unto my memory, that it was begunne to be translated by
Sr francis Englefield, who inserted some discourses of his own and the
lives of some of the privy councell deceased, and of my 1. Treasurer
living, conteyning matter of infamy and unreverent speeches, and I by

him was desired to translate forward in the same booke,
this booke at my which j ^{^} [n which my translation is conteyned
no^halfe done! irreverent speech of her Matie following the stile before,

though ever with inward affection and desire of her
Maties bliss and good in this world and the next, which I now most
earnestly do wish vnto her Matie, / humbly crauing pardon for my
vndutye therein, ready in all y* repugneth not to God to serve her Matie
and my countrye to the vttermost of my endevor, in such conformitye
as I have promised before, and if for my proceedings contrarious to
those of the realme, it shalbe thought fitt y* I dye, I trust verely by
the merits of my Saviour Jesus in the vnitye of his church to departe in
peace, and caryeng the same affection before the face of God, pray to
his aeternall divine maiestye for her mafcie in heaven, which I desire may
be signifyed, if I obteyne not leave to write and declare my dutye and
seruice more at large hereafter.

2 68 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

Also I remember y* one Creakes' man told me / at my being at
Brussels / vpon his deathbed yfc mr Oen did geve or offer him mony to
do violence to her Maties person, but because he was rather like to dy
when y* offer was made then to kill and indeed dyed next day, I did not
think it meete to slander mr Oen with that which it appeareth he ment
not, for I do not think he carieth so bloudy a mind cheefly to his
prince. God forbid that he or any catholike should.

[Signed] Henry Walpole.
(f. 112) 16. I was employed by f. Parsons to winne as many as I could
to the catholik faith, my direction was in all things to be subordinate to
him yl should be Superior here of or society, which then was Garnett
and I think is. The substance of all he euer sayd vnto me concerning
this my coming or being in England I have touched in the former
articles as farr as I can remember, layeng all down before the eyes of
this commonwelth, yl God by them may dispose to his greatest glorye.
For I neuer allowed of the ambition of the popes &c. his vniust
vsurpation ouer princes and their kingdomes, and I do think the inuasion
of the Spanyard would preiudice both the commonwelth and the
Catholike religion too, against which as a true Englishman and denizen
of this realme, I would what lay in me or my meanes euer effectually
concurre conforming my selfe to the lawes of the realme as by deedes I
mean godwilling to declare not doubting but that my sincere entention
will appeare and redound to the honor of God, the service of my prince
and countrye, without preiudice of the Catholike faith, which I euer
professe, not refusing to go to the church. [Signed] Henry Walpole.

LXXXVI.

NOTES FROM THE EXAMINATIONS OF WALPOLE,
BOSTE, AND OTHERS

1594

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., ccxxxv, n. 19. Calendared by error
under 1590.

It is interesting to see what points the persecutors considered worthy
of note, and what a very small place they take in Walpole 's examinations.
The cynicism with which the treachery of John Cecil, Michael Moody (see
The Month, July, 1902), and Burley, are spoken of, is also remarkable;
so, too, is the reference to the attempt on the life of the Cardinal Archduke
Albert of Austria, Governor of the Spanish Netherlands.

Certen Notes of remembrance owt of ye Examinacions of
H. Walpoole, Jhon Boast, and others.

It appeareth amongst diverse seditious libells, which are now in
the forge abroad, thear is in hand a treatise compiled by Father Persons
of all the Competitors to ye Crowne of England, and their Titles and
pretenses, of which booke especiall caveat would be ,gyven that no
such be dispersed hear, as that which is most apt to breed seditious
whisperings and expectations.

It seemeth the fugitives and Traytors English in ye Low cowntries
amongest other practises doe ayme at ye gayning in by treason of ye
Brill and Flushing, and would be gladd to sett a foote that traffique,

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 269

and therefor ye more particular care would be had of those peeces, ye
rather bycause ye honorable persons that are gouvernors are absent
and now upon [? hurnestoes] gouvernment, all practises are like to be
quickened.

It seameth that Cecill ye priest, & Moody and Mr. Burly are
discouvered abroad to be spies imploied from hence, and therefore if
any counsellor hear imploy them, it were well they had knowledge of
it, that they be not ab[used], nor [loose] their charge.

It should seame there is some ey abroad and some project of
contryving a match between ye Erl of Northumberland & ye Lady
Arbella. Not that there appeareth any practise thereof on this side,
but if they abroad conceyve it to be apt for ye purpose, at one tyme
or other they will sett the traffique a foote, & therefore more ey would
be had upon it.

It seameth there is some conceit abroad that F. Dakers is greatly
beloved in ye North parts, and that he hath strength of allyance in
Scotland, and that yf he ioyntly with the Erl of Westmerland should
make an enterprise in those parts, it were like to putt ye Realme in
tumult, and gyve fier to furder troubles, and therefore the more ey
would be had upon ye near frendes of ye same F. Dakers, and the
safty & strength of those cowntryes more looked unto.

It seameth they have taken some light abroad that there should
be some imployed hence to kill ye Cardinall, in which attempt yf there
be any ground, it seameth it hath been yll handled, and not closely
caryed, and so purchaseth slander without frute.

Endorsed. — Walpole & Bost ex. by Mr. Bacon.

LXXXVII.

JOHN CORNELIUS TO FATHER HENRY GARNET

[Before June, 1594]

Archives S J. Autograph.

This letter is not altogether unknown, as H. Foley has printed a slightly
abbreviated translation of the somewhat shortened text found in the ample
panegyric, of which he gives a free version {Records S.J., iii, 464).

Jesus Maria.

Accepi R. P. literas auro charitatis onustas, pietate, consolatione
plenas. Gratias, quas referre non possum, habeo maximas. Quod
vobis et numero et merito non sum, doleo ; quod autem desiderio
et voluntate sum, gaudeo ; et spero Patrem Ignatium beatissimae
memoriae, si hinc evolavero ruptis huius vitae repagulis, me in suos
numerabit, quod consolatur maxime. Interim Dei voluntatem in spe et
silentio summo expectabo, hie cum fratre meo charissimo Loo annum
probationis agens ; ad cuius finem cum fune vt me deducat Dominus
humillime peto : Sed " Domine non sum dignus " et " Si populo tuo
adhuc sum necessarius, non recuso laborem."

Certiores obsecro facias, mi pater, concaptivos, si placeant literae ad
Cookum missae. Si isti modi producendi vitam aut potius impediendi
alios ab homicidio non sint liciti ; si quemquam offendant, revocabo.
Faciam quod in me est vt nemini causam praebeam scandali. Sed quia

270 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

Dei voluntas, qua? sit, non innotescit, cum Christo clamo : " Pater, si
possibile est, transeat a me calix iste; sed non mea sed tua fiat voluntas."

Ne opprimar subito, raptim abrumpo orationis filum, mutuam et
crebram orationum vicissitudinem submisse rogans, omnibus meis
charissimis Catholicis me commendans ; quorum expectation!, per Dei
gratiam, satisfaciam. Nos, vt nos, nihil sumus ; sed "Omnia possum in
eo, qui me confortat." lam nihil scire aut cogitare oportet "nisi Jesum
Christum, Eumque crucifixum : in nullo gloriari nisi in cru.ce Domini
nostri Jesu Christi"; et ab Apostolo, vt a Christo precibus impetret, vt
cum eo dicamus : "Viuo ego, iam non ego ; sed vivit in me Christus."

Valeat sua reverentia millies et meam causam agat apud patres vt in
hoc ergastulo, si fieri possit, de repente Jesuita evadam et in ccelum
conscendam.

Oratio fratris mei Currei ad resistendum haereticis vsque ad
sanguinem : nisi raperem nescio quid mali vereretur : cavete, si com-
munis sit, vt memoriae non chartis mandetur.*

Suae Reverentiae observantissimus
Johannes in vinculis.

LXXXVIII.

JOHN INGRAM'S EPIGRAMS

March to July, 1594

Stonyhurst, Ang.,x'\\, n.8, the author's autograph. The last page, with
the Epigrams xix, xx, is unfortunately missing, but the verses are supplied
from a contemporary copy by Father Holtby {ibid., ii, n. 12). Father
Grene has copied the first eighteen in his Collectanea N, ii, 41-46. The
inscriptions carved by the martyr on the walls of the Tower of London
have, it would seem, all disappeared.

We have already seen proofs of Ingram's skill in using Latin (p. 165),
and it was only natural that he should invoke again the Classic Muse to
help him in the terrible struggle with " Expectation of death," that
"other death which grins at me, her grey hairs steeped in gore." To
avoid her gruesome glances, he busies his mind chiefly with a happy past.
His first thought is of his "dearest Mother" (i). The " second from the
eleventh year has passed, since her voice was drunk in by his ears," and he
knows not whether she is still alive, but in heaven they will meet again.
According to Challoner, Ingram's parents were Protestants, but to judge
from the tone of these verses, the mother must by then have been
converted.

Then there are recollections of Warwick, Hereford, and Worcester
(iii), where his parents had lived before his birth, where he wTas actually
born, and where he spent his childhood. But there is no reference to
Oxford, though he has been identified with the John Ingrame who is No. 65

* The last lines are very hurriedly written and obscure. There is no punctuation
in the original. The Currie alluded to is probably Father John Currie, S.J., who had
worked some time at Chideock and other places, where he would have met Cornelius,
and probably had lately died. The exact date of his death is not known, but it
took place about this time. The words in italics being supplied, the meaning seems
to be, "The prayers of such a friend as Currie, who is now in heaven, will win me
the grace to resist, cS:c. Unless I am suddenly carried off, I know not what evil
should be feared. If your answer about my admission is an ordinary one ('com-
munis,' that is not requiring any special formula), pray do not send it by writing,
but by word of mouth."

To face p. 270]

The Ven. JOHN CORNELIUS, S.J.

T594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 27 T

in the list of New College, published in the Oxford Register, II, ii, 22.
But this must be an error, for the list belongs to the beginning of
Elizabeth's reign, whereas our Ingram was not born until about 1565.*

Then his mind wanders back to Flanders, "Thou that didst teach me
the sweet words of the Roman tongue" {n.19). He was certainly at Douay,
where he studied under John Columb, a Devonshire man, and a Jesuit,
{Troubles, iii, 108). He left Douay for Rheims in September, 1582, but
was seized with three companions, thrown into prison, and held to ransom.
He managed, however, to escape, and got eventually to Rheims (26 Oct.),
"in most miserable plight, dressed in rags and tatters " {Douay Diaries,
pp. 1 91-2 ; Cardinal Allen' s Letters, p. 164; and here xx). Next April
he was sent to the Jesuits at Pont-a-Musson, to study logic, dialecticis
firaece-ptis imbuendus, say the Douay Diaries, p. 195, but in his verses
he dwells entirely on the literary side of his training at this period (xix).
Evidently the classics had been entirely to his taste.

On the 7th of September, 1584, he arrived at the Hospice of the
English College, Rome, and was admitted at the age of nineteen, "aptus
adlogicam," to the College on the 20th of October, and he took the usual
oath on the 10th of June, 1585 (Foley, vi, 166, 167, 555). Here, "at the
fount of faith," he learnt "wisdom and Christ in the sacred text, and to
raise anointed hands unto heaven." That is, he was ordained priest by
"a saintly bishop," to wit, by Thomas Goldwell, of St. Asaph. He received
minor orders, after a dispensation from any irregularity contracted
either through schism or heresy, in July, 1585 ; the subdiaconate and
diaconate on the 25th and 30th of November, and the priesthood on the
3rd of December, 1589. These are the dates from Foley's edition of the
College Annates, or Diary, supplemented by Grene's Collectanea N,
ii, 17, and we shall have to return to them again. Father Grene {ibid.)
quotes an old account book of the College {Ltbro di depositi ; anno 1588,
ad 16), " He had a paid copyist [i.e. to take down the theological dictates]
probably on account of ill health. It is also recorded in the same place
that Sir Francis Englefield sent him money from Spain, that is, 11:80,
and at another time 20:21 [scudi]."

In the beginning of 1586 there was trouble between some of the
scholars and their Jesuit teachers, which led to a declaration of loyalty
to the governing body being drawn up by the majority, and Ingram's
name appears among the fifty (?49) signatories, and he subscribes (if
Foley, p. 508, is right) as " subdeacon."

But this does not agree with the Annates of the College, which,
without definitely stating the year of the subdiaconate, appears to ascribe
it to the same year as his priesthood, that is to 1589 (Foley, vi, 167). It is
clear, however, that the entries in the Annates were not made immediately
after the ordinations took place, but were filled in later. The Declaration
would therefore, on this point, be the earlier document, and by consequence
the more authoritative. On the other hand, the martyr's memory in after
years, as to the day of his receiving the priesthood, must be regarded as
less reliable than these said Annates. He alludes to his ordination as
having taken place on St. Catherine's day, i.e. November 25 (xvm),
whereas the A nnales explicitly give December 3, 1589 (Foley). It seems
clear that the martyr has here confused the day of his subdiaconate,
November 26, with that of his priesthood.

* The Oxonian may in fact have been the father of our martyr. He was fellow of
New College (see Wood, Antiquitates Universitatis Oxoniensis, i, 283), and ejected
about 1560. Concertatio, p. 416^, mentions one "Joannes Ingram nobilis, obnt exul.,
who might conceivably be the same man. There was a Christopher Ingram priest, of
the diocese of Worcester, nt Rheims about six years before John.

272 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

As has been seen from the notes in n. lxxxii, Ingram, after leaving
Rome, 4 December, 1591 (p. 203 supra), made his way through Abbeville to
Flanders, and thence to Scotland, where he says that he arrived a year and
a half before his arrest, which would be in the spring of 1592. Dr.Jessopp,
One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. 174, writes of Ingram having
come from Flanders with Father Walpole at the close of 1593 ; but the
documents summarised in the Calendars, which seem to countenance this
view, do not support it when read entire.

In Scotland Ingram lived with Sir Walter Lindsay, of Balgavies, son
of the ninth Earl of Crawford {Diet. Nat. Biog., xxxiii,3i4). In a Spanish
report drawn up or presented by that laird, it is stated that he "withstood
the ministers for a long time, with the help of an English priest, named
Ingram (afterwards martyred in England), who lived in his house as
chaplain, said mass and preached sermons, which the said laird invited
heretics and others to attend, not without signal benefit, for many became
converted to the holy faith" (W. Forbes-Leith, Narratives of Scottish
Catholics, p. 355). Ingram was therefore in Scotland during the critical
period known as that of the Spanish Blanks, and during the acute perse-
cution which followed. Amongst other measures Balgavies Castle was
then demolished by King James, and this was very probably the cause of
Ingram's return to England in November, 1593. He is reported to have
said at his trial that "he was pursued in Scotland, and constrained to
avoid the same for fear of his life. He came into England and stayed but
ten hours, and returning to Scotland was taken upon the water of Tweed "
{Troubles, iii, 201).

In Epigrams iv, v, ix, and xx, we have a retrospect over this stirring
period. Like a true Anglo-Scot he was full of admiration for the
courageous people from whom he was descended, with whom he now
identified himself, and amongst whom he had found "a second mother,
and a second father" (ix and xv, with Holtby's note). From Epigram xx
we learn he had suffered imprisonment in Scotland, a matter not recorded
elsewhere.

His arrest took place, he tells us (xviii), on St. Catherine's day,
November 25. But he seems to have kept up his disguise as a Scotsman
for a long while. At all events the Earl of Huntingdon does not seem
to have begun to take those special precautions in his regard, which were
deemed necessary when dealing with priests, until the following February.
Epigram xv, on his betrayer, therefore probably refers to the treachery
committed shortly after his arrest, which led to the suspicion that he was
an English priest, not a Scotsman.

We have indeed heard the Earl of Huntingdon declare, n. lxxxi, that,
"by that good hap, which God giveth unto all service for her Majesty,"
he, the Lord President, could make no progress with Ingram's case until
Thomas Walpole turned traitor. Not even Hardesty and Major, fallen
priests who had been with Ingram at Rome (Foley, vi, 117, 507, 551, 563),
could " tell me anything of him." Yet this is probably mere stupidity
on Lord Huntingdon's part. He knew before, on the 24th of February,
almost all that was afterwards gleaned about his prisoner {n. lxxx
compared with n. lxxxii), and he learned it from Hardesty {Troubles, iii,
p. 202). The evidence given by Thomas Walpole appears to have been
of no practical value, and was not referred to during the trial. It is
certainly not Walpole who is here alluded to by Ingram.

There are, of course, many references to the circumstances of his
imprisonment and examinations, to Berwick, York, and London (xx) ;
to the horse that carried him to the Tower (xiii), to his excuses under
examination (ix), to his poor, cold, open cell (xi, xii), to his straw bed, and
the mice that sheltered in it (xx), to the blunt knife that was given him,

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1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 273

according to custom, during the period of torture, lest he should commit
suicide (x). This precaution is also described in Father Gerard's
autobiography (p. 248), and in his account of the Powder Plot (Morris,
Condition of Catholics under James /, p. 189). Walpole also lets us
know that he had an opportunity while in London of publicly confessing
his devotion to the Blessed Virgin, Mother of God (xx).

Almost every epigram ends with a little touch of humour, or piety,
confidence in God, or cheerful patience.

'Eflv/^a/^ara parietibus Turris Londinensis rudi cultro inscidpta cum
indies mortem expectaret.

I. Ad Charissimam Genitricem

Aetherea, dulcis genitrix, si vesceris aura,

Te gratum lachrymis oro locare modum.
Scinditur ecce tuo corpus quod corpore sumpsi

Aurea sed gaudens spiritus astra petit.
Alter ab undecimo, ni fallor, transiit annus

Quo tua vox nostris auribus hausta fuit.
Fas Caelo mutuas audire et reddere voces

Quo propero iuvenis, tuque sequeris anus.
Relligionis amor, summi cultusque Tonantis,

Sola ferae, crimen non, mea causa necis.

II. 'EniTPAMMA IOCOSUM IN TUMULUM

Pro tumulo lapides fodiuntur, viscera terrae,

Ut vivos dives possit habere suo.
Ast ego non quaero tumbam : sed vivida tumba

Pro nostro exangui corpore corvus erit.

III. Aliud
Terra ligans ursam gignit, me parturit hasta
Parmaque, terra potens fructibus ilia fovet.
[/// margin, original band.] Warwici genitus, Herefordiae natus,
Vigorniae educatus.

IV. Aliud. Ad Scotiae Proceres
Clara cohors vivat, genuit quam terra Tyranni

Nullius externum docta movere iugum.
In cultu veterum vixi, rapiorque, secundum
Morte datum exemplum vos facitote meum.

V. Aliud
Vere novo petii Scotorum regna, sed artus •

Vere novo tellus, quos dedit, ipsa tulit.

VI. Aliud

Aeternos si vis cum Christo ducere soles
Incipe mundanos spernere corde dies.

VII. Aliud
Altera sanguineae mors est cunctatio mortis,
Quae ridet veteres tincta cruore comas.
R

274 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

VIII. Aliud. De lecto stramineo
Pascit equos paucos Londinum, sic mihi lectus
Accidit haud mollis. Stramina lectus erant.

IX. 'EnirPAMMA IN Zoilum

Anglia sacrato fama super astra cruore

Nato nota parens extitit alma tibi.
Cur fractam talis coepit dementia mentem,

Beruici captus dicere 'Scotus ego?'
Summa tibi rerum tangens fastigia dicam

Nil ficti verbis delituisse meis.
Assumptum nomen Scotorum gentis habebam

Et Sonipes, servus, Scotica vestis erat.
Illius in primo capiebar limine regni

Altera quo genetrix, quo pater alter erat.
Scotia dilexit, nutrivit Scotia egenum,

Causa triplex superest corde silenda meo.
Esse suam dixit Saram Patriarcha sororem

Abimelech Abram : nonne timore necis ?
Patris ad exemplum tanti natusque " Rebecca

Est mihi," non puduit dicere, "pulchra soror."
Aequivocare licet Sanctis ; imitator eorum

Ausus eram, factus, dicere, ' Scotus ego '
Dum modo festucam fratris conaris ocello

Tollere, trabs proprio lumine magna iacet.

X. Aliud. De cultro quem in Turri habuit

Cur mihi cultellum varia rubigine nigrum

Absque dedit Fanner cuspide clave potens?
Horrida sanguinei sectatus proelia Martis

Hibernus voluit se violare manu.
Tu quoque cinctus eras rutilanti Palladis ense ;

Eius et in vita castra secutus eras.
Neu velles tristem ferro dirumpere vitam,

Non datus idcirco culter acutus erat.
Arte pares igitur forma tractavit eadem

Neu tua custodi Parca nociva foret.
Ecce novem fateor Musis me semper amicum,

Discrepat ast sapiens Marte Minerva fero.
Omnibus opto fidem coram signare cruore

Fiat ut his vitae mors mea causa piae.

XI. Aliud
Queis aura cceli, mihi bina foramina, vesci

Vix potui, vincto forte fuere mihi,
Noctes atque dies, sed cur patuere? Cubili

Frigus ut arceret, nulla fenestra fuit.
Par mihi passuro meditari vulnera loethi

Gaudia quae sanctos martires alta manent.
Exuperat reliquas sed inenarrabile lumen

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 275

Laetitias, Sanctis quo deus ipse micat.
Hoc fuit in causa Phoebo Phoebique sorori
Cum minima minimam visere luce casam.

XII. Aliud. De rerum penuria quam in Turri sustinuit

Dives Alexander toto celebratur in orbe

Qui pressit duro plurima regna iugo.
Puluinar, librum, ciathos, ex stramine lectum

Computo, cum tanto divite, dives ego.
Esse sua nondum, morienti diceret author

Cum stabilis, gentes sub ditione novas,
Non color unus erat simulati corde doloris,

Et lachrimae testes fontis ad instar erant
Ast ego contentus paucisque meisque quieta

Mente satur pauper, sum quoque dives ego.

XIII. Aliud

Bucephalus, dorso, sonipes, bene nomine magno,

Magnus Alexandro substitit ipse suo ;
Londinum sed equus qui me portaverat usque,

A Borea vinctum, parvus et albus erat.
Albior ille prior macula sine vexerat omni

Per dominum foedae turpia strata viae
Ast minor hie album mutavit saepe colorem,

Meque nigrum luto reddidit esse suo.

XIV. Aliud. De solitaria vita

Hie qui solus agit nunquid /Miffavd^oTog hri ?

Nulla placet menti femina masve suae?
Cuncta pius sacro complevit numine Christus,

Orbe locus vasto quo sine nullus adest.
Vivimus in Domino motique movemur ab ipso

Immobili nutu cuncta movente Deo.
Falleris en dicens tu me /uiffdvdgo'n'ov ihai

Est Dominus mecum, non ego solus ago.

XV. In Proditorem 'ELTirPAMMA

Proditus a Juda superi Regnator Olympi,

Prodor et a Juda dissimilique modo.
Vendidit ille Deum caecus Plutonis amore

Ast me pro Baccho vendidit iste suo.
Visceribus primo ruptis laqueisque necato

Triginta nummi nil valuere viro.
Spe liquidi vana potus lususque secundus

Praemia sacrilegi nulla laboris habet.*

* Father Grene in the margin.— Additur hie in margine a P. Ric. Holtby:— Erat
quidam nefarius in cuius domo hospitabatur, qui eum Praesidi prodidit, alioquin
Scotus haberetur, nam et quidam nobilis Scotus ilium pro filio agnovit ac redimere
conatus est.

276 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

XVI. Aliud. Ad labores tolerandos excitans
Divinos Genitor Nato concessit honores

Quod cruce sit passus vulnera foeda necis.
Regia difficili largitur dona labori,

Sed tormenta manent otia sasua Stygis.

XVII. Aliud. De die quo turri primum est clausus
Ambobus miles Longinus captus ocellis,

Ob causas ilium colloco mente duas.
Hunc furiis Christi dicunt agitatus iniquis,^

Hastilis niveum vi penetrasse latus.
Sparsus utrumque sacro Christi cum sanguine lumen

De summa festum conspicit arce diem.
Ille dies quo me turris mala claustra videre

Fecit inexhaustus relligionis amor.

XVIII. Aliud

Ut caperer fuerit casus, quae causa vel error

Diva tibi sacro, quis, Catharina die ?
Compulit eloquio victrix sophiaque rebelles

Sub Christi laeto subdere colla jugo.
Nonne ministrorum bis senam tuque phalangem

Stans contra vera pro fide victor eras ?
Summi plena dei crudelis virgo tyranni

Sub saevo castum perdidit ense caput,
Stans captus medios inter tot tela, tot hostes,

Te dabis immenso per pia frusta Deo.
Illius in festo te sanctus episcopus aede

In sacra sacras unxit habere manus.
Esse sacerdotem cecidit volventibus annis

Tempore te fassum quo bene factus eras.

XIX. Carmen grati animi demonstrativum ad loca illa in

QUIBUS BONAS ARTES IMBIBERAT

Urbibus exopto grates persolvere dignas

artes me quondam quae docuere suas.
Flandria quae bello gliscis, quaeque ubere glebae

Europa socias nescis habere duas,
Dulcia Romanam docuisti verba loquelam,

fecisti et recte nectere cuncta rotae.
Gallia, quae quondam nulli pietate secunda

saepe sinu doctos docta fovere viros,
Scire facis Marcum latio sermone parentem,

scire facis laetae metra sonare lyrae.
Roma tui quondam structoris sanguine sparsa,

Roma modo fidei fons pietatis apex.
Te sophiamque sacro textu Christumque magistra

atque unctas didici tollere ad astra manus.
Flandria, Francorum regnum, Latiumque valete,

vester in Ingrami pectore crescit honos.

* Father Grene notes. — Melius : — Dicitur hie Christi funis agitatus iniquis.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 277

XX. De varus carceribus, quibus OB orthodoxam fidem fuit

DIVERSIS TEMPORIBUS MANCIPATUS, CARMEN SAPPHICUM

Ob dolum nullum varius Joannem
Career Ingramum tenuit ligatum
Ob fidem ferri placuit Quirinam

ferre catena m.
Laeta Gallorum miseri nephando
terra Calvini vitiata stupro
me diu cseco tenerum puellum

carcere clausit.
Scotiae regnum simili dehiscens
peste laetatum est veluti latronem
nullius victum posuisse in arctum

criminis antrum.
Haeresis dira novitate squallens
filium multas patier cavernas
ob sacram gaudes veterum parentum

relligionem.
Marte Barvicum resonans secundo
vidit in primis comitante turba
me sacerdotem Domino sacratum

compede vinctum.
Sed diem nostrum quoniam sitivit

ultimum *monstrum Boreae cruentum
militum magna rapior caterva

deinde Eboracum.

Subtrahor falso capitalis inde

usque Londinum moriturus insons
proditor tanquam patriae malignus

tegmine culpae.

Urbe cum primo domini sonoro
ore confessus niveam Tonantis
virginem sponsamque caputque ponor

illius arce.

Sanctus ut Baptista Dei Joannes
matris ex alvo socios eremo
hinnulos, turri comites tenebam

sic ego mures.

Straminis nostra petulans caterva
ausa lectica sibimet superbum
cum viro foedus cupiens inire

condere nidum.

Cum nee tempus rerum poeticarum aptum, nee liber ullus tali
negotio necessarius sese obtulerit, non mirum erit si aliqua irrepserint,
a candido lectore vitia [aut] aeque boneque concedenda, vel, quod
mallem, emendanda.

# Father Holt by notes in the margin. — "Praeses."

278 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO Jill)

[Translation]

Epigrams cut with a blunt knife on the walls of the Tower of Londun
zvhile he daily awaited death.

I. TO DEAREST MOTHER
Dear mother, if you still breathe the breath of life,
I pray you put a happy end to your tears.
Behold this body which I have taken from your body is to be torn

asunder,
Yet does my soul seek with gladness the golden stars.
The second from the eleventh year, unless I am deceived, has passed
Since your voice was drunk in by my ears.
In heaven it will be permitted to exchange words again,
Whither I hasten yet a youth, whither you will follow in old age.
'Tis love of the faith, and the worship of the Lord of Heaven,
This alone, and no crime, is the cause of my dread doom.

II. A Merry Epigram on his Tomb
Rocks are quarried, the entrails of the earth,
That Dives may have living rock for his tomb.
No tomb seek I ; and yet shall there be a living tomb
For my lifeless body — the carrion-crow.

III. Another
The land that binds the bear is my father, my mother
The spear and shield, my nurse the land rich in fruits.
[An allusion to the arms of the counties of Warwick, where he was
begotten ; Hereford, where he was born ; Worcester, where he was
brought up.]

IV. Another, to the Lords of Scotland
Hail to thee glorious band, born of a soil
That scorns to bear the yoke of any foreign tyrant !
I have lived in the religion of my sires, for it I am a prisoner ;
Do you according to the example given you in my death.

V. Another

In early spring I sought the realm of the Scots, but these limbs
Which that land had given me, she took from me in early spring.

VI. Another

If thou wouldst with Christ spend eternal days,
Begin to scorn in heart the days of earth.

VII. Another

This expectation of a bloody death is another death,
Which grins at me, her grey hairs steeped in gore.

VIII. Another, on his Bed of Straw
London has few horses to feed, hence there fell to me
A couch though not a soft one : for my couch was straw.

IX. Epigram to Zoilus

"England, known to fame beyond the stars for the blood of her saints,
Has proved a kindly mother to thee her son.
Why did such folly seize thy shattered brain
As to make thee cry ' I am a Scot,' when seized at Berwick?"

"I will but touch upon the chief points of the tale, and say

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 279

That no falsehood lay hidden in my words.
My assumed name was that of a Scottish clan,
My horse, my servant ; my dress was Scottish.
Right on the threshold of that kingdom was I taken,
Whence came both my second mother and my second father.
Scotland loved me, Scotland succoured me in my need.

There is a further threefold reason, which shall remain shut up in
my heart.
The Patriarch Abram declared to Abimelech that Sara was his sister:
Did he not do so from fear of death ?
After the example of a father so great the son too
Was not ashamed to say: "Rebecca the beautiful is my sister."
It is allowed to saints to equivocate ; in imitation of them
I had dared to say, having become one, 'I am a Scot.'

While thou dost endeavour to take a mote from thy brother's eye,
A great beam rests in thy own."

X. Another, on the Knife he had in the Tower

Why has Fanner, the keeper of the keys, given me a knife blackened
with all manner of rust, and without a point ?

An Irishman, who had followed the dread career of bloody Mars,

Wished to lay violent hands upon himself.

Thou also hadst once been girt with Pallas' gleaming sword ;

And in thy life hast followed her banner.

Yet thou wouldst never be willing to destroy thy wretched life with
the steel,

On that account was the sharp knife refused thee.

Men of kindred professions he has treated us in the same way,

Lest thy fate should harm thy keeper.

Lo, I confess that I have ever been a friend of the nine muses,

But Minerva the wise differs far from Mars the ferocious.

In presence of all I desire to seal my faith with my blood,

That my death may be to them a cause of a holy life.

XI. Another

In my prison there chanced to be two apertures

Through which I could with difficulty feed upon the air of heaven.

But why were they open night and day ?

There was no shutter to keep the cold from my chamber.

It was right that I, destined to endure the stroke of death,

Should meditate upon the joys which await the holy martyrs above.

But all other joys are surpassed by that light unspeakable,

By which God Himself shines upon the saints.

This was the reason why Phoebus and Phoebus' sister

Visited my tiny cell with a tiny ray.

XII. Another, on the Destitution he endured in the Tower

Alexander the rich is extolled the whole world over,

Who brought many a kingdom beneath his hard yoke.

A pillow, a book, cups, and a bed of straw

Are mine; rich as he was, I too am rich.

When one who knew told him on his death-bed

That there were still mighty nations not yet brought beneath his sway,

All the signs he gave were those of unfeigned grief of heart,

And the tell-tale tears poured down as from a fountain.

But I content with little, and satisfied with what is mine,

Poor as I am, at ease in mind, am rich enough.

280 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

XIII. Another
The steed Bucephalus the Great bore upon his back
Alexander, also well styled the Great ;
But the beast that carried me as far as London
A prisoner from the north, was both small and white.
The first was whiter still and had borne without a stain
His lord through foul and filthy ways ;
But my lesser jade often changed his whiteness
And made me black too with the mud of his own splashing.

XIV. Another, on his solitary Life
Is he who lives here alone a misanthrope ?
Does no man or woman give pleasure to his soul ?
Christ the Holy One has filled all things with His presence,
Without Him is no spot in the whole world.
We live in the Lord ; when moved we are moved by Him.
God immovable moving all things by His nod.
Lo ! you are deceived who say I hate company ;
The Lord is with me ; I do not live alone.

XV. Epigram on his Betrayer

The Ruler of highest heaven was betrayed by Judas ;

I, too, am betrayed by a Judas in another way.

He sold his God blinded by the love of Pluto,

But this Judas sold me for the sake of Bacchus.

When the first had burst asunder and had perished by the halter,

His thirty coins were of no avail to him.

The second fooled by the hope of drink and sport

Has now no reward for his deed of sacrilege.
_ \Margi?tal note of Fr. Grene. — Here is added in the margin by Fr.
Ric. Holtby : This was a certain rascal in whose house he lodged, and who
betrayed him to the Judge. Otherwise he would have been taken for a
Scot, for a certain Scottish nobleman owned him as his son, and
endeavoured to ransom him.]

XVI. Another, stirring him to the endurance of Labour
The Father bestowed divine honours upon the Son,
Because on the Cross He endured the foul wounds of death.
He lavishes royal gifts on hard labour,
But the cruel torments of Hell await idleness.

XVII. On the Day when he was first shut up in the Tower
The soldier Longinus was blind in both eyes ;
For two reasons I recall him to mind.

It is said that he, stirred by the lawless enemies of Christ,
Pierced His immaculate side with a thrust of his lance.
With both eyes sprinkled with Christ's sacred blood,
He sees the gladsome daylight descend from the heights of heaven.
That was the day, on which the unquenched love of the Faith
Made me behold the grim prison of the Tower.

XVIII. Another

What chance was it, what cause, or what mistake that I should

have been taken
On the day dedicated to thee, holy Catherine ?
By her eloquence and her wisdom she triumphantly drove the foe
To submit their necks to the happy yoke of Christ.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 281

Didst thou not also face and overcome for the true faith

A phalanx of twelve ministers ?

The maiden filled with the most high God forfeited

Her chaste life beneath the savage sword of a heartless tyrant.

Thou standing bound in the midst of so many armed foes,

Wilt give thyself piece by piece a sacrifice to the Immense God.

Upon her feast a saintly bishop anointed thee

That thou mightest have hands consecrated for the sacred rite.

After the lapse of years it has fallen out that thou shouldst confess

thyself a priest
On the day on which thou wast happily made one.

XIX. Ode showing the Gratitude of his Soul to those Places

IN WHICH HE HAD LEARNED GENTLE ARTS

I long to pay due thanks to those cities

Which once on a time taught me their arts.

Flanders, thou that fiashest with war, and which for the fruit of the soil,

Ownest no two equals in all Europe,

Thou didst teach me the sweet words of the Roman tongue,

And didst make me bind all well unto the wheel. *

France, thou of old second to none in holiness,

And skilled often to nourish learned men within thy bosom,

Thou dost make me know Cicero the father of Latin oratory,

Thou dost make me know how to sound the measures of the

gladsome lyre.
Rome, thou of old sprinkled with the blood of thy founder,
Rome, now the fount of faith, the pinnacle of holiness,
Under thy tuition I learnt wisdom and Christ in the sacred text,
And to raise anointed hands unto heaven.
Flanders, Realm of France, and Latium, hail;
Your honour grows in the heart of Ingram.

XX. Sapphic Ode, on the various Prisons to which he had at

VARIOUS TIMES BEEN COMMITTED FOR THE TRUE FAITH

On account of no deceit has many a prison held John Ingram
bound ; it was his lot to bear a chain of iron for the Roman faith.

The happy land of France, fouled by the horrid crime of
wretched Calvin, long shut me up when a tender child in a
gloomy cell.

The kingdom of Scotland, cloven by a like plague, rejoiced
to clap me as if I were any robber in a narrow dungeon, yet
convicted of no crime-
Foul heresy, with thy merciless novelty, thou dost make merry
that a son should endure many a gaol but for the sacred faith of
his fathers.

Berwick, with its echoes of success in arms, beheld me a
priest consecrated to the Lord bound with fetters in the front of
the line while the mob followed.

But since the bloody monster [the President] of the North,
thirsted for my day of doom, I am carried thence amid a great
band of soldiers to York.

Thence I am removed under the false cover of a capital charge
to London there, though innocent, to perish as a vile traitor to
my country.

sjs I am unable to ascertain the meaning of this line.

282 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

In the city as soon as I had proclaimed with clear voice the
Immaculate Virgin to be the Spouse and the Mother of the Lord
God I am committed to its Tower.

As the holy man of God John the Baptist from his mother's
womb had the beasts in the desert for his comrades, so in the
Tower my comrades were mice.

That arrogant tribe desired to enter into a proud treaty with
man, and dared to build its nest in my bed of straw.

Seeing that the time was one ill-suited for writing poetry, and that
there was a total dearth of books needful for such a task, it will not be
strange that some faults should have crept in which a generous reader
will either courteously condone, or, what is better, correct.

LXXXIX.

TWO LETTERS OF INGRAM TO HIS FELLOW PRISONERS

Ju]y. J594

Stonyhurst, Anglia, ii, ?i. 79; Westminster Archives, ix, 203 ; Oscott,
Challoner's MSS., p. 427 ; a partial copy, Collectanea M, 43.

The first of these is headed by Father Persons, " The b. Martyr
f. Inghiam. autographum." But the handwriting is certainly not that
of the martyr. The Westminster transcript, though later in date, often
gives some better readings. Challoner has printed about one-third of each
letter.

His letter to the prisoners
Most Dearly Beloved,

Although I am in this province and to all of you a mere stranger,
and consequently destitute of ordinary motives for mutuall love and
affection, yet seeing1 God hath through the operation of the Holy Ghost
inflamed you not only to believe in him and in his pure Spouse most
true documents, but also to suffer for profession of them, I have
emboldened myself, not so laconically as heartily, to greet you all in the
bowels of Christ Jesu, wishing my wish the most grateful to2 good
perseverance. Qui perseveraverit usque in finem, hie salvus erit : Qui
mittit manum suanf ad aratrum et respicit retro, non est me dignus.
And although4 you have5 to mine infinite grief and corssie* a pair most
ugly to behold of Iscariotts or Nicolaites, ¥ yet are you bound in
conscience to stand to your own tacklings, not only after their eclipse,
in number few, in learning simple, in arrogancy and presumption
without comparison, but yet after the fall, I will not say of millions, but
of6 the whole Clergy and laity in the whole world seeing that the matter is
of such moment, as in it is necesslv involved God his honour & your own
perpetual security and beatitude. Therefore I adhort* you to remember
S* Paul his words giving a most secure and wholesome potion pre-
servative from these infectious blasts. Si Angelus de coelo evangelizet
vobis aliud praeter id quod aecepistis, anathema sit. And in the
Apostles' time there were found qui exierunt a nobis sed non erant ex
nobis: necesse est ut veniant scandala. Yea if you had not sometime

%. '• Corssie " is an abbreviation for corrosie, or "corrosive. ' W. reads "corasive.'
•f Terhaps Hardesty and Major, priests who had recently apostatised.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 283

examples of frailties, it would be miraculous and unto you less
meritorious : ye may, and have occasion to imitate Job, qui erat Justus
inter nationes pravas : and likewise Lott : I say now to myself and you,
Qui stat, videat ne cadat: Tene quod /tabes, ne alius accipiat coronam tuam.
Pray therefore I beseech8 you in the name of my sweet Saviour Jesus
for my constancy, courage and zeal in my holy enterprize. Spiritus
promptus est, caro autem infirma. Desire Almighty God to overpoise the
multitude of my sins with His precious blood, Cujus una stilla salvum
facere totum munduni posset omni scelere. I am not as yet condemned,
nor to my knowledge my blessed brother, of whose security temporal I
have no hope. As for my own part I am altogether in the same state
I was in before my departure from York, having ever used discretion
(according as God commandeth), serpentine9 and columbine simplicity, in
matter, fit time, place, and person. I take God to record that I neither
named house, man, wife,10 or child in time of or before my torments.
Therefore if any report the contrary they Machevillianly belie me, for
my bloody Saul Topcliffe said I was a monster amongst all other for my
strange taciturnity. I look for my trial upon Thursday* and conse-
quently for my death to God's honour : pray for me earnestly.

My dear Concaptives

If the vessel of election glorious S* Paul vouchsafed not only by way
of paper to comfort eftsoones the Christians of the primitive Church
but also to give to his temporal benefactors a sweet surrender of thanks,
I will fit me to imitate him in like matter and manner ; first to ascertain
you that in my chained body my spirit is not chained nor in any
distress, or durance, for S* Paul testifieth that the passions of this
time are not condigne for the future glory which shall be revealed in
us. And for my part I have long since (I confide in God) imprinted in
my heart constant and immutable not to fear "those that kill the body
but the soul they cannot destroy": but rather worthy of remembrance in
this world11 the golden sentences which issued out of the mouth of all
verity, " He that hateth his life in this world keepeth it for life ever-
lasting, "and "He that confesseth me before men 1 will confess him before
my father which is in heaven." And albeit in my native country I have
taken12 great pains (preoccupated by my Iscariottical apprehension) in
God's vineyard, not wanting will nor destitute altogether of necessary
furniture, for to mow or reap in harvest season, yet I doubt not (if God
will comfort me through you in this militant church and my Patrons
in the triumphant Church's obsecrations) I shall purchase for our
Babylonical soil more13 by my death than by my earthly industry's
furtherance. For " Unless the seed of corn die, it alone remaineth ; but
if it die it will bring forth much fruit." Sl Augustine saith, ^ Sanguis
martyrum, the blood of martyrs, is the seed of the Church," and the
blood of Abel made an outcry against Cain, and in the Apocalypse the
souls of the murdered for the word and testimony of Jesus expostulate
for revenge.

I, knowing that the children of darkness are wiser in their generation
than the children of light, am enforced to desire you to prevent a certain

# He was, in fact, tried on Wednesday, July 24 (C.A'.S., i, 86).

284 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

one in Scotland, which fethered with the cloak (as he useth to say) of
verity but in sooth of Machiavel, will not stick to avouch, most impiously
and of set purpose, that I have detected somewhat prejudicial to Scottish-
men, by which guile and engine he may procure hatred to my person in
special and to my Coat in general. Therefore in these lines I affirm and
protest upon my faith, which I owe to God, and priesthood, that I have
neither named person nor disclosed anything as house or harbour, to
any man, woman, or child his damage in any climate whatsoever.

To those which out of Scotland made that humane14 offer of a
thousand crowns15 (as my L. Chamberlain in my presence imparted) I
return with the evangelical leper to yield a thousand thanks in sign of
gratitude, meaning (if God will give me a miscreant & wretched sinner
constancy, propitiation for my sins, and grace so far forth extended as to
die for his glory and Spouse's consolation) to make a propitiation of my
bloody sacrifice for their oblation. If my servant be found to be as
honest as ever I esteemed, I desire some of my familiar acquaintance to
bestow an angel upon him, if I be cut16 happily off. Further, I give my
horse and all whatsoever I left, if they can be gotten, to those which have
casually been a little annoyed through my loss of life or liberty. Finally,
most heartily to all my special17 children under what cope of heaven
soever they are now sorrowing, I send greeting with humble request to
God for their constancy in the true way of salvation. My carnal friends
I salute and wish, as to mine own soul, conversion from impiety and
irreligiosity, to virtue and Peter's sheepfold : I love them most entirely,
but my Creator (being his creature) in a far higher degree, for " He that
loveth Father or Mother more than me is not worthy of me," saith
Christ : Ergo per calcatum pergam patrem, per calcatam pergam matrem
ad vexillum cruris

I end this my last in haste written for I fear I shall have no means
hereafter, therefore I beseech Almighty God to protect you all, andls
establish you which suffer persecution for justice cause. And to every
one of you under the roof19 next opposite, I send ten grains apiece.
Choose yourself the matter, they are of Gregory. Further, one grain to
all of the Japonian pardon, which hath plenary only in Advent & Lent,
which being lost may be repaired twice. It is to be put or applied to
any convenient or fit subject in an oratory or chapel or upon an altar,
either Rosary, seven psalms, or Litanies, or20 to be said for accustomed
intentions.*

If I shall obtain the crown of the which I am unworthy I resign to
my cousin F. S. 3000 of the former and 40 of the latter, with a thousand
thanks for all courtesies* and hearty commendations, desiring him to
become to our mutual friends a father in common and to impart my

-X- The pious objects which the martyr sends " to every one of you under the roof
next opposite" {i.e. to his Catholic fellow-prisoners), seem to be in the first place beads
or grains, medals or crosses bearing the indulgences granted by Pope Gregory XIII,
probably the same as those recited in Douay Diaries, pp. 366, 367. The meaning of
the last sentence is obscure, but probably refers to §§7 and 15 of the indulgences just
mentioned. In the Westminster Archives there is a special list of indulgences granted
to Thomas Stukely, vol. ii, p. 15, 13 June, 1575 ; those granted to Mary Queen of
Scots are in the Ambrosian Library, Milan.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 285

loving mind unto them. I find great taste by your devotions, continue
them, therefore, I pray you, as the congregation did for Peter in John
surnamed Marcus' house. This in post haste. Adewe in visceribus
Christi. Adewe.

1 Westminster inserts that. 2 W. inserts all. 3 W. omits. * \V., albeit. B W.
inserts had. 6 W. inserts all. 7 exhort. 8 W., obtest. 9 from . . . serpentine, W.
omits. 10W., woman. J1 In this world, W. omits. la Stonyhurst inserts no.
13 W. inserts favour. l4W. inserts and bountiful. 15 W. inserts for my life.
16 W., not. 17 W., spiritual. 18 W. inserts bless and. lnW. inserts and prison.
20 W., are.

XC.

THE MARTYRDOM OF BOSTE

[After 24 July, 1594]
Stonyhurst MSS., Collectanea M, f. 160.

It has already been explained that Cecil's statements are not to be
received without caution (see p. 198).

Relacion de algunas particularidades que passaron en la muerte
del P. Juan Boste Sacerdote y martyre, embiado por el P. Juan
Cecilio al P. Personio.
Aunque V.P. esta bastantemente informado de lo que passo quando
estauan sentenciados a muerte los servos de Dios Juan Ingram y Juan
Boste Sacerdote, que auia sido ministro de los hereges, y como con-
uertieron a un ministro en el mismo tribunal, adonde recibiron su
sentencia di muerte, con todo esto ay algunas particularidades que no
puedo dexar de escriuerles para vuestra edificacion y consuelo; y son
que quando Ueuaron al buen Padre al lugar del su martirio, saliron
a le seguir mas de 300 damas y mugeres principales {all with black
hoods, which with us is a signe of gentlewomen). Desto spettacolo
\_blank~\ los hereges preguntaronles adonde yuan. Respondieron, "A
acompafiar aquel cauallero aquel sieruo de Dios a su muerte, como
las Marias a Christo." Huuo un ministro que dio al sieruo de Dios
pesadumbre por el camino, y vino un cauallero y le di al ministro
un rimpason, y le dixo, "Andad [blank] vellaco, porque el Sre Boste
se ha muestrado un buen cavallero y buen hombre."

Llegado a la hurca beso la escalera y subiendo al primero grado
dixo Angelus Domini nuntiauit Maria, 6-v., al segundo Et verbivti caro
factum est, &C, al tercero Ecce Ancilla Domini, &c. Boluendosi al
pueblo commencava a predicar, y los hereges le dixeron que vino alia
no a predicar sino a morir. "A lo menos, respondio el, daranmi licencia
de dar gracias a estos Senores y Sehoras que mi an hecha esta honra
y merced de accompanar mi este dia. Y aunque mi quitan aghora
esta libertad, con todo esto esta mi sangre y muerte y innocencia ha de
predicare en los coragones de los que Dios quiere llamar y recogir a
su sancta yglesia catholica; y esta mi cabega y mis quartos an de
predicar cada dia en vuestras portas y paredes la verdad de la fe
catholica." Y aun si puso por un rato en oracion : y casi despertandosi
pido licencia para rezar un psalmo que es el 114 (Dilexi quoniam),
y llegando a quel verso Conuertere anima mea in requiem tuam, quia
Dominus benefecit libt, 6°<-., daua gracias a Dios por todos sus beneficios

286 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

en general, y en particular de hauerle echa esta tan sehalada merced
de morir por su sancta fe. Y llegando aquel verso qtioniam eripuisti
animam meant a morte, oculos a lachrymis, pedes a lapsn, alabaua a Dios
por la constancia, patiencia y perseuerancia que le hauia dado, que
hauiendo sido ministro herege y tenido tantas commodidades del
mundo, con todo esto Dios le avia dado esta gracia de dexar todo,
y por satisfacion de sus faltas de morir con Christo in Christo y
por Christo y por su sta esposa la yglesia catca Romana, " fuera de la
quale, creed mi hermanos, porque esto no es tiempo ni de dissimular
ni hazer mentiras, impossibile est intrare in regnum coelorum" Y dicho
esto, horcaronle y le hizieron pedacos.

[ Translation']

Relation of certain particulars which occurred at the death of
Father John Boste, Priest and Martyr. Sent by Father John Cecil
to Father Persons.

Although your Reverence is sufficiently informed of that which occurred
when sentence was passed on those servants of God, John Ingram and
John Boste (who had been an heretical minister), and how they converted
a minister while at the bar where they received judgment of death. Besides
this I have a few details which 1 cannot omit to send you for your
edification and consolation. When they took off the good Father to the
place of execution, more than 300 ladies and women of good position
[all with black hoods, which with us is a sign of gentlewomen) set
out to follow him. Of this spectacle [blank] the heretics asked them
whither they were going. They answered, "To accompany that gentleman,
that servant of God to his death, as the Maries did Christ." A minister
offered to dispute with him by the way, and a horseman came and pushed
him away, and said, " Begone . . . knave, Mr. Boste has shown himself
a true gentleman, and a true man."

Having come to the scaffold he kissed the ladder, and mounting the
first step said, "The angel of the Lord declared unto Mary," &c. On
the second, "The word was made flesh," cyx. At the third, "Behold the
handmaid of the Lord," &c. Turning to^the people he began to preach,
and the heretics told him he was come not to preach but to die. "At
least," he said, "you will allow me to thank these ladies and gentlemen,
who have done me the honour and kindness to accompany me to-day.
Although I am now to be deprived of liberty [?life], my blood withal and
death and innocence, shall preach in the hearts of those whom God will
call and gather to His holy Catholic Church. My head and quarters will
preach every day on your gates and walls the truth of the Catholic faith."
Then he placed himself in prayer for a short while, and, as it were,
awakening, he asked leave to recite the 114th psalm, Dilexi quonia?n,
and having arrived at that verse, "Turn, O my soul, into thy rest, for the
Lord hath been bountiful unto thee," he returned thanks to God for all
His benefits both in general and in particular for having chosen him
for this signal mercy of suffering for His holy faith. Having reached
that verse, " For Thou hast saved my soul from death, mine eyes from
weeping, and my feet from falling," he praised God for the constancy,
patience, and perseverance which He had given to one like him, who
had been an heretical minister with so many worldly advantages. God,
withal, had given him the grace to leave all, and in satisfaction for his
sins to die with Christ, in Christ, and for Christ, and for His holy spouse
the Catholic Roman church, " outside of which, believe me, brethren (for
this is not the time to dissemble, nor to lie), it is impossible to enter
into the kingdom of heaven. "

This said, they hung him and cut him into pieces.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 287

XCI.

JAMES ATKINSON

27 July, 1594

Record Office, Declared Accounts, Pipe Office, No. 542, rot. 196.

We know but little about the Martyr, James Atkinson, who is not yet
declared Venerable because of this dearth of information. He was tortured
to death by Topcliffe, in Bridewell, early in 1595. So Garnet's Letter of
23 October, 1595, in Creswell, Martyr io de cinco Sacer dotes en Inglaterra,
1596, p. 83 (a copy of this very rare book at St. Joseph's, Gateshead);
and from him, Yepes, 696.

This was all that Challoner knew (ed. 1874, p. 189), but two important
pieces of evidence have been found or recognised of late. In the first
place Mr. Barnes, of Mapledurham, in his extant defence against Topcliffe,
openly accused Topcliffe of having done this, in order to make Atkinson
accuse him, Barnes, of harbouring priests, in which case his property
would have been forfeit (Tierney-Dodd, iii, App., pp. 200-204). The in-
ference from Barnes' account is that Atkinson at first yielded, but
eventually stood firm.

But still clearer evidence on this point may be found in the life of
Father William Baldwin. He was captured by English pirates at sea on
the 25th of January (Creswell, p. 88), the same day that Atkinson was
committed to Bridewell, and soon found himself prisoner in the same
place. The Jesuit, when taken, had passed himself as an Italian, Ottavio
Fuscinelli, who knew no English, and he steadily maintained his incognito
though suspected and carefully watched. In the same prison with him
he found a Catholic youth half despairing between remorse for certain
false accusations against others, which had been wrung from him by
torture, and fear that he might be racked to death if he retracted. The
Jesuit could not speak to him, or show that he understood him without
gravely endangering his incognito, his only chance of safety. But the
call of charity prevailed, and he managed to confess and comfort the
poor sufferer by night, while the Protestant fellow-prisoners were asleep.
Not long after the tortures were renewed, and the poor victim collapsed
and died without again failing in fortitude (H. More, Historia Provinciae
Anglicanae, 1660, p. 375).

Though the name of Atkinson does not appear in this account, yet
all the other circumstances, time, place, cause, sequence, &c. &c,
correspond quite accurately. As then there is none other but Atkinson
of whom a story of this sort is told, there can, therefore, be no question
that Father Baldwin's story refers to him. The full story of Father
Baldwin's adventures contains many other incidents of interest, some of
which I have worked out in the Stony hurst Magazine, May, June, 1889 ;
cf. Dom Bede Camm, The Month, 1898, ii, 164. Yepes (besides the
passages quoted above), pp. 820-830. Baldwin's autograph account is in
Archives, S.J., Scotia Historica, f . 68, and is signed " Orlaninus, alias
G.B." He says that he was freed from prison on the day Father Southwell
was tried, i.e. February 20 or 22, 1595.

The document here printed belongs to the year before Atkinson's death.
No details are preserved concerning these earlier sufferings.

Payment by the Treasurer of Chamber
To Thomas Burnham servant to the -Lord Norris at Windsor Castle
upon the Council's warrant dated at Greenwich xxvijmo Julii 1594 for
the diet lodging and other necessaries of James Atkinson prisoner
committed to his charge the space of viij weeks, liijs iiijd.

2 88 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

XCII.

JOHN BOSTE AND JOHN INGRAM

28 July, 1594
Record Office, Declared Accounts, Pipe Office, No. 542, rot. 196.

Payments by the Treasurer of the Chamber
To William Peryman and Henry Morton yeomen of her Majesty's
chamber upon the councils warrant dated at Greenwich xxviijvo Julii
1594 for the charges and expences of themselves disbursed for horse-
cheer and other necessaries in conduction of two Seminary Priests John
Boast and Ingram to the city of York and for their return back, xv11.

XCIII.

CATALOGUE OF MARTYRS, 1587-1594
n.d. 1594

Stonyhurst MSS., Atiglia, vii, n. 26.

The writer of this catalogue began by copying down in his neatest
hand a list of Martyrs from 1587 to 1594, leaving considerable spaces
between the lines. This script is here printed in italic character. After-
wards he proceeded to insert biographical notes in the blanks he had
left, writing in his smallest hand. These notes are here printed in Roman
type.

The diversity of handwriting gives the paper at first sight the
appearance of having been written by two persons, but a more careful
study leads to the conclusion that all is in one hand, which may be
identified with that of Father John Gerard, S.J., upon comparison with
his signed letters, in which, however, being of a later date, the hand has
again changed to some extent. Besides this we may notice that the
period covered by this catalogue corresponds with the dates of Gerard's
coming to England in 1588, and of his imprisonment in 1594. On the
other hand, the month of April conjecturally assigned by Father Morris
for his arrest (p. 176), will not suit, as the last entries of this catalogue
refer to events which took place on the 26th of July. Another indication
of Gerard's authorship is the description of Sutton's relics, of which he
was part-possessor {Life of Gera?'d, p. 125).

Catalogue of Martyrs from 1588-1594

1587

Mary Queene of Scotts beheaded in Forthringam Castell in North-
amptonsheir Feb. 8

Thomas Pilchard Freist, quartered at Dorchester at Lent Assice.

Most cruelly mangled, for beinge cut downe alive and layd on his
backe the executioner beinge a cooke and unskilfull or careles first
cut him over thwart the belly, withowt he offering to rise the
executioner cut him all over the hand. Then the people cryinge owt
uppon him, he began to slit him up the belly and to pull owt his
bowels. The Priest reised himself and putting owt his hands cast
forward his owne bowells cryinge owt Miserere mei \_MS. blank'].

The officers retorninge home, many of them died presently crying
out they were poisoned with the smell of his bowells. The chiefe

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 289

keeper of the prison where he was kept, goinge into his gardaine
somewhat late, saw one comminge towards him like Mr. Pilchard, and
being astonied asked him what he did there. " [I] goe in to Mr. Jesoppe
(a gentleman Catholicke prisoner), and presently I will retorne to you."
The keeper went in and sickned, Mr. Jesop died, and the keeper alsoe,
who refused the preachers when they offered to come to him. An
old prest there in prison in his sleepe was sodenly wakened, and sawe
his chamber full of light and a thinge like a fishe bigger then a man
from which the light proceeded. There was a gentleman prisoner there
then (who tould me all this) whose wife, alsoe prisoner for the cause,
was greate with child & neere her tyme, she wakened one night suddeinly
in greate fright, and beinge demanded of her husband what she ailed,
she affirmed she had seene Mr. Pilchard whoe tould her she must
come to him. She fell that night into her labour and died in child-
birthe.

A laye man was executed there some 4 years after (I take it Peeke
an. 92) whoe beinge asked at his deathe, [what] had moved him to
that resolution, etc., he saide, " Nothinge but the smell of a pilcharde."

This priest was noted in his life tyme heare in laboringe for souls
to be verie laboriouse. It is thought he had stopped his ears with
wull at his deathe, for he never answered word to any thinge they
said, but attended [to God] only.

Another priest [?John Hambley] about that tyme in Somerset,
removed from Salisburie, who first had yealded of freiltie and after-
wards muche repented him (and was comforted in prison by Mr. Pilchard,
then alsoe prisoner) and stoud to it manfully, inveighinge muche

against his former fault. OD

e 1588

William Deane, a yorkshireman, preest, and Henry Webley a laie
man (borne in Glocester), hanged at Mile end Aug. 28

Mr. Deane for exhorting the people as he sat in the cart was sore
hurt by an officer with a bill uppon the heade : his mouth was alsoe
stoppet and mufled with a handkercher.

William Gunter preest, borne in Wales, [guar., erased] hanged by

ye T/ieator, and Williams a preest in Q. Mary time, borne in Wales,

quartered [sic]* at Hallowell Aug. 28

William Gunter beinge arayned would not have any iurie to passe
uppon him, but freelie confessed he had reconciled and would doe
soe againe yf he could. Being brought to ye place of execution he
was tould he should not be quartered, he answered "It is fitt it should
be soe ; for I am not wurthy to suffer so much as my brethren."

Thomas Holforde alias Acton preest, Chesheshire man, hanged only,
at Clarke fiwell ; Robert Moorton preest, a Yorkshierman, and High-
More (a lincolneshire man) a laieman, hanged in Lincolnes Inn Feilds ;
James Clarckson (a Yorkshier man) preest, and Thomas Felton a laie
man (borne in London), hanged at Brainford Aug. 30

Mr. Felton was of the order of Sfc Francis of Paula and sent over
by his Superiors to dispose of his things, and make provision for his

* Both Dean, Gunter, and Williams were originally marked as "quartered, 'but
this has been cancelled, and a marginal note added, "These 3 were only hanged.

290 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

profession. Beinge taken heere he was verie ill used first in Bridewell
& allmost lamed, afterwards ioyfully suffered deathe.

Richard Leigh (a Cambrigeshier man) preest, [guar., cancelled]
hanged; Richard Martinet (Shropeshire man); Edward Shellye (of
Wormingehurst in Sussex) ; Richard Lloyd gent, (borne in Wales) ;
Margaret Ward Gentelwoman (of Chesheshier), 6° John Roche, an
Irisheman, both hanged for healping Mr. Watson a preest out of
Bridewell ; hanged at Tiborne Aug. 30

Richard Martine a lay e man executed only for being in the com-
panye of Mr. Robert Morton Pt. and paying vjd for his supper.

Edivarde Campion, a Warrickshier man ; Robt. Wilcockes, a chesshier
man, preest of Rheins ; Christopher Buckston, darbishier man, preest of
the Roman Seminary; Robert Widmerpoole, a Notinghamshier man, a
laie man ; hanged and quartered at Caterbury in Kent Oct. 1

William Waie, a Devonshier man, preest of Rheins, quartered at
Kingston. Rafe Croket, a chesshier man, col[legian\ of Cambridge ;
Edward fames, Darbishire man, preest ; quartered at Chichester in
Sussex Oct. 1

Wil. Waye preest was verie much given to abstinence and austeritie.
He had suche desire of martirdome yt others beinge sent for to the
Sessions, and not he, he did weepe and crie, and was so muche greeved
that fearinge he had offended God he went presently to Confession ;
but when he himself was sent for he had so much ioye that he
seemed past himself.

Mr. James a verie mild and virteuouse man much given to meditation,
and had in the same so greate consolation that sometymes he could
not refraine but express the same by outward signs.

'.'John Robinson, a Yorkshireman, preest of Rheims, quartered at
Ipswiche in Suffolke. Oct. 5

.*. Jn. Robinson an humble and virteuouse old man, whoe being
left one of the last, suspectinge that he should not be sent for, he
did weepe verie bitterly ; but shortly after wurd beinge brought that
he was sent for, he gave the mesenger his best gowne, and tooke his
leave most ioyfully. And some difficultie beinge made to get him a
horse, the iorney being at least 60 mile, he said " I need noe horse ;
I will goe on foote with as good will as you ride." And comminge
to his arreignment he answered so resolutely, yt the Judge sayd " I
thinke this fellowe intendeth to be hanged." He answered, "For what
els did I come hither?"

John Weldon preest, quartered at Mile End ; William Hartley, a
Notinghamshire man, coll. S. John in oxford, preest, hanged at Halliwell;
Robert Sutton, borne at Kegworth in Lecestershire, a laie man, hanged
at Clarckenwell ; 6° Adams, a dorsetshier man, a laye man, hanged at
Tiborne Oct. 5

John Weldon only hanged it is thought, but either by the malice
or negligence of the executioner indured a longe and painful deathe :
in so muche that the bludde burst owt at his mouth, nose, eares and
eyes: he in the meane tyme offeringe to knocke his brest and to make
the signe of the holie crosse.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 291

Robert Sutton a layman executed only for that he had beene shriven
of one Mr. Blithe an old Preest in Newgate.

Nicolas Garlike, a darbishier man, preest of Rheins ; Simson, a
Yorkshierman, preest of Rheins ; Ludlam, a Darbishierman ; Preests
quartered at Darbie. Cleyton, a Yokshireman, preest of Rheins, con-
demned and died ther in prison [blank in MS.]

Robert Sutton, borne in Burton upon Trent in Stafford, preest of
Dowaye, first a Master of Art in Christ Church in oxford, quartered
at Stafford [blank in MS.]

Of this man it is constantly reported that he was seene by his
keepers to praie in the midst of a light, within the prison the night
before he suffered. And when 3 of his quarters were taken downe
after they had hanged a twelmoneth in the ayer, all beinge consumed
to the bones, the Index and the thome consecrated for the touche of
Christ his bodie, were found whole and are so conserved.

This man, beinge minister at Literwurth in Lecstershire, before his
goinge over he first tould all his parishe owt of the Pulpit that
he had taught them falce doctrine, and willed them to embrace the
Catholicke Faith, which then himself ment to followe, and presently
tooke his iorney.

1589
Joane Lowe, condemned for receauinge and relemnge of

preests, died in prison in yc White Lion April 7

Christopher Bales preest, a Yorkshierman, of Rheins, quartered in
Fleet street ; Nicholas Horner a laie man, a Yorkshireman, hanged in
Smithfield ; Saunder Blake hanged for harboringe of preests, in Greys
Inne Lane March 4

Nicholas Horner. It is sayd that he had a verie comfortable vision
of a greate and cleere light in Newgate the night before he suffered.

Fraunces Dikinson, a Yorkeshierman, and Miles Gerard, a Lankishier
man, preests, bothe of Rheins, quartered at Rochester April 30

William Hues preest, tortered in Bredwell by ye privie fits and
after quartered in Fleetstreet against ye hoivse where he was taken,
and Middelton preest, a Yorkshire man, quartered at Clarken-

well Mail 6

[Note on Hues] The like is said of one Mr. Jones, whether all
one man, I knowe not. [Further note] All is one, he was borne in
london.

■ [i59i]*

Georg Beesley, a Lankeshier man, of Rheins, and Monford Scott,
a Suffolk man, preests, quartered in Fleet Street Julij 2

This last was of a verie austere life and passing zealous. At his
execution his knees were seene to be so hardened that the people
were muche edified, and many sayd they should not see the like in
any Minister.

* The year number, 1591, is omitted, and there is evidently some confusion
about the following dates. There is a line at this point in the left margin.

292 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 5 94

George Nicolls, borne in Oxford, he was usher of pouks, and Richard
Yaxley, a Lincolneshier man, of Rheins, preests, quartered ; 6° Thomas
Be/son, gent, an Oxfordshier man, and Humfrey hanged at

oxford Jtilij 5 [1589]

1590. Edmund Duke a Kentisheman of good riche parents, priest
of the Roman Seminary and 3 other priests taken and executed at
Durrham. I understand their three names were Holidaye

Hogge Hill, but whether these last were there true names I knowe

not, and that it was an° dni [i5]9o.

1592 [should be 1591]

Roger Dikinson, a Lincolneshier man, preest, quartered, and Raphe
Miller, a Hampshier man, a late man, hanged at Winchester in Ham-
sheire Julij 7

Peeke a laye man quartered at Dorchester, Justice Manwoode his
judge. He was cut downe alive and receaued his perfect memorie,
the executioner cumminge to cut him up, he offered to rise. The
officers standinge by stretched owt his hands, and with their Halberts
thrust them thorowe and fastned them to the ground.

Edmund Iremonger, a Staffordshier man, preest of Rheins, quartered;
Swythen Welles, a Hamshiere man, gentleman, hanged in Greys Inne
feilds, against ye howse where they were taken. He beinge much urged
by Topcliffe at his death praied ernestly for him, desiringe that God
would make him of a Saul a Paul. Dec. 10

Eustace White, a Lincolneshiere man, grevously torlered in Bredwell;
Pollidore Plasden, borne in London, preest of the Roman Seminary,
quartered ; John Mason, a Kendall man, Sydney Hodgson, a Norfolk
man, and Bryan Lacy, a Yorkshire man (This man was pitifully tortured
in Bridewell as himself declared at the tyme of his execution), layemen,
hanged at Tibume Dec. 10

0592]

William Patteson preest, a Yorkshire man, quartered at Tyburne

Jan. 22

The gentleman and his wife in whose house this good man was
taken,* were forced awhile to make verie hard shift in Ingland beinge
spoiled of all their goods. In the end gettinge over withowt pro-
vision, live nowe in banishment. Mr. Patteson beinge of greate zeale
converted 6 or 7 of the felons in Newgate, which professed their
faith at their death, and it is sayd one of them might have beene
pardoned yf he would have denied againe his faithe.

Thomas Pormort, borne in Hull, first of Cambridge, preest of the
Roman Seminary, quartered in Paules Churchyard, for havinge reconsiled
a townsman dwe Hinge there Feb. 21

He throughe extremitie of torture got a rupture, for which an
ancient prisoner in house with him, got him a trusse made, whoe sent
me wurd of it.

James Byrd, a Hamshiere man, a laie man, hanged and quartered
at Wi?ichester in B amps he ire March 25

% Laurence Mompesson (see Acts of English Martyrs, p. 116).

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 293

Roger Ashton, a Lankishire man, gent., hanged and quartered at
Tyburne June 23

Lamton preest, quartered at Newcastle.

1593

Anthony Page, a Midelsex man, freest, quartered at York

April 30

Richard Daye preest, quartered at Beaumarice in Anglice in Wales

in September

At the tyme of his execution, amonge many other devout speeches,
he sayd he nowe found by experience the words of our Saviour true,
where he saith yl his yoke is sweete and his burden light. His execution
was differred for 3 weeks or a moneth, for that none could be gotten
that would execute him, untill at last a butcher of Chester for 408
did it, whoe soone after was himself put to death for felonie, at what
time he muche lamented that ever he had done so wicked a deede,
for which fact he sayd he beleeved that God did nowe iustly punishe
him. This and muche is extant in writinge of this good man as I
understand.

There were 2 Priestes executed at New Castle, whose names I can
not learne.*

J594

JVilliam Harrington, a yorkshier man, preest, quartered at Tibipne

Eeb.iS

He converted 5 or 6 felons in the short tyme he was in Newgate,
whereof 2 or 3 might have beene reprieved from the gallows, if they
would have denied what they had professed there.

John Mohun alias Cornelius, first of Exciter Colledg in oxford,
then of the Romane Seminarie, preest, quartered ; and Thomas Bosgrave
gent., Patrick Samon, and John Carie, laie men, hanged at Dorchester
in Dorsettsheire Julij 3

John Mohun. At the bar, amongst other things, he appealed to
the lawe of God, and Judg Anderson answeared, "We come not
hither to doe the lawe of God but the lawe of the Queene." When
he was quartered they durst he [sentence unfinished in MS.}.

Jhon Bost, a Westmerland man, preest, quartered at Durham, and
Jhon Ingram preest of the Roman Seminary, quartered at Newcastell ;

, a minister, hanged in his owne parish for professing yc catholic

faith [No date in MS.]

Endorsed. — A catalouge of Martyrs from 88.

XCIV.

THE LETTERS OF FATHER ROBERT SOUTHWELL

Father Henry More refers more than once to a large collection of a
hundred and fifty Epistolae Familiares by our Martyr; unfortunately he
quotes but few, and his collection has now, alas ! entirely disappeared.
The letters here given were either collected by Father Christopher Grenc
at the English College, Rome (whereas Father More wrote at St. Omers,

* These were Joseph Lampton, 27 July, 1593, whose name lias been afterwards
inserted above, and Edward Waterson, 7 January, 1594-

294 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

in Flanders), or else intercepted by the enemy, and are now accessible
at the Record Office and elsewhere. Other fragments of correspondence
may be found in the Lives of Philip, Earl of Arundel, and of Anne
Dacres, his wife. It is probable that Father More's collection was
largely made up from letters addressed to them. A feature in Southwell's
letters is the great prevalence of Scripture allusions. In one or two
letters an endeavour has been made to give the references, but, as it was
impossible to do so fully, the attempt was not continued.

To Father John Deckers
October, 1580

Southwell's Autograph Draft. Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, vii, ».i; a
copy Collectanea P, ii, 501.

Father John Deckers, S.J. (1560-1619), to whom the following letter is
addressed, was born at Hazebrouck, then part of Flanders, and was
educated at Douay. It was here that he was introduced to Southwell,
as we are informed below, through the intermediation of " Magister
Leonardus," who may, without doubt, be identified with Leonard Lessius
(Leys), afterwards a celebrated professor of Theology, and who was then
(1574-158 1 ) professor of philosophy at Douay. He is called Magister
not Pater, because he was not then a priest, and his ordination in 1580
is alluded to at the end of the letter. Southwell we know from the
Douay Diaries, had lived at the English College there from 10 June, 1576,
until the incipient revolution of November, 1576, caused so many of the
students to leave. He was back again in June, 1577, but whether as a
resident or visitor is not clear {Douay Diaries, pp. 105, 106, 113, 124.
At p. 148 his Christian name is wrongly indicated by "Jo:" for "Ro:"
i.e. Robert).

The intercourse between Deckers and Southwell, described below, may
thus have lasted during a good part of the years 1577 and 1578, but
both were sent to Italy in the latter year in order to enter the Society.
Deckers went to Naples, Southwell to Rome accompanied by Matthew
Marshal, and these two were admitted at Sant' Andrea on the 17th of
October (N. Southwell, Catalogus Primorum Patrum S.y. ex Anglia,
p. 17, Stonyhurst MSS.). Marshal unfortunately died a few months after
this letter was written, on the 13th of February, 1581 {Ibid.).

From the Novice-house at Naples, Deckers wrote to Southwell a letter
which is still extant, dated "5 calendas Octobris, 1580" (Stonyhurst MSS.,
Anglia, i, 10), which treats of the merits of life in a religious order, the
occasion presumably arising from the proximate conclusion of their two
years of probation. Southwell's answer is known to us only through his
rough draft, which is, of course, undated and unsigned, but it will not
have been much later than the date of Deckers' note.

Deckers became in later life a writer of some note in his native land
(Sommervogel, Bib. de la C. de fe'sus, ii, 1870). Whether the youthful
friends ever met again we do not know, but after Southwell's death
Deckers composed a full account of his martyrdom in Latin. Father
General Aquaviva wrote to acknowledge with thanks the copy sent to
him on the 28th of October, 1595. This account is presumably the basis
of the ample Elogiu?n, of which a translation may be found in Foley's
Records, vol.i, pp. 301-387, from the transcript at Stonyhurst made by
Father Cardwell from the St. Omers MS.

In the margin of this draft Southwell has characteristically allowed
his youthful pen to sketch a couple of men's heads, and at the end,
written cross- wise, is a rhythmical prayer to our Lady. Probably he meant
the words to suit some chant or hymn tune : —

4 «tl .jvr™,~-

ft * j. ~" i-r^--' v~<~« ^-.

/h ,!1rJU ^ ,ftte A^.te>c »xr»«*w w.~itl*>)

ZJyi<fi/t, »**/'/ «">««> "'wiwi j**i-A*r a^,ub.Wi r.'^-rfJ^^J ►<

A. 'r.W -.tf^/VA,-.-. ■■■ -

fc\'C1r e* p* far iw»i ,^.«/;;4r z*.rtn£ '£j«g£ ■

r>^ J*tmy-£.sn ^*Zv t>u.-jn c.it^) ftr

j **. -^ *m> ^; «^^_ .'.r^^O'c^t't

*^«;

f-e-iit- tccietosr^ fit*

' ~'V~'%,e}\ "v*^,v<-"' *+<e»-f^J

^fc-irv4h«^ eyJfc223L!l *,~l.-~u.b~i &*<*■£' ~ « ,*; ^ /w, et ^,£-r'^^ *. f~ \.r.***'»*-' *»«-•• » •——*■"'

-* **:J+U. tc+*^*# fLs4u±3i f-'<sMi ***( t*i i.a. »»»< " ■ ■ •«- 97— ' •

jx'—rtjf- p*i i-drO*

To face p. 295]

*3 A
i*. iff

■

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 295

O uirgo clemens et pia / O genetrix altissimi / Succurre mihi Maria/
Uae Use Us / Misero mihi use / nisi Succurras Maria / vas se mihi nisi
uae / Quia priuabo gloria /

Tu mater es dolentium / Tu ciuitas refugij / Exaudi preces flentium.

Dei hostis me persequitur / Nisi succurras Maria / Mens fracta cito
uincitur / Dum mundus uana porrigit / Nisi succurras Maria / Miles
infirmus corruit.

Pax Christi &c. Jhs % Maria

Dum nuper cum quodam fratre nostro Flandro deambulans ei cum
magna turn mea turn ipsius consolatione pristine nostrae amicitiai
frequentisque conversationis rationes explicarem, (carissime Joannes)
non parum admiratus sum, quinam fieri posset, ut tarn iustaa sancteeque
vnionis uelut obliti, sine illius mentione tamdiu conticuerimus. Si enim
ilia etiam apud Ethnicos fuit amicitiae uis, ut semel inchoata, nulla se
pateretur obliuione deleri, quanto maiorem in animis Christianorum
obtinere deberet efticaciam, ijs praesertim, qui nee delectationis quod
plerumque euenit appetitu, nee commoditatis spe, sed sincerissimo
virtutis amore et studio copulati sunt. *Cum igitur Christus Jesus (de
quo vtique minime ambigo) nostri fuerit congressus exordium, cum
vnanime illius [sic] seruiendi desiderium nostri fuerit progressus vinculum,
cur et conformis desiderij effectus nostrae non esset amicitise comple-
mentum. Charitas quippe, quae Spiritus SM sigillo in ipso Societatis
ingressu cordibus nostris est impressa, longe ad augendam earn et
confirmandam [efiicacissima]* est. Tantoque magis crevit admiratio,
quanto altius rem examinans scribendi occasiones vtrinque efficacissimas,
quae autem retardare poterant obstacula nulla penitus inuenirem. Pro-
posueram igitur somnolentum istud silentium interrumpere, et amicitiao
nostrae facem iamdiu sub modio delitescentem super candelabrum
ponere, quatenus illius splendore excitati, quantum ilia mediante Deus
Op : Maximus praestiterit beneficium integremus. Dum autem ista
mentem cogitatio occuparet, inciperemque quod animo conceperam
opere complere, ecce literae a te mihi traduntur, quibus perlectis te in
eandem sententiam scripsisse reperi. Dei ergo singulari prouidentia hoc
evenisse ratus, qui quod ipse inter nos pepegit dissolvi fcedus non
sustinens, mutuis illud Uteris vult renouari foueri stabilirique ; ne ejus
dispositioni resistam, ilia pariter tecum repetam, quorum memoria ad
ardentius illi seruiendi desiderium inflammari possimus. Vt autem inde
incipiam unde Deus O.M., nos in unum animos conglutinandi ansam
arripuit, quid me tibi primo mentem propositumque aperire compulerit
breviter exponam. Dum ego adhuc de uocatione ambiguus uarijs animi
incitationibus hinc inde impellerer, et inter Bruni Ignatiique carinam
fluctuans, dum ncutram apprehenderem, tentationum impetu prope-
modum suffocarer, consilium in melius dirigens, animae medicum
frequenter consului, qui cum semper ut priori vocationi, qua: ad
Societatem fuit, firmis passibus inhasrerem, uarijs arguments hortaretur,
prassentes quidem impulsus, tumultusque ad tempus sedauit, non tamen
ita compescuit quin, cum ab illo recesseram, non minori quam prius

* to * This sentence recurs in the penultimate sentence in almost identical terms.
It is very possibly a quotation. Some word like " eflicacissima " must be supplied
at the end.

296 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

rabie noua aliqua tempestas mentem exagitaret. Hunc ego in modum
quotidianis insultubus petitus, et quis mihi portus quaerendus esset
nescius, continua coepi lucta defatigari. Nunc mihi Societatis placeret
institutum, paulo post novis Diabolus machinis sententiam commutavit.
Si sub Bruni cogitarem vexillo militare, conscientiae subito stimulis
urgebar. Atque ita miser vacillans, summaque cum anxietate perpetuo
mecum contendens nullam per tres menses animi quietem poteram
capessere. Tandem vero, ita pio illo Patre et Domino Jesu Christo, qui
neminem supra id quod potest tentari permittit, instigante, supremum
quasi adhibiturus conatum Confessorem adeo, illud denique unicum
mihi remedium futurum asserens, si quern eiusdem desiderij participem
procuraret, quocum possem libere sermones conserere occurrentes in dies
difficultates mutuis colloquiis subleuare. Hoc ipso tempore quo ego
hac de re agerem, ita Diuina bonitas disposuerat, ut tu cum M. Leonardo
ibidem deambulares, quippe quern amantissimus Jesus infirmo debilique
athletae suo in subsidium ab aeterno prouiderat. Te itaque mihi Pater
demonstrans, "Ecce," inquit, "qui jam per annum eoque amplius simili
Deo seruiendi ardore incensus, nullum vt tu animi inconstantiae hactenus
praebuit indicium." Quibus ego auditis subitanea quadam laetitia iubilans
ita ab omni dubietate (mirabile dictu) me immunem sensi,ut aut rarissime
aut nunquam postea de vocationis ad Societatem certitudine hsesitarim.
Petitionem igitur instantius prosequor, morgeque impatiens, ut spiritualis
istius foederis consensum a te quam primum postulet, efflagito. Pater
autem tarn subitae in me mutationis conscius, quantumque vtrique
nostrum ex mutua conuersatione prouenire posset vtilitatis perpendens,
se rem M. Leonardo propositurum pollicetur. Ego eandem Deo com-
mendaturus discedo, et inter spem et metum positus in hac cogitatione
toto illo die occupor : et licet timorem incuteret patriae sermonisque
discrepantia morumque meorum fugienda deformitas, ex adverso tamen
fiduciam praestabat in sancto proposito consona voluntas, qua? longe
efficacior ad nos vniendos quam supradicta ad separandos nos esse
videbatur. (f. 2V) O si iam scires (Joannes mihi carissime) quos ego
tunc temporis de tua deuotione pietate et secreta cum Deo conuersatione
in animo conceptus formabam, existimo procul dubio quod maximam
mde ferventius Deo seruiendi occasionem arriperes. Si scires etiam
quam ferventem in me conceptus isti generaverint charitatis erga te
ardorem, quomodo animus in praesenti versum te affectus sit facile
judicares. Sed ne epistolae modum excedam, his multisque similibus
supersedeo, illud solum ad Dei gloriam commemorans, quod adeo noua
rerum facies in me apparuit, et e profunda caligine emersam tarn
inusitatus splendor mentem illustrauit, ut omnia praeteritas pugnae
vulnera hoc solatium in sola tui consensus expectatione & fiducia per-
ceptum perfectissime sanare videretur. Sed quid in spei effectibus
immoror, et appositi mellis intuitu potius quam gustu exsaturor? Vocor
tandem a M. Leonardo felix et optatum nuncium excipio, assensisse
Joannem de tali nouo laetissimus intelligo. Quid iam aliud restabat
nisi ut pactum per alios fcedus nos mutuis uocibus stabiliremus ?
Conuenimus igitur de loco ; (et quis quam qui ante sacellum situs est
talibus erat sermonibus aptior ?). Denique congredimur, invicem
desideria et intima pectoris secreta manifestamus, et dulcissimis de Deo

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 297

institutoque Societatis colloquijs inflammamur. Quid tunc Joanni
quam Robertus, quid Roberto quam Joannes, quid vtriue quam in
Societatem introitus in hoc mundo gratius esse potuit ? Nullus dies
transibat, nulla occasio omittebatur, imo quidquid ad colloquendum
poteramus temporis suffurari breue nimis uidebatur. 'June incepit
orationis fervor accrescere, priuataa carnis afflictiones delectare, cilicij
denique flagellique asperitas summopere arridere. Recordemur nunc,
carissime Joannes, recordemur inquam istorum, et quod, velut exules ad
patriam aspirantes, ad civium Societatis imitationem fecimus, nos jam in
Societatis cives adscripti feruentius exequi studeamus.

Tu quidem mihi Uteris tuis quern turn conceperam feruorem in
memoriam reuocas, cuius dum tam mutilum ego partum intueor, meam
merito in fouendo fcetu negligentiam agnosco : spero tamen quod qui et
ccecis uisum, et mortuis uitam, is et mihi claudo integritatem aliquando
concedet. Gratulor interim tibi, carissime Joannes, quem tanta
clementissimus Jesus conscientise pace tranquillitateque dignatar ; imo
potius nobis gratulor, non minoris et ipse consolationis, quamuis nullis
meis suffragantibus mentis, particeps effectus. Et licet locorum inter-
uallum, Deo ita disponente, prohibet quominus pariter in corpore Deo
gratias agamus, nihil tamen impedire potest, quominus infinitam ejus
bonitatem cum summa animorum consensione glorificemus. Adde
quod ueniet aliquando Deo fauente expectata et sicut mercenarij dies
nostra, in qua facie ad faciem maiestatem Diuinam contemplantes, ei
qui nos vnivit pariter vniti perpetuus laudibus intonemus Osanna in
altissimis. Interea tamen dum in hac lacrimarum ualle, obscuroque
corporis ergastulo conclusi, incolatus nostri procrastinationem
deplangimus, suavissimum Christi iugum in ipsius Societate fortiter ad
finem usque perferamus, et caritatis nodum quem ante ingressum nectere
ccepimus, mutuis pro invicem orationibus in eadem Societate con-
firmemus. *Si enim colloquendi de Deo cupido nostri merit congressus
exordium, si vnanime eidem seruiendi desiderium nostri fuerit progresses
vinculum, cur et conformis desiderij effectus nostras non esset amicitias
complementum. Caritas quippe quam, Spiritus Sancti sigillo impressam,
in ipso Societatis Jesu introitu, uelut in secundo baptismate, accepimus,
tantum abest ut verae amicitias repugnet, ut carnalem si quis latuit
affectum extinguens, id quod ex Deo est foueat, augeat, atque perficiat. *
Sed ne forte nimis crescat oratio finem scribendi faciam.

Salutant te Matthaeus Martialis, Petrus Regius, Petrus Gras, nee non
Gulielmus Hart, pro quo Deum instanter ores obsecro, quippe qui
desiderio Societatis ingrediendae tenetur. M. Leonardus et M. Senelhus
Sacerdotii sunt dignitate donati ; P. vero Joannes Gravius infirmae carnis
solutis compagibus ad summum Cash Sacerdotem mense Septembri
emigravit. Ingressi sunt Societatem flandri ad minus octo, ijque personam
non uulgares, inter quos unus est Subregens Marcianensis Collegn cum
quodam P. Thoma Audomarensi qui in eodem Collegio Grammaticam
profitebatur. Tertius est quidam magnae expectations ob maximam
diuersarum linguarum peritiam, is apud Joannem Austriacum Secretanus
fuit [above this officio quodam principali fungebatur] : fama praeterea est
quod praeter uirum quendam ualde nobilem et primarium consularem

* to * See the first paragraph.

298 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

qui Societatem ingressus, alij etiam triginta magnse spei iuuenes sese ex
Flandria in Germaniam Societatis ingrediendae gratia sese contulisse,
quos Deus O.M. ad felicem propositi terminum perducat !

[Translation]

Pax Xti. Being lately on a walk with one of our Flemish brothers,
as I was speaking to him about our former friendship and intimacy, my
dear Deckers, I began to wonder, not a little, how it could have happened
that we should both have kept silence for so long a period about so just
and holy a familiarity without once referring to it. For if among heathens
the power of friendship, when once contracted, was such that it never
allowed itself to be quenched by forgetfulness, what far greater force ought
it to have over the minds of Christians, of those especially who have been
drawn together not from any sense of natural liking, as commonly happens,
nor with a view to self-interest, but by a sincere love and pursuit of virtue.
As then Jesus Christ laid the foundation of our fellowship (and on this
point I have not the slightest doubt), and the desire we both shared of
serving Him, was the force that consolidated our union in its progress,
why should not the result we both longed for also consummate our friend-
ship ? The charity, forsooth, which by the seal of the Holy Ghost was
stamped on our hearts at our very entrance into the Society, is [better able]
still to increase and strengthen that friendship. My wonder increased, as,
in reflecting more closely over the matter, I perceived that there were
many urgent reasons on both sides pressing me to write, and nothing
to prevent it. I decided, therefore, to have done with drowsy silence,
and to place on a candlestick the light of our friendship so long hidden
under a bushel, so that, aroused by its flame, we might perceive how
great a boon through God's favour it had been to us.

With my mind thus preoccupied, I was proceeding to carry out in
deed what I had conceived in thought, when suddenly a letter from you
was handed to me, on perusing which I discovered that you had written
to me in the very same frame of mind.

Regarding this as an interposition of God's providence, who would
not allow the union between us, which He Himself had wrought, to be
dissolved, but rather willed to see it fostered, revived, strengthened by
mutual interchange of letters, and in order that I may not resist this divine
wish, I will, on my side, proceed to recall to you some things, the re-
membrance of which may serve to inflame our hearts with a more ardent
desire of serving Him. I will, therefore, begin with the opportunity which
God made use of as a means of drawing us together, and briefly state
what first induced me to disclose my inmost thoughts and intentions to
you.

While still uncertain about my vocation, I was tossed to and fro by
various interior impulses, wavering between the bark of Bruno and that
of Ignatius, yet was unable to reach either, being well-nigh drowned by
the beating waves of temptation. Then shaping a more prudent course,
I frequently sought the advice of my soul's physician. He, with repeated
arguments, exhorted me to follow steadily my first vocation, which was to
the Society. In this way he calmed for awhile my interior tumult of soul,
yet not so thoroughly but that on leaving him some new storm would
buffet my mind with not less fury than before. Thus beset by daily assaults
and uncertain where to find a haven of safety, I began to be worn out
with the incessant struggle. At one time the Institute of the Society
would attract me, and presently the devil by his artifices would cause me
to change my mind. If I thought of enlisting under the banner of Bruno,
at once I was exposed to the misgivings of conscience. Tossed about

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 299

in this wretched way, ever wrestling with myself, I found no peace for
three months. At length acting under an inspiration from our Lord,
who allows no man to be tempted beyond his strength, intent on a final
effort over myself, I went to my confessor, telling him that the one and
only remedy for my case was to introduce me to some one who had desires
similar to mine, with whom I could freely converse and explain my ever-
recurring difficulties. At the very time when I was speaking to him, the
Divine Goodness arranged that you should be walking about with Master
Leonard [Lessius], you whom our Lord had destined to be a helper to
me, His poor combatant. The Father (Confessor) pointing you out to me,
said: "There is one who for a year or more has been burning with a
zeal like yours to serve God, and who, unlike you, has never betrayed
any sign of inconstancy."

Transported with sudden joy at these words, I felt relieved of all doubt,
so that rarely, if ever afterwards, have I had any misgiving as to the
certainty of my vocation to the Society. Forthwith, impatient of delay,
I strongly urged him to obtain straightway your consent to be my spiritual
friend. The Father noticing the sudden change in me, and reflecting
what advantage might accrue to us both from mutual intercourse, promised
to lay the matter before Master Leonard. I, on my part, intent on recom-
mending the same to God, took leave of him, and spent the whole of
that day in suspense between hope and fear ; fear because of our different
nationality and tongue, hope because of the conformity of our wills in
the same holy ; purpose, which latter consideration seemed to me to
have greater force to unite us than any other might have to keep us
asunder.

If you only knew, dear John, what an esteem I then formed in my
mind of your devotion, piety, inward communication with God, I feel sure
you would derive thence a fresh incentive to serve God more fervently : if
you knew, too, what ardent affection for you that esteem excited in me,
you would easily understand my present feelings towards you.

But to confine myself within the bounds of a letter, I pass over these
and many other similar considerations, merely noting for God's glory,
that such an entirely new aspect of things presented itself to me, such
an unwonted light shone on my mind previously clouded in darkness,
that the confident hope I entertained of winning your consent, seemed
to heal all the wounds of my preceding conflict.

But why linger on the hope thus raised in me, why rest in the sight
rather than relish the taste of the honey presented to me ? I was sent
for and heard from Master Leonard the glad and welcome news, viz.
that you had consented (to be my spiritual friend), tidings that filled me
with joy. It only remained for us to strengthen by interchange of friendly
conversation, the intimacy thus started for us by others. A rendezvous
was appointed, and what spot more suitable than that in front of the
chapel ; there we met and disclosed to each other the desires and secrets
of our heart, and were both kindled with enthusiasm as we conversed
about God and the Institute of the Society. No friend was then so dear
to John as Robert, none so dear to Robert as John ; no delight in this
world seemed greater than to enter into the Society. Not a day passed,
not an opportunity was lost. Whatever free time we could steal for
conversation together seemed all too short. From that time our fervour
in prayer began to increase ; private chastisements of the flesh to afford
delight ; the unsparing use of the hairshirt and discipline to please ex-
ceedingly. Let us now recall those experiences, my dear John, and strive
to perform more fervently now the exercises we then practised, when we
were as yet exiles sighing for our country, and imitators of the members
of the Society.

300 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

In your letter you remind me of the fervour which 1 then had. Well,
when I look on the stunted fruit of that fervour, I am driven to confess
my negligence in fostering its growth. Still I hope that He who gave
sight to the blind, and life to the dead, will at length restore soundness
of limb to limping me. Meanwhile I congratulate you, my dear John, to
whom our merciful Jesus has vouchsafed to impart such peace and
tranquillity of soul. Indeed, I congratulate myself as well, for I, too,
partake of no less consolation, through no deserts of mine.

And though, God so disposing it, distance of place prevents us from
offering our thanksgiving in each other's presence, there is nothing to
prevent our glorifying His infinite goodness with fullest accord of wills.
Moreover, through God's favour, the long-looked-for day, as of a labourer,
will arrive when contemplating face to face the majesty of God, and
united likewise to Him who united us together, we shall, with unending
praise, raise the glad hymn, Hosanna in excelsis. Meanwhile, as long
as in this vale of tears, prisoners in the darksome dungeon of the body,
we sigh over the prolongation of our sojourn here, let us bear the sweet
yoke of Christ in His Society right on to the end, and let us by prayer
for each other in the Society, tighten the bond of charity which we con-
tracted before our entrance. For if the desire to converse about God
was the origin of our intimacy, if our single-hearted wish to serve Him
drew it forward, why should not the result of our common desires put the
finishing touch to our friendship ? The charity, forsooth, which by the seal
of the H0I3' Ghost was impressed upon us, as though in a second baptism
at our entrance into the Society, so far from being at variance with true
friendship, extinguishes any lurking affection arising from flesh and blood,
while it fosters, increases, perfects that which comes from God. But lest
my communication outgrow due bounds, I will draw to a close.

The kindest greetings from Matthew Martial, Peter Regius, and Peter
Gras ; also from William Hart, whom I beg you would earnestly recom-
mend in prayer to God, for he greatly desires to enter the Society.*
Master Leonard and Master Senellius have been promoted to the
priesthood. Fr. John Gravius, released from the bonds of this weak
flesh, departed in September to our High Priest in heaven. No fewer
than eight Flemish subjects, men above the average, have entered the
Society, among them being the Vice-President of the Marchiennes College
[at Douay], with a certain Thomas of St. Omers, who taught grammar
in the same college. A third is a man of great promise, because of his
extensive acquaintance with many languages ; he held the office of chief
secretary to Don John of Austria. Report has it that besides the above,
a person of high nobility and consular rank has entered the Society ;
thirty other promising youths have gone from Flanders to Germany
seeking admission into the Society ; whom may God our Lord lead on
to the happy fulfilment of their good purpose.

■K-This was the William Hart, from Oxford (Foley, vi, p. 134), who became a
Jesuit in Rome, 22 October, 1582, and died there 21 July, 1584 (N. Southwell,
Calalogus, p. 22 ; Grene, Collectanea N, i, p. I ; H. More, Historia Provinciae
Anglicatiae, p. 27).

Father Grene, who at first confused this William Hart with the martyr of the
same name, gives a description of eight volumes of beautifully written notes, which he
made from the lectures of his professors, Laurentius Terzus, Robert Bellarmine, &c,
in 1 58 1, 1582, &c. At the end was the signature of Southwell, showing that he had
obtained them after their writer's death.

1594 THK ENGLISH MARTYRS 301

(ii)

To Father Robert Persons

No date, probably early in 1582

The second letter survives only in Father Grene's transcript {Collectanea

P> n> 53°)* He says that he copied it "ex autographo." This will, of

course, have been a draft unsigned and undated, accidentally left behind

at the English College when Southwell went to England. It is written

throughout in a veiled style, not indeed difficult to understand to those

who knew the circumstances, nor indeed to anyone who would study it

with care, but still sufficiently disguised by the omission of all proper

names, &c, to elude detection by a hurried searcher, or by one who

might not know Italian. Though not dated, it must evidently have been

written soon after the arrival of the news of Campion's execution, that

is early in 1582. Persons went usually by the name of Eusebius at this

period.

Molto magco Sigr Eusebio,

Molto mi sono rallegrato d'haver inteso che li nostri tanto bene si
siano portati, quello particolarmente che con esso lei si mise in viaggio
come unico e fedelissimo compagno di tutte le sue fatiche, e prima di
lei ha caricato la sua navicella di quelle mercantie Inglesi e si e tomato
con felice successo al desiderato porto. Aspettiamo di giorno in giorno
di sentire qualche simile nuova di V.S. Pure speriamo in sua Divina
Maesta, che non la lasciera. mai partirsi di quella sorte, come il suo
compagno e passato, senza haver prima arrichiti molti di quelle pretiose
gioie, de quali V.S. portd gran copia seco in quelle bande.

Una cosa la quale io particolarmente chieggo da V.S. e, che
s'ingegni con tutti li modi possibili, di venderne alcune alii parenti del
suo Roberto S. poiche mi racordo che una volta grandemente erano
affettionati a quella sorte di mercantie, e teneuano continuamente un
fattore il quale si occupaua solamente in cercare queste gioie. Forse
adesso per haver veduto il gran danno di robba che hanno patiti alcuni
altri, si saranno mutati di pareri, la qual cosa mi rincrescerebbe molto
se fusse cosi. Prego molto V.S. che se sia possibile, gli persuada per se
6 per altri di non sbigottirsi tanto presto per perdita cosi piccola che ne
potrebbe seguire. Poiche questo e essere mercante, alcune volte con
allegrezza godere le richezze acquistate, alcune volte con patienza
supportare il naufragio di qualche piccola barchetta. Mi ha dato gran
sospetto per pensare che loro habbino affatto abbandonata questa mer-
cantia, il non haver mai intesso l'istessa reuscita in loro, come e avvenuta
a tanti altri, che Than pratticata, e ancora se bene con qualche danno di
robba al presente pratticano, sapendo bene che alia fine arrichisce piu
che qualsivoglia altra sorte di mercantie.

Desidererei molto che V.S. provasse, se non puo fare con uno, di
andare agli altri a vedere se pure qualch' uno sia, che vogli abbracciare
li suoi consigli in questa parte, e particolarmente al mio carissimo
fratello Tomaso il quale, si come ho inteso, una volta parld a V.S. sopra
questo negotio. Ma che si sia risoluto a fare, non ho potuto intendere.
Se non le tornarebbe scommodo, vorrei per gratia che V.S. mi cer-
tificasse in che parere lui sia e gli altri miei parenti ancora, accio che se
non fosse altro rimedio, piu caldamente li raccommandassi al Sigr

302 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

Salvatore che egli in qualche modo gli dia ad intendere il male che
riescera, se loro a si fatto modo lascino quello che tanti e tanti anni
hanno con tanto guadagno seguito. Di gratia quando scrivera mi
facera, se gli pare, questo piacere.

Qui ogni giorno nelle prime hore si fa da tutti li Basiliani suoi
amici, particolarmente quelli di Casa di V.S., particolar memoria di lei.
Io alcune volte se le forze e richezze mi bastassero, e cosi piacette al
Sigr Claudio, desidero di essere compagno di V.S. in quelle bande, si
per aiutarla nelle fatiche, si anche per essere participe del suo guadagno.
Tutti di casa si raccommandano molto a V.S. e nomino nessuno, per non
dover nominare tutti ; poiche ognuno e talmente affettionato verso V.S.
che lei stessa non crederebbe.

Mi occorse una cosa, la quale se bene conosco che V.S. la sappi, mi
pare nondimeno per confermarla in quel parere a scriverlo. Si desidera
molto che sia gran conformita. nel modo di trattare de' nostri ; e che
tutti che sono di questa casa si confaccino, se venisse l'occasione,
quanto si pud in tutti quelli negotii li quali passarono, 6 in parola 6 in
fatti, tra il suo compagno primo e quelli che gli fecero la festa. V.S. sa
in che modo. E per quanto la ragione et occasione permettera,
rispondino alle demande che gli furono proposte come rispose lui, etc.
Di gratia mi raccommandi a gli duoi Sig" suoi compagni, e tutti gli
altri miei amici. Tutto di V.S.

Roberto So.
[Translation]

Most worthy Sigr Eusebius. I am so glad to hear how well Ours have
comported themselves, especially he with whom you started [Father
Campion], your trusty and inseparable companion in labour. He has had
the start of you in loading his vessel with English wares, and has success-
fully returned to the desired port. Day by day we are looking forward
to hear something similar about you. We hope, however, that the Divine
Majesty will not let you leave in such sort as your companion, until you
have enriched many with those precious jewels, of which you have taken
so large a store to that country.

One request I particularly make : it is that you would contrive by all
possible means to dispose of some of them to the relatives of your friend
Robert S., for I remember that at one time they were very keen about
that particular quality of goods, and kept a factor [? a priest] who was
occupied solely in searching for such gems. Possibly, now, after seeing
the great losses others have sustained, they may have changed their minds,
a circumstance which, if true, would grieve me sorely. I earnestly beg
you to persuade them, if possible, either yourself or through another, not
to lose heart because of any small loss that may happen ; for such is
the lot of merchants, at one time to rejoice over the amassing of wealth,
at another to bear patiently the loss of some small barque. A strong
suspicion for fearing that they may have withdrawn from this line of
business, is occasioned by my never hearing of their having the same
success as some others have had, who have persevered and still persevere,
even with an occasional loss, knowing full well that in the end it is more
lucrative than any other sort of enterprise.

I should be much obliged, dear Sir, if you could possibly prevail on
some one to visit the others, and see if there be any of them who is
disposed to accept your advice in this matter, particularly my dear brother
Thomas, who, as I have heard, once had dealings with you in this

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 303

particular (line of) business, though what he decided to do I have not
been able to ascertain. If not inconvenient to you, Sir, I should feel
obliged if you would let me know in what frame of mind he and my
other relatives are, in order that, if there be no other resource, I may
recommend them more earnestly to our Lord, begging that He would
open their eyes to the evil that will result, if they thus retire from the
business which for so many, many years they have carried on so profitably.
When you write, please do me this favour if you think it advisable.

Here every day in the early hours you are specially remembered by all
the Basileans,-& your friends, especially by those of your own household.
Some future day, if health and means permit, and Signor Claudio
[Aquaviva] will give leave, I should like to join you and have my share
both in your toils and profits. All here in the house send their kind
regards ; I omit their names, or I should have to transcribe them all,
for you have no idea how tenderly each is attached to you.

One thing occurs to me, which, though I am aware you know it
already, seems good to mention, in order to confirm you in that course.
It is greatly desired that there should be great conformity among Ours
in their method of doing business, and that all who are of this firm,
should, when the occasion presents itself, copy as far as possible the
conduct in all business matters that was noticeable in the relations (both
in word and in deed) between your first companion and those who prepared
him for the banquet. You know how. Also that, as far as prudence and
circumstances allow, they should answer the questions put to them
as he answered, &c.%

Kindly commend me to your two companions [Fathers Holt and
Heywood] and all my other friends.

Wholly yours

Robert So[uthwell]

(iii)

Copia d'una lettera, mandata al Provinciale di Napoli
delle nove d'lnghilterra

Archives S.J., Anglia I, fol. 290. The troubles, of which Southwell is
here sending on the first confused news, were those connected with the
execution of John Somerville and Mr. Edward Arden {Month June, 1902).
Margaret Somerville was not eventually executed (C.R.S., II, 239). The
smaller details of the scare are in some cases exaggerated, but the main
facts are true enough. The two laymen martyred will have been Slade
and Bodey. Several priests were condemned, but we do not know of
any executed at that time.

Quanto alle cose d'Inghilterra stanno adesso in gran bisbiglio e si
e accesa una persecutionc contra li cattolici piu crudele che mai. Vi
sono presi alcuni gentilhuomini di grandissima importanza : uno de
quali e stato tormentato nel eculeo cinque volte, e dipoi cacciato in
una grotta puzzolentissima. Un altro gentilhuomo intimo del P.
Personio, nella cui casa egli per il piu si nascondeva, e stato con-

* There is an intentional vagueness in this description of prayers and masses
offered up every morning by " The King's men," a synonym evidently, perhaps a
code-sign, for his compatriots and fellow-Jesuits at the English and Roman Colleges.^

•f Before Campion and his companions were executed, six questions on the Pope's
deposing power were put to them all (Bede Camm, Lives of the English Martyrs, ii,
449-452). Southwell hopes that all Jesuit missionaries, when similarly interrogated,
will repeat Campion's answers.

304 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

dannato ed esser appiccato e squartato, e la sua moglie ad esser
mezzo appiccata e dipoi abbrugiata. La causa di questo e, come
scrivono, che uno subornato dal conte Lecestrio (il quale e uno
delli piu fieri che vedesse mai la natura) accusd questi sudetti
e alcuni altri, come il detto Conte li avea ordinato che volessero
amazzare la Regina, la quale calunnia ha prevaluta tanto, che circa
di questa cosa sono stati presi duoi principalissimi conti et un' altro
potentissimo Signore. Alcuni altri sono fugiti parte in Francia, parte
in Scotia per paura, che non mettessero mano ancora a loro.
Fra gli altri uno dell' istesso consiglio della regina et delli piu
intrinsechi che lei havesse, perche un sacerdote per via del sudetto
rumore fu preso in corte sua, se n'e ritirato alii suoi poderi et
[ha] convocato tutti suoi suditti per farli guardia. La cosa va molto
caldamente, il fine sa solo Iddio.

In questo mentre patiscono molto li cattolici : I poveri contadini,
che non vogliono venire alle lor chiese, et non sono manco sufficienti
per pagare quella pena o somma di danari, che gli heretici hanno
imposto, sono frustati per le strade. Vi fu uno tra gli altri, il quale
fu trattato a questo modo, e quello che lo frustava, havendoli com-
passione, diceva che caminasse presto, accio tanto meno gli desse. Ma
lui rispose che ne caricasse pur la mano, sendo che Christo nostro
Signor pati molto piu per lui. Et essendo poi quel che frustava
accusato di partialita alii giudici in presenza di quel povero contadino,
costui si rizzo et disse al giudice, che se li pareva poco quello che
era fatto, che di novo lo facesse comminciare.

Un altra crudelta mirabile raccontero a V.R. che fu usata contra
certi gentilhuomini di nobil famiglia, li quali alcuni anni sono stati
tenuti in un loco puzzolentissimo, senza poter mai haver alcun amico
che potesse entrare a vederli. Dormivano sempre in paglia, per cibo
haveano pane, aqua et un poco di fave cotte et alcuni festi grandi
per carezze haveano l'interiore di qualche animale. Stavano di piu
continuamente legati a un mangiatorio a guisa di bestie; et non con-
tentandosi gli heretici di questo, volevano fare un molino, che si suoi
tirare da cavalli, accio li cattolici et sacerdoti fossero occupati in tirare
quello, et quando non facessero quanto gli era imposto che fussero
frustrati come schiavi di galera.

Sono nelli porti strettissimamente essaminati, onde avenne che otto
scolari li quali venivano d'Inghilterra a Rhemis fussero presi. Et con
tutta questa furia di persecutione crescono pure li cattolici, et vi sono
reconciliati di novo alia chiesa tre principalissimi Signori.

II P. Gasparo Haiwado e preso dall' heretici et sera crudelissima-
mente senza dubio tormentato, perche gli heretici pensano che lui sia
consapevole di tutte le cose dei cattolici, et pero V.R. di grazia facci
pregare per lui che Iddio li dia costanza. E preso ancora un sacerdote
di questo collegio. Sono, poco fa, martyrezzati tre, un sacerdote et
duo laici, per la defensione dell' autorita suprema del Papa nelle cose
ecclesiastiche, delli quali non sappiamo altra particularity.

E questo e tutto che sin adesso sappiamo, da me molto sconcia-
tamente scritto, pero V.R. si degni di accettare l'animo in vece di

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 305

megliore parole. Adesso non mi resto altro che pregare V.R. che non
vogli scordarsi di me se ben indegno nelle sue sante oratione.
Dal Coll: Inglese in Roma alii 3 di Febraro 1584.
De V.R. figliuolo et servo indegno

Roberto Southwello.
\Translatioti\

Copy of a letter sent to the Provincial of Naples with
news from England

In England everything is at present involved in great trouble. A
persecution has been commenced more cruel than any before. Certain
gentlemen of high position have been imprisoned, and one of them has
been tortured on the rack five times, and then thrust into a stinking
dungeon. Another gentleman, a friend of Father Persons, in whose house
he used generally to hide, has been condemned to be hanged, and his
wife to be half hanged and then burnt. The cause of this is, as they
write, that someone suborned by the Earl of Leicester (who is one of
the cruellest men the world has ever seen), accused these above mentioned,
and some others, as the said Earl had ordered him, of wishing to murder
the Queen. This calumny has been so widely credited, that on account
of it two Lords of high position, and another gentleman of influence
have been arrested. Others have fled, some to France, some to Scotland,
fearing that hands may be laid upon them. Amongst others one of the
Queen's Council, and a prime favourite of hers, seeing that on occasion
of the aforesaid rumours a priest had been seized in the courts of his
mansion, has retired to his house in the country, and called upon all his
followers to guard him. Events are moving rapidly. God alone knows
what the end will be.

In the meanwhile Catholics suffer much. The poor peasants who will
not go to the Protestant churches, and are unable to pay the fine or sum
of money that the heretics have imposed, are whipped through the streets.
One amongst them was being treated in this way, when the man who
whipped him, moved by compassion, told him to walk quicker, so as to
receive less. But he answered that he might strike away, for Christ our
Lord had suffered much more for him. The man who had whipped him,
was afterwards, in the presence of that poor peasant, charged before
the judges with having shown partiality. Hereupon the good fellow rose
and said to the judges that, if he thought too little had been done, he
might begin again.

I will tell your Reverence of marvellous cruelty which has been shown
towards certain gentlemen of noble family, who for some years were kept
in a stinking place, where no friend was able to come and see them.
They always slept on straw, and their food consisted of bread and water
and a few cooked beans, and on great feasts, by way of indulgence,
they were given the entrails of some animal. Moreover, they were kept
tied to a manger like beasts, and not content with this, the heretics had
a mill made, such as is usually turned by horses, so that Catholics and
priests may be employed in turning it, and when they have not done the
tasks imposed, they are whipped like galley-slaves.

At the ports they are very closely examined. Whence it has happened
that eight scholars coming from England to Rheims were seized. Never-
theless, in spite of all the fury of the persecution, the number ot Catholics
increases, and three gentlemen of importance have been reconciled to
the Church again. . j >

Father Gaspar Heywood has been captured by the heretics, ana ne
will doubtless be most cruelly tortured, as they think he may be cognisant

306 DOCUMENTS, RELATING TO I 594

of all the affairs of Catholics. Be so good as to have prayers said for
him, that God may grant him constancy. Another priest also of this
college has been taken. Three were martyred a short time ago, a priest
and two laymen, for defending the Supremacy of the Pope in Ecclesiastical
matters, of whom we know no other particulars.

This is all the news we have up to the present, very confusedly set
down by me. Be so good as to accept the intention in lieu of better
words. It only remains for me now to beg your Reverence to remember
me, though very unworthy, in your holy prayers.

From the English College, Rome, 3 February, 1584.

Your unworthy Son and Servant,

Robert Southwell.

(iv)

To Father Agazario

26 May, 1586
From Grene's transcript, Collectanea P, ii, 506, who adds that he
made his copy from the original. He also notes at the end, " Discessit
[P. Southwell] Roma 8 Maii, ut constat ex Epistola P. Garneti [Collectanea
P, 552, c), non 24 Martii, ut Bartoli (p. 374) errantem Morum secutus."
In the letter referred to, Garnet says that, "partendo da Roma il giorno
di S. Michele in Maggio, eletti quel beatissimo spirito e tutti i suoi com-
pagni per patrono, speciale di questa mia missione." As Southwell was
Garnet's companion, we thus get the date of his leaving Rome, but
then we are left in doubt as to the identification of the companion
"Guiglielmo," whose horse we hear had got into difficulties. Jonas
Meredith was a priest who had been exiled in 1585. After a pilgrimage
to Rome, where he had been at the English Hospice from April 1-8
(Foley, vi, 558), Meredith returned to England, when he was again
imprisoned (C.R.S., ii, 132, 258, &c). His companion, Francis Shaw,
was also an exiled priest.

Molto Rdo in Chro Pre
Pax Christi
Ho ricevuto la lettera di V.R. dalla quale ho haurito grandissimo
contento, tanto per il paterno affetto che lei in quella mostra, come ancora
per li buoni avvisi che contiene. Et assicurisi V.R. che coll' adiuto del
S. mi sforzaro di seguitarli quanto mi sara possibile. Qui a Milano
siamo arrivati la vigilia di Pentecoste nel quale giorno venne anche la
sua lettera. Habbiamo qui trovato il P. Umfredo et il P. Ricalcati,
li quali ci hanno mostrato ogni sorte di amorevolezza. A Modena
imbattessimo in doe sacerdoti, cioe il P. Meredithio, et il P. Shao,
i quali erano allogiati nel colleggio et stettero ivi un giorno, ci arrivorono
anche a Parma e Piacenza, e similmente furono come noi ricevuti, se
bene a Piacenza per non esser stato loco in colleggio furono mandati a
casa d'un nostro amico doue hebbero ogni cosa gratis come se fossero
allogiati in casa. Adesso gli ha voluto il P. Achille allogiare in Casa, et
compulit illos intrare, tanto grande e l'affettione che ha questo santo
Padre alia natione. Noi li habbiamo ajutati quanto potevamo con-
siderate il peso che noi stessi davamo alii Colleggii. Dimatina che sara
martedi di pentecoste pensiamo di partire per Corao, et cosi seguitare
coll' ajuto di Dio il restante del viaggio, il quale Iddio ci dia tanto
prospero quaato sin adesso e stato. Li cavalli ci servono bene ma
ancora non e guarita la piaga del cavallo di Guiglielmo, et dubito che

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 307

non cresca quella del caval rosso, che gia sin da Loretto si sente offesa
la schiena sotto la valigia. Et cosi havendo dato raguaglio a V.R.
di quel che e di noi, far6 fine ringratiandola della sua lettera et
raccommandandomi et la missione alii suoi S. sacrificii. Questo
26 Maggio, Dal Collegio di Brera 1586.

Sono di V.R.

Figliuolo et servo in Xpo
Roberto Southuello.
\Translatiori\

Very Reverend Father in Christ. Pax Christi.

I received your Reverence's letter, from which I derived the greatest
pleasure, both because of the fatherly affection there disclosed, and of
the good advice it contained. Your Revce may rest assured that I will
strive to follow the advice to the best of my power. We arrived here
at Milan on the eve of Whit Sunday, the very day on which your letter
reached me. Here we found Father Umfredo and Father Ricalcati,
who have shown us every attention. At Modena we came across two
priests, Fathers Meredith and Shaw, who put up at the college and
remained there one night. They then came on to Parma and Piacenza,
and were made welcome along with us, although at Piacenza, from want
of room in the college, they were sent to board at the house of a friend.
There they received every attention gratuitously, as though they had
been staying in our own house. Now, however, Father Achille [Gagliardi]
would have them lodge in our own house, and insisted on their doing
so, so great is the charity this saintly father shows to our countrymen.
We helped them as much as possible, considering the trouble we
ourselves were giving to the college. To-morrow morning, Whit Tuesday,
we intend leaving for Como, and so, with God's help, pursuing the rest
of our journey, which may God bless as He has hitherto done. The
horses do us good service, but the wound on William's mount is not yet
healed, and I fear the wound on the chestnut (rosso) horse will grow
worse, for since Loretto its spine has been painfully galled by the baggage.

Having thus given my report to your Revce of our adventures so far,
I end by thanking you for your letter, and by recommending myself and
the Mission to your Holy Sacrifices.

From the College of Brera, May 26, 1586.

Your Revce's son and servant in Christ,
Robert Southwell.

(v)
To Father General Claude Aquaviva

25 JulY. 1586.

The next, the fourth surviving letter in Southwell's correspondence, is
preserved by More (p. 182), who quotes the very sincere and earnest
prayers of the missionary for God's blessing on his most perilous venture,
the dangers of which are most vividly present to his mind. It begins
" Extremis iam obijciendus periculis," and an English translation may be
found in Foley, Records S.J., i, 319. Unfortunately More has omitted all
names, even that of the addressee, of whom we are only told that he had
formerly been " a guide to the higher life." The date is given " E Portu,
vigesimo quinto Julii." This, if accurate, would be New Style, t.e.
V% July, as would be natural in a letter written from France or Flanders.

The fifth and sixth letters are from London after his arrival, are also
dated 25 July, but here he would as naturally be using the Old Style,
therefore the date New Style would be ten days later, i.e. August 4.

308 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

The packet of 25 July O.S. was intercepted. Strype {Annals, III, ii, 418)
has printed the full text of the letter to the Father General Aquaviva, a
translation of which is printed below. There is also an abstract of it in
the Record Office {Dom. Eliz., cxci, 29; cxcv, 119), where there is also
an abstract of the letter of the same post to Father Agazario, Rector of
the English College, Rome. These abstracts are both printed in Foley,
Records S.J., i, 330, 331, the names in the second having been a good
deal mangled. The translation of the fifth letter here follows.

Very Reverend Father in Christ. Pax Christi.

We have reached England after a very fortunate journey, and
here have had practical experience of the intense fanaticism which
animates the enemies of the truth, and of the hardly less intense fervour
of the Catholics. The news of our arrival has already got abroad, and
from the lips of those who are members of the Queen's Council, my
name has become known to some. The report alarms our enemies,
who fear heaven knows what at our hands, so nervous have they now
become. On reaching London, I met with Catholics first amid swords
{inter gladios) and then in a prison, portents (if it be lawful to play the
augur) of a fate to me not unwelcome.

After a day or two we found the person [i.e. Father William Weston]
to whom you recommended us, still in safety and greatly delighted at
our arrival. We touched slightly on business, but put off fuller dis-
cussion to a more favourable opportunity. We found this opportunity
before long, when after making our confession as usual, we renewed our
vows, with no great ceremony indeed but with the greatest consolation.
If all had fallen out according to our pleasure, we should have sung
Mass with all solemnity accompanied by choice instrumental and vocal
music, on the very feast of St. Mary Magdalen [22 July]. This, how-
ever, was put off to the next day, and I could not spend it there, being
called elsewhere. Still we discussed together the subject of our faculties
and all other business of importance. Our arrival here has wonderfully
cheered and inspirited the Catholics, for they had previously been com-
plaining that they were practically abandoned by the Society, and were
full of misgiving, thinking that their pastors, dismayed by difficulties, were
abandoning the flock that never stood in greater need of their care.

During the last few months not a few priests have been arrested,
though their confinement is not very strict. Some for whom a ransom
was paid have been set at liberty unconditionally. But the pursuivants
whose business it is to arrest them, prowl about the city lynx-eyed.
They ransack houses, and they rob those whom they lay hands on of
their money, horses and all other belongings. Some Catholics have
died in Newgate overcome by the stench of the prisons : others in the
same place suffer greatly from the confinement and filth.

At court there is said to be a matter in hand, which if it prove
successful, bodes extremity of suffering to us ; if unsuccessful, all will be
right. But to Catholics these bodings of evil seem mere bugbears to
frighten children, for the enemy have reduced us to such a state, that
there is hardly any new cruelty that could be added. And although
after the first promulgation of the statute, which had been passed in
parliament [i.e. the Acts of 27 Elizabeth], even the very staunchest

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 309

Catholics felt some fear; yet afterwards, recovering themselves, they
returned to their former fervour. From want of missionaries, however,
some who then grew faint-hearted, have not yet been restored to their
former spirit. It is certainly matter for regret, that there are many
counties, each containing not a few Catholics, in which there is not a
single priest, though earnestly begged for by many. Unless new supplies
are soon sent the Catholic cause will greatly suffer. The evil is further
increased by the fact that the priests actually working in the harvest
betake themselves in great numbers to one or two counties, leaving the
others devoid of pastors.

It was proposed to the Earl of Arundel by the ministers of state,
and I believe by the queen herself, that if he would only consent for
honour's sake to bear the sword as usual before the queen to church and
there wait till the end of the service and of evensong, he should be set
free. But he suspects some fraud, and will either refuse altogether, or
at least will do nothing, which after consulting his spiritual directors he
does not consider lawful : for his resolution is not to swerve a hair's
breadth from his duty as a Catholic.

Recently it chanced that a priest, who to elude suspicion had donned
a sailor's dress, was arrested while landing. He was led to court, and
dragged hither and thither in mockery, and finally conducted into the
queen's presence. When she learnt that he was a priest, she laughed
and inquired whether he wished to convert her. The priest replied, "By
all means. If only opportunity and hearing were given me, I should
most gladly do my utmost." She answered, "You must first convert my
maids, before making the attempt on me." And after many gibes and
scoffs the priest was committed to gaol.

Some extraordinary occurrences, as I gather from ocular witnesses,
have taken place here in the case of possessed persons, which have had
the effect of converting many to the faith, and greatly rallying the
wavering. The priests, whose piety and extraordinary power in these
exorcisms has been most conspicuous, have been styled magicians and
sorcerers by the heretics, with the object forsooth of slanderously
imputing to diabolical artifice and not to priestly power, facts which
they cannot deny. They forget what Christ said, " Every kingdom
divided against itself shall be desolate."

I am devoting myself to sermons, hearing confessions and other
priestly duties : hemmed in by daily perils, never safe for even the
smallest space of time. But I derive fresh courage from my very
difficulties : and the multitude of terrors, which keep following each
other, prevent any from lasting long, and blunts them almost all. For
the rest whatever may happen must be left to God.

Do you, Reverend Father, out of the affection you cherish for your
sons exposed to these calamities, further our efforts and our most sweet
toils with your prayers and holy sacrifices, and those of the other fathers :
that He who has admitted me to this mission, may bless my continuance
in it, and at length grant a happy conclusion to my sufferings.

• There is a keen desire here and great need of the privileges and
faculties we asked for in our last: which, if granted, will greatly
advantage the Catholic cause.

3IO DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

All of us, still safe by God's grace, recommend ourselves most
humbly to your Paternity's prayers, xxplirz [A cipher sign for the place
of writing]. 25 July, 1586.

Your Reverence's unworthy son and servant in Xt.

Robert.
Addressed. — To our very Reverend Father [General].

(vi)

To Father General Claudio Aquaviva

21 December, 1586.

The seventh extant letter is from Grene's Collectanea P. ii, 508, who
says he copied the Martyr's autograph uti videtur. But Father Grene
sometimes mistakes Southwell's hand.

Admodum Reverende in Christo Pater,

Binas ad Paternitatem vestram dedi literas, quarum una? nescio quo
infortunio periere, alise missae quidem sunt, sed an pervenerint ad vos
haud parum dubito ; quare scribendas putavi tertias ut vel tandem de
nobis aliquid innotescat. Vivimus Dei gratia et valemus qui ultimo
sumus missi. Dux autem noster postquam nos de iis instituisset, quae
de hac vinea prsecipue aut cavenda aut observanda sunt, et renovatis
nobiscum votis in omnes se casus et pericula armasset, in portum saluti
proximum, carcerem inquam, permissu divino conjectus est. In quo,
pro ea qua est animi et pietate et constantia, ita se gerit ut vinctis
dulciorem, liberis minus formidabilem custodiam reddat. Suspiciunt
sane hominem plurimi, et sane non immerito, ea semper fuit et prudentia
et morum suavitate. Pater Crittonus adhuc in vinculis est, sicut etiam
Rodulphus. Accessit ad hos Pondus non ita pridem qui prius aliquam
adeptus fuerat libertatem. De Mettamo ubi sit me plane latet. Alii
autem quamvis incommodis carcerum non mediocriter afflicti, tamen
animis sunt erectis et intrepidis, nee quoad eorum possumus necessitates
levare, quicquid illis deesse patimur.

Jam vero quod ad nos attinet, Pater Henricus strenue et sedulo
laborat, et hactenus rusticatus est, ego vero non sine magnis et
frequentibus periculis Londini substiti, quandoque etiam in rus in-
currens. Bis non ita longe abfui a summo discrimine, bacchantibus
circumquaque lictoribus et me in domo ubi tunc morabar perquiren-
tibus. Audivi minantes, confringentes asseres, tunsionibus probantes
parietes ut latibula invenirent, me tamen, quae Dei bonitas fuit, tenui
tantum et fictili tegumento potius quam pariete ab illis divisum, et 4
integris horis quaesitum non reperere. Verum quidem est ita domum
per multas simul noctes fuisse observatam, ut vestitum in angustissimo
loco et satis incommodo dormire necesse mihi fuerit. Sic nimirum
ad tolerandos facilius carceres praeparamur, dum adhuc liberi sumus.

Sed tamen inter tot pericula mirum est quam benignus et liberalis
sit in consolationibus Deus, ut vel ipsa certe discrimina dulcescant.
Delatum ad me fuit jam rumorem increbuisse me captum esse ; quod
ego cum adhuc liber audirem, subrisi apud me cogitans quam id fuerit
jucundum adversariis initio, donee dormientes somnum suum nihil

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 311

invenerunt in manibus suis.* Dicant licet quoties velint me com-
prehensum, ego certe id contendam, ut quamdiu manus illorum evasero
intelligant ex re ipsa me captum non esse, non quod quicquam contra
eos moliar quo respublica perturbetur, sed quod in animo habeam
nunquam ab iis instituti mei officiis abstinere, quae non possunt diu
illos latere si exerceantur, quin resciant talem adhuc hominem exstare
in rerum natura quern ipsi necdum ceperint. Illorum verba et minae
contemnendae sunt, si rem catholicam promovere velimus. Hie enim
qui respicit ventum non seminat, f et qui considerat nubes nunquam
metet. Anima nostra in manibus nostris semper,§ nee pedem domo
efferre possumus, nee plateas obambulare, quin pro exploratorum
multitudine vitae subeamus periculum. Sed nobiliores sunt corporibus
nostris catholicorum animae, nee consideranti quo pretio emptae sint,
grave videri debet pro illarum salute vitae subire discrimen. Fervet
adhuc sacratus ille sanguis, patent vulnera et apparent livores, quibus
Deus easdem redemit quas nos pascimus animas. Quorum intuitu
facile contemni pericula possunt, ut non pereant margaritae quae tanti
constiterunt. Accedit etiam catholicorum sancta fames qua sacra-
mentorum usum mire expetunt, imo durissime secum agi arbitrantur,
si ad breve tempus cogantur abstinere. Et quamvis recens ista
tempestas (qua saeviorem qui haec et priora tempora novere viderunt
nullam) multos perculerit, non desunt tamen qui vel aerumnosis hisce
diebus solito magis pietati insistant.

Ac quoniam tempestatis mentio incidit, fuit ilia certe rigidissima.
Adeo enim frequentes et barbarae noctu diuque in domos irruptiones
ad exquirendos sacerdotes factae sunt ut a primis calamitatis nostras
initiis ad hunc usque diem tarn insolitum nihil accident. Capti sunt
non solum sacerdotes permulti, sed etiam nobiles feminae et earum
famuli ac ancillae, omnesque carceribus mancipatae. Eo tempore
quo in me inquisitum est, abducti sunt duo ex famulis, quorum unus
quod ad haereticos abnuit venire conventus, verberibus misere exceptus,
et cum vagabundis et id genus hominibus molendinum summo labore
interdiu agitare coactus est, noctu vero sine lecto stragulis aut tegmine
humi cubare, nee obtinere potuit ut ei vel cibus vel lectus vel
vestimenta ab amicis suppeditentur, ac in hunc modum ad hunc usque
diem affligitur is, cujus ego auxilio evasi.

Ac hujus procellae occasionem dederunt illi qui iniquam illam et
infelicem conjurationem inceperunt, quae tanto fuit rei catholicae
detrimento, ut nee ipsi adversarii si optionem habuissent, aliquid nobis
perniciosius et magis ex sua sententia potuissent desiderasse. Verum
speramus fore ut vallis ista tarn profunda miseriae impleatur, et
appareat mons in vertice montium,^" ad quern qui in Judaea nunc
sunt, id est, in fldei confessione constantes, fugiant, et in quo recedentes
a Sodoma salvi riant. Interim in valle lacrimarum super flumina
Babylonis sedebimus et flebimus dum recordamur Sion. || Erunt nobis
lacrimae nostrae panes die et nocte dum dicitur nobis quotidie, Ubi
est Deus noster ? { Si moram fecerit Dominus expectabimus eum ;

* Ps. lxxv, 6. § Ps. cxix, 109. li Ps. exxxvi, 1.

f Eccle. xi, 4. II Is. ii, 2. J P*. xh, 4-

312 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

nec enim continebit in ira misericordias suas,* et patientia pauperum
non peribit in finem. f Vestrae Paternitatis et pietatis erit afflictos et
jacentes sedentes in tenebris et in umbra mortis suis et Societatis
precibus erigere, ut in patientia sua animas suas possideant, et bonum
certamen certantes, cursum consummantes fidemque servantes coronam
glorias mereantur. Earn sane feliciter obtinuerunt P. Jo: Lous,
Dibdallus et Adamus sacerdotes qui hie Londini constantissime
martyrium obierunt: eos nuper subsecuti sunt duo alii, viz. generosus
quidam nomine Longleius, et Sacerdos, qui fidei pariter et pietatis
insigne testimonium reliquere. Capti cum iis fuerunt P. Mushaeus et
alii nonnulli, qui tamen nescio quo Sancto propitio manus hostium
evaserunt. Et haec fere sunt, R. P., quae in prassentia occurrunt
scribenda.

Superest ut P.V. iterum atque iterum obsecremus ut curet ad nos
mitti facultates illas quas petivimus saltern earn de consecrandis
calicibus et superaltaribus, cujus hie maxima jam est necessitas, eo
quod diuturnis istis domorum perquisitionibus id genus res non paucae
in manus lictorum venerunt, ex quo maxima nunc laboratur eorum
penuria. Ac sane hoc unum superest Catholicis solatium ut inter
turbas hasce et molestias pabulo se easiest! reficiant ; quod si illis
auferatur, langueant necesse est et flaccescant multi, quorum hactenus
his epulis nutrita imo aucta fuit animi pietas et constantia. Nos in
discessu obliti sumus earn facultatem a D. Alano petere, donee aliunde
habere possemus, cujus nos] magnopere pcenituit. Rogatam etiam
P.V. volumus, ut quia praecipuus negotii nostri et laboris fructus e
sursum expectandus est, et quia inter Scillas et Cbarybdes periculosissimo
itinere navigamus, pro paterna ilia cura qua Societatis filios prosequitur,
suis nos sacriflciis adjuvet et Societatis thesauros liberaliter nobis
aperiat quibus nostra infirmitas roboretur, ut dum nos seminamus et
rigamus Deus incrementum det, cujus curae et piae protectioni P.V.
et omnes patres fratresque nostros ibi degentes humiliter commendamus.
P. Henricus cum adfuerit, ipse statim de suis laboribus scribet, quos
ego hactenus, quod longe absit nec nuncios commodos habuerim,
rescire non potui. 21 Xmbris 1586.

Paternitatis V. Alius et servus in Xto,
Robertus.

[Translation]

Very Reverend and dear Father in Christ. I have sent two letters to
your Paternity, whereof the one by some mishap has been lost, and the
other, though it was dispatched, yet I much doubt whether it has
reached you. Wherefore it seemed that I ought to write a third, that
even now you may have some tidings of us. We who were last
dispatched, are by God's help alive and well; but our chief [Father
Weston], who, after having instructed us concerning such matters as we
should most observe, or be most wary of, in this vineyard, had renewed
his vows with us and armed himself against whatsoever mishaps and
perils, has been cast by God's permission into that haven which
is nigh salvation, the prison. In it his piety and constancy are such,
that he makes confinement more pleasant to the imprisoned and less

* Ps. lxxvi, 10. <f Ps. ix, 9.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 313

terrible to them that are free. He is highly esteemed of many, and rightly
so, by reason of his great prudence and gentleness.

Father Creighton is still in prison, and so is Ralph; they were joined
not long ago by Pounde, who had before gained some little liberty.
Where Metham is I know not. The others, though sore pressed by the
grievances of their confinement, are of joyful and dauntless minds. So far
as we may relieve their needs, we suffer them not to want for aught.

For ourselves, Father Henry [Garnet] toils hard and perseveringly.
He till now has been in the country; I with frequent great peril have
stayed in London, going also at times into the country. Twice I was
in extreme danger. The pursuivants were raging all around, and seeking
me in the very house where I was lodged. I heard them threatening
and breaking woodwork and sounding the walls to find hiding places ;
yet, by God's goodness, after four hours' search they found me not,
though separated from them only by a thin partition rather than a wall.
Of a truth the house was in such sort watched for many nights together
that I perforce slept in my clothes in a very strait, uncomfortable place.
In this wise, while we are yet free, we are trained to bear confinement.
Yet in the midst of perils it is marvellous how good God is, and how
bountiful of His comforts, insomuch that danger itself groweth sweet.

I am informed there is a general report that I am taken, and hearing
this while I was yet free, I smiled to think how gratifying that would
be for a time unto my foes, until "having slept their sleep, they should
find naught in their hands." They may say as often as they like that
I am taken; but I shall endeavour, as long as I escape their hands, to
let them know by facts that I am not taken. Not that I shall undertake
aught against them that can hurt the state; but my intention is, never
to desist from the works of my calling, though these when done cannot
long escape their notice; and they will know there still lives one of
this sort whom they have not taken. We must despise their speeches
and threats if we are to advance the Catholic cause; for here, "who
regardeth the wind soweth not, and who considereth the clouds shall
not reap." "Our soul is ever in our hands." Such is the multitude of
spies, that we cannot set foot out of doors, nor walk in the streets, without
danger to our lives. Yet the souls of Catholics are more precious than
our bodies; and when one reckons the price at which they were bought, it
should not seem much to endanger our lives for their salvation.

That Sacred Blood is still warm, those wounds still open, and those
bruises may still be seen, with which God redeemed the souls that we
are tending. At such a sight dangers may well be scorned, lest such
precious pearls be lost. Moreover, the Catholics suffer a sacred hunger,
and seek with great instance to approach the sacraments ; nay, they
hold themselves most hardly dealt with, if for a brief time they must
perforce abstain. And though this new storm [after the Babington plot]
(than which those who know these times and the times before have seen
none more violent) has stricken many, there lack not those who even
in these troublous times do more than ever give themselves to piety.

And seeing I have mentioned this storm, it has of a truth been most
severe. So often do they violently break into houses to search for priests,
that from the first beginning of our griefs unto this day there has been
nothing so outrageous. They have taken not only priests in great
number, but also certain noble ladies with their servants and maids,
and committed them to prison. The time that I was sought for they
led off two of the servants; one of whom, because he would not attend
the conventicles of the heretics, they cruelly beat and forced him by day
with great toil to turn the treadmill along with vagabonds and the like,
and to lie at night on the ground, without bed, mattress or coverlet ;

314 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

neither could he obtain that food or bed or clothes should be supplied
him by his friends. After this sort is he afflicted even to this day, by
whose means I have escaped.

The occasion for this outburst was given by the men who set on foot
that wicked and ill-fated conspiracy, which did to the Catholic cause so
great mischief, that even our enemies, had they had the choice, could
never have chosen aught more mischievous to us or more to their mind.
Yet we hope that this deep vale of misery shall be filled up, and " the
mountain on the top of mountains" shall be seen, whereunto they that
are now in Judea, that is who are firm in the confessing of their faith,
may flee, and hiding themselves therein may be free from Sodom.
Meanwhile in the vale of tears, "upon the rivers of Babylon we will sit
and weep when we remember Sion." — "Our tears shall be our bread
day and night, whilst it is said to us daily, Where is thy God ?" If the
Lord shall make delay we will await Him; for He will not " in His
anger shut up His mercies," and "the patience of the poor shall not
perish for ever."

It is for your Paternity of your piety by your prayers and the Society's
to raise up them that are stricken to the earth, "sitting in darkness
and in the shadow of death," to the end they may "possess their souls
in patience," and having "fought the good fight and finished their
course and kept the faith," may earn a crown of glory. Such a crown
has happily been won by Father John Lowe and by the priests Dibdale
and Adams, who here at London have with constancy suffered martyrdom.
Of late two others have followed them, one Longley, a gentleman, and
a priest, who both gave good witness of their faith and piety. With them
were taken Father Mushe and some others, who however, with the help
of some saint, escaped the enemy.

And this, Revd Father, is about all that occurs to me at this time
to write. For the rest, I earnestly do beg your Paternity to have sent
unto us those faculties we sought for, especially to consecrate chalices
and superaltars. Of this there is very great need, for that by reason of
these long searchings of houses, many such things have fallen into the
hands of the pursuivants, so we are in great want.

Of a truth the one remaining solace of the Catholics amid all this
trouble and turmoil is to refresh themselves with the Bread of Heaven ;
which if it be taken away, it cannot be but that many will faint and
grow feeble, whose piety and constancy was heretofore nourished and
increased at this table. We forgot, when we were leaving, to ask this
faculty of Master Allen so long as we might have it from other sources;
which we much regret. We would also ask your Paternity, inasmuch as
the chief issue of our work and toil must come from above, and we sail
most perilously betwixt dangers on every side (Scylla and Charybdis), of
your fatherly care for the sons of the Society to help us with your holy
Sacrifices, and freely to open unto us the spiritual treasures of the
Society, whereby our weakness may be made strong; to the end that while
we sow and water, God may give the increase; to whose providence and
good care we humbly commend your Paternity and all our fathers and
brethren in Rome. Father Henry Garnet on his return will at once write
about his doings. Hitherto I have heard nothing, for he is far off, and I
lack convenient messengers.

Dec. 21, 1586. Your Paternity's son and servant in Xt,

Robert.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 315

(vii)

To Father Agazario
22 December, 1586

There are two contemporary copies (one of which Grene was half
inclined to think might really be an autograph) at Stonyhurst, Anglia vi,
7 and 55, Grene' s transcript Collectanea P, ii, 517.

John Lowe suffered 8 October, 1586. The imprisonment of Martin
Sherson (died in bonds in 1587), Christopher Bagshaw, Jonas Meredith,
Ralph Bickley, Christopher Thules, George Potter, John Bolton, may be
followed to some extent in the prison lists, C.R.S., ii, 256, &c, and in
Father Morris's Troubles, vol. ii, where the full history of Anthony Tyrrell
will also be found; but I cannot identify Bradford.

Pax Christi. De nobis intelliget omnia V.R. ex P.N.; de vestris
tantum agam. Loum habetis novum martyrem : parum abfuit quominus
habuistis etiam P. Musheum : captus enim fuit sed evasit. Bradfordus,
Shersonus, Potterus, Boltonus, D. Bagshaus, Meredith, Bicleus, Thulesius,
Hidus ex nostro Collegio sunt Londini in vinculis, alacres tamen et
constantes. Tirellus liberatus est, sed tamen est semivinctus. Qui
ultimo ante nos venerunt, salvi sunt et utiles operarii. Ex antiquioribus
vidi paucos, nimirum tres vel quatuor, qui seduli vinitores. Qui deinceps
venturi sunt se ad graviora arment quam hactenus socii passi sunt ;
fervet enim mare oceanum solito magis et acrioribus turbatur procellis.
Nee tamen hoc ut terream dico : sciunt enim quam secure navigent qui
Christum habent navarchum. Jactari potest navis nostra et ad scopulos
allidi, frangi tamen aut submergi non potest. Vivimus nos in procellis
quam vis parum secure de cor pore : sed si forte nos abripiant, ad vitam et
tranquillitatem abripient, ipsoque erimus naufragio felices. Si vivimus
vincimus, nee minus si morimur vincemus, quia sive vivimus sive
morimur Domini sumus. Optima lege a Christi militibus certatur, quos
si hostis vincat coronat, si relinquat corruit : vivi enim aliorum animas
lucrantur, proprias lucrantur mortui. Vere, mi Pater, in ipsis periculis
mirum est quam exultet animus, dum cogito cui et quanam causa
militem. Quamvis enim caro infirma sit et corpus quod corrumpitur
aggravet animam, quia tamen sanguis noster si fundatur animarum
pretium est, et cum Samsone etiam morientes Philisthasos mores in
multis occidimus ; non enim injucundum certe est mori, ut in tot animis
vivat virtus et vitia moriantur. Sed ut ad vos redeam : memini non-
nunquam turbarum quas in Collegio habuistis, et dum eas apud me
reputo mir[or] ibi daemonem posse eos in dissidium excitare qui hie et
nobiscum et inter se sunt maxime Concordes. Hie enim habemus tot
communes inimicos ut nihil opus sit intestinos agere tumultus. I mo
vero studio nobis est qui capitibus nostris consulere et rem catholicam
promovere possimus. Certe tantum abest ut hie sit inter nos ulla vel
minima dissensio, ut maxima sit consolatio utrorumque nostrum quando
\w\. nonnunquam contingit) convenimus in eundem locum et mutuis
fruimur colloquiis. Tu igitur, pie pater, imperfectum nostrum tantisper
asqui consule, si quando spiritus procellarum mare vestrum perturbet.
Pisces habetis nostris usibus pernecessarios, qui si exenterentur* oculos
curant, dremones fugant, et multa in se habent medicamenta necessaria

* cj. Tub. vi, 5-y, &c.

1 6 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

si vivant. Petro aderunt* ut ex ore ipsorum drachmas eruat, quibus
Catholicorum debitum supremo Caesari persolvatur. Certe quilibet hie
sacerdos perutilis est, maxime illi qui casus conscientias et controversias
probe callent. Castera enim doctrina,quamvis curiosis quandoque auribus
satisfaciat, rarissimus tamen est apud nos illius usus. Concionatores hie
magnopere desiderantur, ideoque pernecessarium est ut ibi assuefaciant
se, ut et facilitatem in dicendo et rerum copiam usu acquirant. Rumor
hie est plures ad nos ex nostris non venturos, ita jubente Pontifice ; sed
speramus aut falsum esse rumorem, aut magnum aliquod portendere
quod sit e re catholica. Utut sit nos hie sumus, et donee alii veniant
soli ferimus pondus diei et aestus. Vos in umbra quiescite, et
aperientes ora spiritum attrahite, "F ut cum venerit hora vestra etiam in
solem ac pulverem descendatis.

Interim, mi Pater, illud superest, ut pro singulari vestro in me amore
gratum et memorem animum me retinere significem. Et quamvis R.V.
tantae caritatis mercedem et expectet et repositam procul dubio habeat,
id tamen, ut par est, a me quoque mercedis habebit, ut mearum precum
et sacrificiorum semper sit particeps. Oblitus psene eram monere vos ne
criminosis de sacerdotibus nonnullis rumoribus fidem facile praabeatis ;
aut enim sunt omnino innoxii, et calumnise has ab haereticis confictae ;
aut si quid leve peccaverint, leve illud fuit, et non solum contritione
cordis sed corporis etiam deletum.

Salutet obsecro meo nomine omnes meos in Christo dilectissimos
fratres, alumnos suos, quorum ego sane in dies in sacrificiis memini ;
peculiariter quoque eos ex sodalitate B.V. quorum precibus non parum
confido me quotidie juvari. Salutet etiam obsecro Antonium meum
cujus mater ac frater sunt vincti in Domino fidei causa. Mater me
sollicite rogavit ut illi scriberem, ne ullo pacto discessum a vobis cogitet,
sancte asserens nescire se quid de illo fiet si hue veniret. Bona Domina
non parum gravatur, et ad eas jam redacta est angustias, ut me oportuerit
illi 10 libras mutuare. Ego matri (vestra fidens pietate) dixi illic eum
sine sumptu suo aut pretio aliunde a suis expectando ali, et tamdiu ibi
moraturum quoad studia confecerit. Laudavi etiam ilium antiquis illis
laudibus quas in primo suo adventu jure optimo meruit, quas tamen ut
postea intellexi ex matre suis ipse Uteris discessum postulantibus
obfuscavit. Dolui sane ut audivi, sed quo meliori modo potui excusavi
ilium, ne adderem afflictionem afflictse. Optima de illo spero: Dominus
mihi spem in rem convertat. Burleum quoque et Elmerum ex me
qureso salutet una cum P. Curtesio,§ de quibus sane alta spero quando
ad nos venerint, quern ego diem utinam merear videre. Nunc ad nostros
venio. Omnes quaeso apud vos salutet, et praeterea Patres Assistentes,
Rectorem et Ministrum Collegii Romani, Germanici et Seminarii, et
imprimis P. Provincialem : Everardum quoque Rugerium et Lucium
cum reliquis condiscipulis ; denique, quern licet ultimo nomino, cum
primis tamen veneror, 1). Alanum patriae parentem, cui quicquid est hie
boni acceptum referre possumus. Vale, mi Pater, et una tecum valeat
P. Leonardus Ricalcatus et P. Humfredus. 22 Decembris ex Anglia.

;fc cf. Mat. xvii, 26. f cf. Ps. cxviii, 131.

§ These three names (Burley and Elmer also recur in the intercepted letter of
25 July) seem to be aliases, as they do not appear on the English College lists.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 317

Hos omnes in his Uteris particulatim recensui, ut in sequentibus
semper intelligatur istos esse quos salutatos cupio quamvis nominein
nullum.

R. P. Personio.

Scriberem ad vos peculiares literas, si quid novi esset quod N.P. non
scripsissem ; sed quia omnia ibi narratu digna recensui, id unum
superest ut a V.R. flagitemus, idque enixe, nostras ut facultates primo
quoque tempore mittendas curet. Gratissimum porro esset ac certe non
parum necessarium si nobis P.P. concederet benedictionem Collegii
Anglicani pro duobus millibus rosariorum et granorum sex millibus,
quia hie omnes a nobis petunt, et nulli possumus hanc gratiam pnestare.
Esset hoc certe admodum utile. Obsecro, mi Pater, cura ut petatur
admodum expresse in Indulgentiis Collegii Anglicani, nempe ut liceat
nobis, tarn pro granis quam pro rosariis, quorum idem periculum est,
materiam ut in Domino videbitur assignare, quas eo ipso habeat
benedictionem. Vale, mi Pater, et ora pro me tui in omnibus sacrificiis
memore. De comitiis seu Parlamento nihil scribo, quia literas meas
sicut et animum cupio a rebus ad statum pertinentibus alienissimas.

\Translation\

Pax Christi. Full information about myself your Reverence will hear
from his Paternity: I will speak only of your former alumni. Your
College has now a new martyr in Lowe: and you have just missed
having one in Fr. Mushe: for he was taken, but escaped. Bradford,
Sherson, Potter, Bolton, Mr Bagshaw, Meredith, Bickley, Thules, Hyde,
alumni of your College, are in prison in London, but cheerful and
steadfast. Tyrrell has been set at liberty, though is still half a prisoner.
Those who came just before me are safe, and are useful missionaries.
Of the older ones (their predecessors) I have seen few, to wit three or
four, who are zealous workmen in the vineyard. Those who are to
follow later should gird themselves for heavier trials than their companions
have hitherto suffered; for the sea is more boisterous than usual, and
swept by fiercer storms. I do not say this to frighten them; for they
know how securely those ride the waves who have Christ for pilot. Our
ship may be tossed about and grind upon the rocks, but it cannot go
to pieces or be sunk. We live on in the midst of storms, with but
little security for the body. Yet, if they do carry us off, they will only be
taking us to life and to rest. Even in shipwreck we shall be blessed.
While we live we conquer, nor shall we be less victorious if we die,
because "whether we live or whether we die, we are the Lord's." Christ's
soldiers fight under most favourable terms; for if the enemy defeat them
he crowns them, and if he let them alone, he is himself defeated: while
they are in life they save the souls of others, and in death they win
salvation for their own souls.

Truly, dear Father, in the midst of dangers it is marvellous what joy
of heart I feel, reflecting under whose name and in what cause I am
enlisted. For though the flesh be weak, and this corruptible body drag
down the soul, still our blood if shed will ransom souls, and like
Samson, our death will mean the death in many of the vices of the
Philistines. Assuredly it is not unpleasant to die that virtue may spring
to life in many souls, and vices receive their deathblow.

But to return to your alumni. I recall at times the troubles you
have had in the College, and in recalling them, I marvel that the devil
should be able to stir up dissension among those, who here live in perfect

318 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

harmony both with us and amongst themselves. Here, forsooth, we have
so many enemies in common, that there is no time for internal factions.
Rather our great concern is how to consult for the safety of our lives
and to advance Catholic interests. So far from there being the least
disagreement among us, it is the greatest consolation to both sides when,
as occasionally happens, we meet together in the same place and enjoy
each other's conversation. Be patient, dear Father, with our shortcomings,
if occasionally the breath of storms ruffle your sea. You have "fishes"
there greatly wanted here, which, "when disembowelled, are good for
anointing to the eyes and drive the devils away," while, if they live,
" they are necessary for useful medicines" [Tob. vi, 5-9]. They will come
to Peter's hands, that out of their mouths he may take the coins of the
tribute, wherewith to discharge the debt Catholics owe to supreme
Cassar [Mt. xvii, 26]. Every priest here is useful, especially those who
are well skilled in moral theology and controversy. The other departments
of sacred learning, though they may occasionally gratify the curious, are
seldom called for amongst us. Preachers are here in great request :
hence it is most important that the students should practise themselves,
so as to acquire readiness of speech and a plentiful supply of matter.
There is a report here that by the Pope's direction no more of ours are
to come, but we hope that this report is either false or portends some-
thing great for the advantage of the Catholic cause. Whatever the case
may be, we who are here have alone "to bear the burden and heats of
the day" till others arrive. Take now your rest in the shade, and open
your mouths to draw in breath, so that when your hour comes, you too
may go down into the sun-scorched arena.

It only remains for me, dear Father, to express my grateful feeling for
your extraordinary kindness to me. And though your Revce has another
reward to look forward to, a reward firmly secured, still, as is fitting,
you shall have some return from me, to wit a constant share in my
prayers and masses.

I nearly forgot to warn you not to give ear to scandalous reports
about certain priests; for they are either wholly innocent, the calumnies
having been fabricated by heretics; or if they have fallen into some fault,
it is a light one, and has been expiated both by contrition of heart and
maceration of the flesh.

Present my fond greetings to all my dearest brothers in Christ, your
pupils, whom I daily remember at Mass, especially those of Our Lady's
Sodality, from whose prayers I am sure I daily derive benefit. Greet
too for me my Anthony, whose mother [Catherine Copley] and brother
are prisoners of Christ for their religion. The mother earnestly begged
me to write to him that he must not think of leaving the College,
solemnly adding that she did not know what would become of him if he
returned hither. The good lady is not a little distressed, and reduced
to such straits that I had to lend her ten pounds. Relying on your
kindness, I told the mother that Anthony would be kept at the College
without an)' charge to her, or the seeking any pension from his other
relatives, and that he should stay there till he had finished his course of
studies. I praised him in the old words of praise, which he so well
deserved at his first arrival, though, as I afterwards learnt from his
mother, he has dimmed that praiseworthiness by his letters, asking to
be allowed to leave. It pained me to hear this, but I made the best
excuses for him I could, so as to spare fresh sorrow to one in affliction.
I hope for the best regarding him : may God convert hope into reality.

Present my regards also to Burley, Elmer and Fr. Curtis, from whom
I hope great things when they come here : may I live to see that day.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 319

Now I come to our own Fathers. Present my greetings to all who
belong to your community, also to the Fathers Assistant, the Rectors
and Ministers of the Roman and German Colleges, and of the Seminary,
and especially to Fr. Provincial : likewise to Everard, Roger and Lucius,
with the rest of their fellow students. Finally (though I mention him last,
he ranks in my esteem among the first), to Dr. Allen, the father of his
country, to whom must be ascribed whatever good we are here able to do.

Farewell, my dear Father, farewell also to Fr. Leonardo Recalcati
and Fr. Umfredo. From England. December 22.

All the above I have made particular mention of in my letter, so that
in subsequent letters they may be understood (though I should give no
names) as the persons to whom I desire to be commended.

To Father Persons

I should have written to you a special letter, if there was anything
to say not already told to the Father General ; but as I have related to
him everything worth mentioning, I have only to ask of you, and I do
so most earnestly, that you would see to our faculties being sent at the
first opportunity. It would be a great boon and meet a great want, if
the Pope would give us faculties, like those granted to the English
College, to bless 2,000 rosaries and 6,000 grains, for here all are asking
for such objects, and we are unable to gratify them. It would also be of
great advantage to us. I beg of you, dear Father, to obtain this clause in
particular for us among the Indulgences granted to the English College,
viz. to be allowed (as well for the beads as for the rosaries, the risk in
both cases being the same) to choose ourselves the material we think
best in the Lord, to which the blessing may be attached. Farewell,
dear Father, and pray for me who am mindful of you in all my Masses.
About Parliament I say nothing, as I desire my letters, like my soul, to
have absolutely nothing to do with matters of State.

(viii)

Father Aquaviva to Fr. Southwell
20 February, 1587
Archives S.J., Galliae, Efiistolae Generalium, f. 46 v. This is the
only letter to Southwell which I have found.

Londini. Domino Roberto Southwello.

Nihil gratius nobis accidit his diebus Dnis. Vae. Uteris quas binas
accepimus, mensibus Novembri ac Decembri scriptas, tertias quarum
scribit periisse sane dolemus. Non arbitramur enim eiusmodi fuisse
quae si in manus alienas inciderint nihil inde incommodi timendum sit,
unde et hac ipsa occasione admonendam statim his initiis D.V. duximus,
ut si in mittendis literis cautior esse non possit (quod facile credimus),
cautior tamen sit in scribendis, nee tarn multa dictione aperta ac simplici
enunciet, ne vel aliis vel ipsi sibi periculum inde creetur in ista hominum
iniquitate et magna non modo creditorum sed debitorum etiam suspicionc,
si scriptio sua ad alios deveniret. Res est parabolis aliquanto obscuranda,
cum est momenti (nam qui leget intelliget) vel oblique tantum attingenda
cum de personis agitur, cuius nos aliquod forte specimen vel his nostris
vel aliis aliquando praebebimus.

Primum igitur gratulamur tarn V. Dni. quam amantissimo nostro
Henrico, de accessu salvo in ista loca, de statione, de laboribus, de

320 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO T594

valetudine, de periculis vitatis, et de animo quern habeat ad futura
tempora ; de quibus rebus quando erit commoditas [quo] saepius nos
certiores facie[t] (sine periculo tamen) eo erit nobis gratius, qui per-
petuam vestri memoriam habemus, quare et apud communem Dominum
quotidie commendamus. Utrique Gulielmo nostro compatimur quidem
ex animo, sicut et Rodulpho quod tantum in eo potestatis creditores
habent. Seniori tamen Gulielmo minus periculi timemus quam reliquis
duobus, quanquam in periculis plurimis tarn parato animo, quam D.V.
scribit et eos facile existimamus, ad omnia ferenda etiam gravissima.
Nominatim delectarunt quae de constantia reliquaque virtute D.V.
scripsit Gulielmi minoris. Idem de Pondere et Meta intelligimus, quos
omnes a nobis magno affectu salutatos cupimus, cum eius rei commoditas
dabitur. Complectimur enim omnes amore magno in Domino, a quo
et per quem universa eis prospera et salutaria precamur. Quod D.V.
expetebat in calices aliaque istiusmodi potestatis, id quidem antea tarn
sibi quam Domino Henrico permissum fuerat, sed tamen propterea id
ipsum renovatur, ne in posterum ulla sit ea de re dubitatio. Gaudeo
D. Vam. tarn bono animo esse temporibus tarn difficilibus, nee abesse
a spe lucri ex commercio tarn laborioso, quam in dies spem ampliorem
ac certiorem fore spero, diffluente tempestate hac, quae aliquandiu iam
saeviit sed durare semper non potest. Longioris epistolae neque
necessitas est, neque argumentum. Itaque finem faciam si illud tantum
addidero, vestros omnes hinc vos salutare, optimeque cupere, nos autem
id imprimis, ut magnam curam habeatis valetudinis ac libertatis vestrae,
nee unquam ad lucrum tarn attenti sitis ut interim non habeatur ratio
securitatis. Sanctissima Dei ac Domini nostri gratia vos conservet
semper. Ex eo loco quo ultimum amplexi sumus. 20 Feb., 1587.

\_Translatioti\

To Mr Robert Southwell, at London.

Nothing of recent occurrence has been a greater pleasure to us than
your two letters, written in the months of November and December. That
the third which you wrote has gone astray, causes us real sorrow, for
we apprehend it was of such a character that, supposing it fell into
hostile hands, evil results might be feared. Wherefore at once on
occasion of this first letter, we have judged that your Mastership should
be warned that if in the dispatch of letters you cannot exercise greater
caution (as we readily believe to be the case), you should at least in
writing them be more on your guard. Do not say so much in plain
and open terms, lest (if what you write fall into others' hands) danger
should thence arise either to others or to yourself; men there being as
wicked as they are, and the suspicions both of creditors and debtors
[i.e. persecutors and persecuted] being so great. Things, especially
when of importance, should be somewhat veiled in allegory (for the
receiver will grasp the sense), and when persons are in question, they
should be merely alluded to indirectly. Some specimen of this we may
give either in this or in some future letter.

So first of all we congratulate both yourself and also our most
loving Henry [Garnet] on your safe arrival in those regions, on the
stations you have established, on your labours, your good health, on
dangers escaped, and on the courage with which you face the future.
On these topics, when you have an opportunity, the more often you
inform us (without incurring danger) the more pleasing will it be to us,

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 32 1

who because we are ever mindful of you, daily commend you to the Lord
of all. For William [Weston and] William [Creighton], both so dear to
us, we feel heartfelt compassion, as also for Ralph [Emerson], in that
his creditors [i.e. persecutors] have him so much in their power. Yet
we have less apprehension of danger for the elder William [i.e. Creighton]
than for the other two, although encompassed with many perils. As you
write, and we readily believe, his heart is prepared to endure every
extremity. Especially were we consoled by your words as to the stead-
fastness and other virtues of William the younger [Weston]. We
understand as much of "Weight" and "Winning-post" [Pondus et Meta,
i.e. Pound and Metham]: to all of whom we desire to send greetings
with great affection, when opportunity is afforded, for we embrace all
with great love in our Lord, from Whom and through Whom we implore
every success and blessing.

As to the faculties with regard to cups and other things of that
nature which you have been asking for, they had already been granted
both to yourself and to Mr Henry; yet, on account of your request, these
faculties are now renewed, so that for the future there may be no doubt
on that score.

I rejoice that you are so full of courage in times so trying, and that
you do not despair of gain from a trade so toilsome. I trust that those
hopes may daily increase and become better grounded, as this storm
passes over, which has raged so long, but which cannot last for ever.

There is neither need nor theme for a longer letter, and so I make
an end; only adding this, that all your fellows here send you greetings,
earnestly desiring (and we chief of all) that you take the greatest care
of your health and freedom, and that you should never be so keen on
profits as to lose reckoning of your safety. May the most holy grace
of God our Lord keep you always. From the place where last we
embraced. 20 February, 1587.

(ix)

To Father General Claudio Aquaviva

31 August, 1588

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia vi, 59, a contemporary copy on Roman Carta
jialomba. Grene's copy, Collectanea P, ii, f. 523.

This letter should be studied together with the letter of 22 December,
1588, printed anonymously in Yepes, p. 604, which may perhaps also be
by Southwell.

HlSTORIA DlUERSORUM MARTYRUM, QUI OB FIDEM CATHOLICAM

passi sunt in Anglia mense Augusto 1588. Ex Uteris cuiusdam
patris Societatis Jesu ad Praepositum Generalem scriptis, ut infra: —
Crudelem recentium martyrum stragem scripturus (R.P.) animi
dubius haerebam, satiusne esset patriae nostrae calamitatem patrio
tantum luctu deflere, an priuatum hunc vnius insulae dolorem in
exteras quoque nationes deriuare. Quamvis enim miseriarum nostrarum
cumulus aliorum oculis obiectus non possit, ut arbitror, non magnam
excitare miserationem ; cum tamen amictorum aerumnae nequeant
sine opprimentium tyrannide recenseri, verebar plurimum, ne horum
impietas plus odij quam illorum constantia laudis Anglicano nomini
conciliaret. Verum cum huius tempestatis ac turbinis sedatio non
tarn in armorum strepitu quam in pijs fidelium precibus ac lacnmis,
vel exitu rerum id subindicante, sita esse videatur; co minorem de

322 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

prodenda hostium crudelitate rationem habendam duxi, quo solet
impugnantis immanitas ad afflictam oppressorum conditionem intelli-
gendam plurimum lucis adferre.

Principes igitur nostri naualis belli periculo defuncti, ac dimisso
quern terra coegerant exercitu, ab externis hostibus in viscera sua arma
conuertunt, et conceptum in Hispanos odium in conciues suos et
tribules inhumana quadam feritate exercent. Primum enim, quos in
carceribus habebant, a se disjunctos, communi qua antea utebantur
societate ac colloquio interdicunt, a maritis vxores, a parentibus liberos
seiungunt, amicorum accessu omnes prohibent : quin imrao, et si qui
eos inuisuri veniunt cum illis vna in carcere detinentur.

Trahuntur deinde gregatim ad tribunalia. Ibi non tantum de
rebus gestis quam de futuris actionibus examinantur : quid nimirum
si hoc illudve accideret, in animo illorum sit facere? Si respondere
nolint, id scilicet rebellis animi et laesae maiestatis conscij argumento
volunt esse clarissimo. Si respondeant se contra Reginae patriaeque
ius et debitum vtrique officium facturos nihil : id tanquam ficte et
simulate dictum calumniantur. Quicquid demum dixerint, nisi id
dicant quod capitis periculum creare illis possit, nihil horum judicum
voluntati satisfacit. Responderunt pro tribunali omnes mansuetis ac,
quantum fieri potuit, ab omni acerbitate alienissimis verbis ; suam
semper testati in patriam et reginae ius, fidem ac obseruantiam ; eo
nimirum consilio, ne si acrioribus verbis fuissent vsi aut apertius quae
sentiebant exposuissent, propensos ad effundendum sanguinem aduer-
sarios ad deteriora impulissent, qui ex eorum responsis de catholicorum
omnium his in rebus iudicio, coniecturam capere conabantur. Cum
igitur res ad fidem hon spectaret, et responsiones sacerdotum in
commune detrimentum vergere potuissent ; consultius iudicatum est,
eiusmodi verbis vti, qui bus et Veritas inesset, et magistratus minime
offenderentur. Sacerdotes se sacris initiatos aiebant, quibus bellum
gerere fas non esset; et ideo se Deum precaturos illis ut faveret
partibus, a quibus ipse et causae aequitas esset. Laici vero polliciti
sunt patriae et principi fideles se praestituros, et vtramque defensuros
contra quosuis, qui iniurijs iniquisue armis earum ius violare conarentur.
Sed nihil haec responsa profuere : statutum quippe apud iudices erat
morte omnes afficere; et satis id causae fuit, quod sacerdotes, aut
ecclesiae reconciliati, aut sacerdotum adiutores extitissent.

Atque his nominibus vno die 13, altero 2 alij morti adiudicantur;
inter quos fuere sacerdotes 6, laici 7, et vna mulien Summa omnes
alacritate in iudicio responderunt; sed maxime cauerunt iudices ne
multa loquendi daretur potestas, id quod erat suspicati ipsorum
nimirum verbis iudicij iniquitatem facile conspectum iri.

Inter caetera autem quae ad tribunalia contigerunt insigne haeretici
fastus documentum editum est. Adfuit, inter caeteros, pseudo-episcopus
Londinensis, vir aetate grauior quam moribus, qui adeo sui est vbique
similis, vt vel ipsis suae sectae hominibus sit ridiculus. Is, cum laicum
quendam nescio quibus de religione sermonibus adortus esset ; laicus
responsum in sacerdotes reiecit. Suscipit negotium pater Lighus, et

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 323

apertum illi Martem indicit. "Tu vero," inquit Pharisaeus ille,
"mini te opponis? Sane perinde mihi videris facere ac Alexandri
olim canis, qui Vrsos et id genus animantia contemnens, illis visis nee
mutire quidem dignatus est ; conspecto autem elephante statim latrare
coepit, nobile tantum illud animal suo ratus dignum latratu. Elephas
ego sum, tu instar caniculi illius. Quid enim in te est mihi confer-
endum, qui et diuturnitate lectionis et profunditate ingenij vel ipsum
vestrum Alanum superem?" Quibus verbis non solum nostris sed
toti [p. 60] concilio risum homo vanissimus excitauit.

Sed iudicij is exitus fuit vt omnes morti adiudicarentur sacerdotes
eo solum quod presbyteri essent; laici, partim quod sacerdotes
recepissent hospitio, aut ab illis in ecclesiam Romanam recepti sint,
quamvis et ad haec ipsa contra laicos probanda tam exili nixi sunt
testimonio, vt ipsi (post latam sententiam) iudices inter se rem grauiter
expostularent et indignitatem rei aegerrime se ferre apertis verbis
professi sunt. Sed, vt vt fuerit nota iudicibus vel testibus sententiae
iniquitas, insontes tamen sicut impie damnati, ita et pari scelere postero
die extremo supplicio affecti sunt. Ac mirum sane quam importunis
clamoribus vulgus eos sit prosecutum, nihil non inhumanum et
absonum in seruos Dei effutiens. Illi interim iunctis manibus, com-
posito ad pietatem vultu et ad hilaritatem propenso, populi maledictiones
benedictionibus compensant ; et, fixis in Deum mentibus et in coelum
oculis partim psallentes partim meditantes a tribunalibus denuo ad
carceres et a carceribus deinceps ad supplicium ducti sunt.

Mirus ciuium concursus et vndique confluens multitudo; sed quo
consilio haud scio. Diuersos eorum varijs in vrbis partibus binos
ternos ac etiam singulos, idque eodem die (sex erectis crucibus)
suffixere. Nee, ut moris hactenus fuit, traha rapti aut in partes dissecti
(quamuis ad haec fuerant in iudicio damnati), sed plaustris ad
supplicium, latronum more, vecti sunt. Omnem fere illis loquendi
copiam ademerunt, ita vt paucissima pro populo fari potuerint ; et
Denum presbyterum vehementius laborantem ad populum verba facere,
obturato ore linteolo, non solum sermone prohibuerunt, sed ante
suspendium paulo minus suffocarunt. Similiter et in via, cum se audin
postularet, sublatus est repente clamor, quo nihil ab ipso dictum ab
astantibus possit excipi. Sic nimirum pudet aduersarios, vt Veritas
causae et eorum iniquitas populo innotescat.

Aliqui extra vrbem, incitato equorum cursu, delati sunt; et in
vicinis oppidis supplicio affecti. Inter caeteros muher
Ward. quaedam Margareta nomine, insignis virago, praeclarum in

sexu fragili edidit constantiae exemplum ; quae vna cum
Roche. Rocho quodam Hiberno ideo morte mulctata est, quod
funem ad sacerdotem quendam vinctum, cuius ille adminiculo euasit,
detulisset. Haec tamdiu verbenbus caesa, et in altum manibus
suspensa est (extremis tantum articulis terram attingentibus) vt 1am
clauda et membris capta esset; quae supphcia clanssimam martyrem
ad vltimum illud magnopere praemumerant.

324 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

Feltonus. Feltonus etiam diu in Bridwello verberibus exceptus, postea
in teterrimam Nugati speluncam, quam Limbum vocant,
septimanis 15 in catenis ac compedibus asseruatus, demum post
longum et diuturnum certamen, ad egregiam meritorum palmam
peruenit. Illi semper in summis angustijs id solatio fuisse dicitur, quod
speraret se simili cum patris sui exitu vitam conclusurum ; qui et ipse
ob allatam et valuis Sancti Pauli affixam Pij Quinti Bullam, in crucem
actus est. Iuvenis hie vnus ex eis fuit, qui extra vrbem passi sunt ; ac
tantam modestiam ac pietatem prae se tulit, vt illius tantum aspectu
quidam vehementer animo perculsi sint. Quaedam faemina non humili
loco nata, cum praetereuntes sacerdotes aspiceret, nee prae dolore a
lacrimis et sermone abstinere posset, eos flexis genibus rogauit, vt pro se
ad Deum precarentur. Haec, hoc solum nomine comprehensa et in
carcerem coniecta est. Alter eductos e carcere cum tarn multos vno die
occidendos videret, nescio quo animi motu impulsus, vt fieri a pijs solet,
crucem sibi veluti rem miratus impressit, quod cum esset ab alijs
obseruatum satis causae fuit, vt vinculis traderetur. Tertius, petente
martyre iam morti proximo, vt si quis ibi adesset catholicus pro se
intercederet : motus praesenti hominis necessitate in genua prouolutus
orationi se dedit, et magno hac de causa populi tumultu in custodiam
coniectus est. Sic nimirum nee sacerdotibus dum viuunt opitulari,
aut adiutoribus vti, nee ijsdem, dum plectuntur, aut miserationem aut
preces impertiri, nee hostium saeuitiam admirari, sine carcerum capitisque
periculo fas est, rem sane sanguineis lacrimis deplorandam.

Mortuis autem, seu potius ad meliorem vitam translatis martyribus,
proxima cura aduersarijs fuit erecta patibula diligenti custodia muniendi;
ea nimirum tarn pretiosa rati a nobis habitum iri, vt illis surripiendis non
pauci ex nostris capita exposuissent, ni fuissent illorum astu praeuenti.

Nee id praetereundum existimo, quod cum quaedam pia faemina ad
illustrem hominem petitura accessisset, vt cuiusdam ex his qui damnatus
fuit capite mortem differri curaret. Interrogata primum est, an is cuius
causam egit homicidij reus esset : cumque ilia nihil minus esse diceret,
sed ob fidem tantum Catholicam condemnatus. " Pro dolor," inquit
(p. 61), "ob fidem ! At si homicidium patrasset,non dubitassem postulatis
annuisse ! Caeterum, si fidei res agatur, non ausim me interponere."
Adeo nimirum exosum iam euasit Catholici seu vt ipsi loquuntur
Papistae nomen, vt facilius homicidis quam Catholicis indulgeatur.

Passi sunt etiam Derbij sacerdotes duo : Simpsonus ille, cuius pater
Henricus iampridem scripsit historiam, et Garlikus ; et tertius quidam
Staffordiae, et alij Eboraci, Wisbichi denique nonnulli, de quibus alias
cum certiora accepero.

Atque vt his Uteris modum imponam, quippe qui aliarum breui
ampliorem materiam habiturus sum, illud tantummodo adiungam,
statutum esse aduersarijs Catholicos omnes, si possint, eradicare :
necnon Catholicis, quando res ita postulat, certum esse quaelibet potius
perpeti quam fidei nuncium remittere ; quo fit vt illi mortes inferendo,
et nos sustinendo, egregium Deo, angelis, hominibus spectaculum breui
exhibituri simus, si quo pede coeperint negotia haec progrediantur.

Interim Paternitas vestra sic Catholicorum constantiam miretur, vt
in propenso per se ad pietatem populo talia admirationi esse solent ;

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 325

sic vero caeterorum furorem ac crudelitatem expendat, vt non in
opprobrium gentis, sed in haeresis pestem, non fidem tantum sed ipsius
naturae leges ac terminos violantem vitium conferendum existimet, atque
ita fiat, vt illorum amabilior virtus, horum vero miseratione dignior
ignorantia videatur.

Omnium patrum fratrumque precibus, et nos qui adhuc incolumes
sumus, et has patriae calamitates iterum atque iterum humilissime (sic)
commendamus ac in primis R.P.V., cui, sicut praecipue nostri cura
incumbit, ita et facilius, quae petit, concessa fore speramus. Ambo,*
licet, disiuncti, pari officio P.V. caeterosque omnes ex animis salutamus.

Pridie Calendas Septembris 1588.

Endorsed. — Of the martirs, 88, Aug :

[The marginal notes and underlining are by Persons, and the passages
marked correspond with the parts used by Ribadeneyra^ lib. 3, c. 1.]

[ Translation\

As I began to write about the cruel slaughter of our last Martyrs, I
felt uncertain whether it was better to confine to home my lament over
our domestic calamity, or to impart to other nations the inward sorrow
we here alone endure. For although the accumulation of our woes if
presented to the eyes of others cannot, I feel sure, fail to awaken great
compassion, yet as the trials of the afflicted cannot be related without
speaking of the tyranny of the oppressors, I feared much lest the recital
of their impious conduct should bring more hatred on the English name
than the constancy of our Martyrs would win for it praise. But the
stilling of this storm and tempest depends not so much on the clash of
weapons as on the pious prayers and tears of the faithful, as is shown
by recent events, so I thought I ought to have less scruple about
exposing the savagery of the enemy, inasmuch as the brutality of the
oppressor is wont to shed a strong light on the woeful condition of the
oppressed.

Our rulers, therefore, after the peril of the Armada had passed, and
the army which they had enrolled on land had been disbanded, turned
their arms from foreign foes against their own sons, and with inhuman
ferocity vented the hatred they had conceived against the Spaniards on
their own fellow citizens and subjects. In the first place they separate
and confine apart from each other those whom they hold in prison,
depriving them of the companionship and intercourse hitherto enjoyed
by them; they divide wives from husbands, children from parents, and
cut off all access to friends; nay, if any friends come to visit them, they
too are held in durance.

Then they are dragged in gangs to the court-houses, and there
examined not only as to their past deeds, but about their future conduct,
what forsooth they would be disposed to do under such and such
circumstances. If they refuse to answer, the refusal is set down as a
clear proof of a rebellious will and of treason; if they answer that they
will do nothing contrary to their just and bounden duty to Queen and
country, they falsely accuse them of hypocrisy and insincerity. In a
word, whatever answer they give, it never satisfies the minds ot tne se
judges, unless it is one that imperils the prisoner's life. All the
imprisoned have given their answers before the court in a spirit ot

* "Ambo" must be Southwell and Garnet, the only two Jesuits at liberty. As
Henricus is mentioned, three paragraphs above, in terms which distinguish mm irom
the writer of this letter, the latter must be Father Southwell.

326 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

meekness, quite free from bitterness, as far as was possible, protesting
their loyalty and duty to the claims of Queen and country, thus acting,
lest by making use of harsher words and expressing their mind too
bluntly, they might incite their enemies, already keen for bloodshed, to
deeds of greater violence : for from the answers given, these men proceed
to form conjectures about the frame of mind of Catholics in general on
such matters.

As therefore it was not a question of faith, and when the answers of
priests might entail disaster on the Catholic body, it was thought more
prudent to use language that was truthful and yet would not irritate
the magistrates. Accordingly priests confessed that they had been
admitted to Holy Orders, that as priests it was unlawful for them to bear
arms, that their prayers were offered to God to favour the side on which
His cause and that of justice stood: lay persons offered to prove their
loyalty to sovereign and country by defending both against all who by
injuries or unjust aggression sought to violate their right. These answers,
however, availed nothing. The judges had already made up their minds
that all must suffer the death penalty, the fact that the prisoners were
priests, or had befriended priests, or had been reconciled to the Catholic
Church, being considered sufficient evidence against them.

Upon charges such as these thirteen were sentenced to death on one
day, and two on another day, among whom were six priests, seven
laymen, and one woman. All delivered their answers at the trial with
great promptitude, but the judges took good care not to allow much
freedom of speech, suspecting, as was the case, that by the words of the
Martyrs the injustice of the judgment would be exposed.

Among other incidents at the trials, a striking instance of heretical
pride was witnessed. Amongst the rest there present was [Aylmer] the
pseudo-bishop of London, a man more venerable for age than conduct,
which on every occasion is so peculiar that he makes himself ridiculous
even to the followers of his own sect. This man making an attack
on a lay prisoner on the subject of religion, the latter referred him to
the priests for an answer. Fr. Leigh took up the argument, and
challenged him to public disputation. Thereupon that Pharisee exclaimed:
"Dost thou set thyself up against me? Of a truth thou seemest to act
after the fashion of Alexander's dog, which despising bears and vulgar
animals of that sort, did not even growl when it saw them, but would
at once bark if it caught sight of an elephant, thinking that noble
animal was alone deserving of its attention. I am the elephant, and
thou the puppy. What right hast thou to dispute with me, who in extent
of reading and depth of intellect surpass even your Dr. Allen ?" By
which words the conceited fellow provoked a laugh not only from our
Martyrs, but from the whole assembly.

The outcome, however, of the trial was that all were condemned to
death, the priests on the sole ground that they were priests; the laymen
either on the charge of harbouring priests or for having been reconciled
by them to the Roman Church. To prove this charge against the laymen
such paltry evidence was relied upon, that, after sentence was passed,
the judges themselves vigorously protested, and there were open expressions
of regret at the unworthy proceeding. But although the injustice of the
sentence was clear both to judges and witnesses, the prisoners, innocent
though they were, were impiously condemned, and executed next day
with the same barbarity with which they had been condemned. It was
strange to hear with what incessant shouts the mob followed them to the
scaffold, uttering all manner of harsh and savage abuse against the
servants of God, while the Martyrs, with clasped hands and a look of
piety, even gaiety, on their faces, repaid the people's curses with blessings.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 327

They fixed their hearts and eyes on God; sometimes they chanted,
sometimes they prayed in silence, as they were being led from the court-
house back to the prison, and from the prison to the scaffold.

There was an extraordinary concourse of citizens, and a crowd surging
on all sides. What it felt I know not. The Martyrs were hung in various
groups here and there about the city, by twos and threes and even singly,
on six specially erected gibbets, but on the same day. Contrary to custom,
they were not dragged on hurdles nor dismembered, though they had been
condemned to this in their sentence ; but like robbers they were conveyed
to the place of execution in carts. Nearly all liberty of addressing the
people was denied them, so that they were able to say but little to the
bystanders. As one priest, William Dean, was making strenuous efforts
to address the crowd, they gagged his mouth with a cloth, thereby not only
stopping his speech, but very nearly suffocating him before he was hanged.
So also on the way to execution when he claimed to be heard, a shout was
suddenly raised, so that not a word could be caught by the bystanders.
Our enemies forsooth are ashamed to let the truth of our cause, and the
iniquity of their conduct, be known to the people.

In the case of some the horses were whipped up, and they were carried
outside the city and were put to death in the neighbouring townships.
Among others a certain woman, Margaret [Ward] by name, a lady of
remarkable courage, gave a noble proof of constancy despite her sex.
Along with an Irishman named Roche she suffered death for supplying a
certain priest in prison with a rope wherewith he escaped. She was flogged
and hung up by the wrists, the tips of her toes only touching the ground,
for so long a time, that she was crippled and paralysed, but these sufferings
greatly strengthened this glorious Martyr for her last struggle. Felton,
too, was flogged at Bridewell ; and afterwards he was thrust into that most
darksome dungeon at Newgate called Limbo, and kept there in chains and
shackles for 15 weeks ; finally after this prolonged conflict he obtained the
glorious palm, the reward of his merits. In his sorest distress it is said
that he was consoled by the hope that he would close his life by a death
like his father's, who was hanged on the gallows for bringing and nailing
to the door of St. Paul's the bull of Pius V. This young man was one of
those who suffered outside the city, and such an example of modesty and
purity did he give, that several people were deeply moved by the very sight
of him.

A certain woman, of no mean station, when she saw the priests
passing by, unable from grief to check her tears and words, begged them
on her knees to pray to God for her. At this she was arrested, and on this
sole charge cast into prison. A man seeing such a number of victims led
from prison to execution on the same day, moved by I know not what
impulse, as is the case with pious persons, made the sign of the cross in
astonishment at the event. This, being noticed by others, was accounted
sufficient reason for his imprisonment. A third standing by, when a certain
Martyr on the point of death asked any Catholic who chanced to be present
to pray for him, touched with compassion at his distress, fell on his knees
and began to pray. Hereupon the people raised a great outcry, and he
was hurried off to prison. Thus forsooth Catholics may neither give help
to priests, nor seek their help while they are alive ; nor show compassion
nor pray for them at their execution ; nor express surprise at the enemy's
barbarity, except at the peril of their own lives : a thing certainly to be
bewailed with tears of blood.

When the Martyrs had died, or rather passed to a better life, the next
concern of our adversaries was to surround the scaffolds with watchful
sentinels ; knowing that those remains would be so prized by us that in
order to secure them not a few of us would risk our lives, unless we were
prevented by their cunning precaution.

328 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

Nor do I think I ought to pass over the following incident : A certain
lady went to a man of note asking him to use his influence that the death
of one of the condemned might be delayed. The first question was
whether the person, whose cause she pleaded, were guilty of murder. She
replied that he had not been condemned for any such thing, but only for
the Catholic religion. "O dear," said the gentleman, "for his religion !
If he had committed murder I should not have hesitated to comply with
your request ; but as it is a question of religion I dare not interfere." So
hateful has become the name of Catholic, or, as they call it, Papist, that
murderers are more easily pardoned than Catholics.

Besides the above two priests have suffered at Derby. An account of
the death of Simpson, one of these two, was written by Father Henry some
time since,— the other was Garlick. There has been a third at Stafford,
and others at York ; others again at Wisbeach, about whom I will write
later, when I have better information.

But I will conclude this letter, for I shall have more to write of ere long,
and will only add that our enemies are determined to make an end, if
possible, of all Catholics, and that the Catholics are equally determined,
when the occasion presents itself, to suffer any extremity rather than deny
their faith. Thus it comes to pass that they in inflicting death, and we in
suffering it, shall ere long exhibit a most remarkable spectacle to God, to
angels and to men, that is, if the persecution goes on apace as it has
begun.

Meanwhile your Paternity should regard the situation in this light.
The constancy of the Catholics is such as is always admired in a people
naturally inclined to piety, but the fury and cruelty of the enemy is not to
be regarded as a disgrace on the nation, but as the outcome of the
pestilent heresy, which does violence not only to religion, but to the laws
and restraints of nature. Thus the virtue of the former will appear more
attractive, the ignorance of the latter more deserving of pity.

Again and again we most humbly recommend to the prayers of all the
Fathers and Brothers both ourselves, who are yet in safety, and the
calamities of this country : and especially do we recommend them to your
Paternity. As solicitude for us beseems you more than all, so do we trust
that what you ask for, will be the more readily granted. Both of us, though
separated, unite in sending hearty greeting to your Paternity and to all
others. 31 August, 1588.

(x)

To Father General Aquaviva

16 January, 1590

The best available text of this letter is in Father Grene's Collectanea P,
ii, fol. 521, and he says that he copied from Miscellanea A, fol. 238, a
volume now broken up. There is another copy in the Westminster
Archives, iv, 267, i.e. Collectanea B, p. 13. The words in round brackets
are additions from B, which however altogether omits the third paragraph.
The letter has also been quoted by Yepes, and was translated from him
by Challoner. The passages which they omit are here enclosed in
square brackets.

Father Grene was much in doubt as to the year of this letter, and
concluded that Southwell must have used Old Style, so that the true
date was 159 1. But Stow, p. 760, mentions the great storm as having
occurred on the Epiphany of 1590. The mishap to the Revenge, here
mentioned, was not fatal, as she was afloat and in commission a few
weeks later.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 329

Vivimus adhuc et valemus et vinculis digni non sumus. Literas
vestras rarius accepimus quam nostras ad vos damus, quas tamen vix
jam possumus secure transmittere, et de quibusdam certo scimus
periisse. [Singulis mensibus scripsimus et nonnunquam saepius, ideoque
miramur maxime quod querantur vicini nostri (ex Belgio) de magna in
scribenda negligentia ; utinam perinde tutum esset mittere ac gratum est
scribere; haberetis profecto quotidianos literarum fasciculos.]

Eadem est [hie] Catholicorum quae jampridem erat conditio, [satis]
misera nimirum et timoribus plena et jam pluribus obnoxia periculis, cum
sibi bellum imminere adversarii suspicentur. Vincti nostri suis fruuntur
et gaudent carceribus, soluti suam nee magnopere curant nee diuturnam
fore putant libertatem. Omnes (quae Dei bonitas est) ad durissima
quaeque animos praemuniunt, de una Dei gloria animarumque salute
magis quam de corporum bonorumve jactura solliciti.

Miranda hie nuper prodigia apparuerunt quae boniue an mali
quicquam ominentur vestrum esto judicium. In occidenti plaga Angliae
ad littus (millibus aliquot ad spectaculum confluentibus) visa est aut
similis pisci mulier, aut ab umbilico sursum mulieri simillimus piscis, qui
non solum aspectus novitate, sed etiam suavitate cantus mira omnes
affecit voluptate. Cum autem e spectatoribus quidam exploso globulo
canentem petiisset, magno ac misero cum gemitu post acceptum vulnus
e rupe cui insidebat in mare prosiliens, amplius non comparuit. In
plaga septentrionali intra quingentorum passu um intercapedinem quinque
ingentis magnitudinis ceti, quorum minimus octo et viginti cubitorum
maximus vero 40 longitudine fuit, eodem tempore in littus ejecti sunt, id
quod a saeculis ante non contigit. Porro in vigilia Epiphaniae tarn
vehemens saeviit tempestas, ut multae domus ubique ruerent, arbores
maximae eradicarentur, et in ipso reginae cubiculo magna fenestras pars,
vi turbinis mensam versus disjecta, ciphum vitreum maximi pretii com-
minuit, aulicum quemdam laesit et fere petiisset reginam nisi ictum alius
intermedius propulsasset. Duae quoque naves regiae praecipuae, quarum
altera Vindicta, altera Triumphus appellatur eadem procella in portu
submersae sunt. Alia quoque non minus his admiranda audivi, quae
quod certum non cognoscam auctorem, silentio praetermitto.

Nostri omnes suas curant provincias et magno cum fructu sedulam
animabus dant operam. Duo* nuper capti sunt sacerdotes, quos
[haeretici crudeliter] misere exceperunt. [Carcerem ilium infamem]
Bridwellum, qui jam comprehenduntur, experiri coguntur fere omnes,
qua in carnificina quos patiantur cruciatus credi vix potest. Cibus non
solum tenuis et parcissimus, sed tarn vilis et sordidus est ut [ingentem]
nauseam edentibus generet. Labores [imperantur] continui et immodici,
ad quos etiam aegrotos verberibus impellunt. Cubilia straminea paedore
ac situ squalentia. [Non sinuntur etiam datis pecuniis cibos emere, nisi
tales velint quos potius pretio amovere quam comparare mallent.]
Suspenduntur aliqui totos dies manibus in altum extensis, et summis
tantum articulis terram attingentibus. Denique qui ibi detinentur
sunt in lacu miseriae et in luto faecis. Unum istud purgatorium timemus

* Videtur unus fuisse Chr : Bal?eus qui martyrio affectus fuit 4 Martii 1590.
Note by Father Giene.

330 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1594

omnes, in quo duo illi Catholicorum carnifices Topliffus et Youngus
omnem habent cruciandi libertatem.

Sed quodcumque tandem nobis fiat, omnia, uti spero, poterimus in
eo qui nos confortat. Interim confundantur omnes iniqua agentes, et
loquatur Dominus pacem in plebem suam, ut inhabitet gloria in terra
nostra. Vestrae Dominationis caeterorumque amicorum precibus nos
humillime comraendamus. 16 Jannl 1590.

Vestrae Dominationis studiosissimus
Robertus.
[There is a translation of this letter, Foley, Records, i, 324.]

(xi)

To Father General Aquaviva
8 March, 1590
Father Grene has transcribed this from two copies, Miscellanea A ,
ff. 236 and 237. An abbreviated version of this in Yepes, p. 648, and
from him retranslated into Latin in More, p. 183, and an English
version in Challoner. In the Record Office {Dom. Eliz., ccxxx, n. 104)
there is another copy, almost but not quite so full as Father Grene' s,
as it lacks the postscript. From this there is an English version in the
Rambler, 1857, i, 104, reprinted in Foley I, 325.

Admodum Reverende Domine,

Frequentes ad vos literas dedimus, sed ut nuper intellexi rarae ad vos
pervenerunt ob impiam cujusdam fraudem de qua a P. Gulielmo*
accipietis. In mediis adhuc periculorum fluctibus jactamur, et sane non
parvo cum discrimine, e quo tamen Dei ope erepti hactenus incolumes
sumus.

Una omnes magna nostra cum voluptate consuetam antiqui foederis
instaurationem curavimus, et dies aliquot mutuis exhortationibus ac
colloquiis occupati aperuimus ora et spiritum attraximus. Videbar ego
mihi nascentis in Anglia Societatis incunabula contemplari, cujus nos
mittentes semina imus et fleraus, ut venientes alii veniant portantes
manipuios suos. Cantavimus tamen canticum Domini in terra aliena,
et in deserto hoc suximus mel de petra oleumque de saxo
durissimo. Sed extrema hujus gaudii luctus occupavit, f et subitis
terroribus dissipati majori (ut eventus probavit) periculo quam detrimento
evasimus. Ego et e nostris alter dum Scillam vitamus incidimus in
Charybdim, utrumque tamen scopulum insigni Dei beneficio praeter-
vecti, nunc in portu navigamus.

Comprehensus est nuper prseter alios sacerdos quidam nomine
Christophorus Bales,§ Romani primum postea Rhemensis Collegii
alumnus. Is viginti quatuor horas integras manibus suspensus, extremis
tantum articulis terram attingentibus misere excruciatus est. Cumque
plurimis ilium quaestionibus fatigarent, unum hoc ad omnia respondit,

>|c Father William Holt, in Flanders.

"^ It is most probable that Southwell is here alluding to the escape or escapes
described in More, Historia Provinciae Anglicanae, 1660, p. 253; Morris, John
Gerard, p. 115.

§ R.O. adds e comilatu Dunelmensi.

1594 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 33 1

sacerdotem catholicum se esse, ad animas in ovile Christi revocandas
venisse, nee aliud* in animo aut votis fuisse unquam. A Briduello olim
meretricum et circumcellionum nunc vero Catholicorum carnificina, in
alium carcerem abductus, ibi in eodem cubiculo cum Puritano positus
est ; unde paulo post ad tribunal vocatus eo nomine capite damnatur
quod, sacerdos cum esset, pontificia auctoritate initiatus in Angliam
venerit.

Urgebant hominem an Papas liceret Reginam deponere ; ad quod
ille earn esse in Papa potestatem ut principes justis ex causis deponere
posset, respondit. Cum vero jam sententiam in eum dicturi essent,
quaerebant de more haberetne quidquam quod pro capitis sui salute
posset afferre. " Unum," inquit, " a vobis rogatum velim. Fuitne
Augustinus a Gregorio primo olim in Angliam missus proditor ac laesae
majestatis reus an non?" "Non fuit," inquiunt. "Cur ergo," ait, "me
ab eadem sede eundem in finem missum hujus criminis reum asseritis,
cum nihil mihi possit quod non potuisset etiam Augustino objici ? " At
illi ad hoc nihil praeterquam "Tolle, crucifige."

Cum ad locum supplicii de more super ligneam cratem traheretur
psalmos cecinit. Ad patibulum cum ascendisset, "Absit," inquit, "mihi
gloriari nisi in cruce Domini Nostri Jesu Christi "j et elevatis oculis in
coelum signo se crucis munivit, prout vinctis manibus potuit. "Venistis,"
ait, " ut hominem videatis morientem, commune spectaculum ; ut
sacerdotem, nee id insolitum. At sicut corpus intuemini, ita utinam et
intimos cordis affectus, et animi quern sortietur exitum videre possetis,
certe profecto non minus tunc mihi et compateremini et congauderetis,
quam modo infensis animis mala imprecamini. Omnibus ex animo
ignosco et ab omnibus mihi ignosci cupio." Deinde rogans ut pro eo
Catholici omnes orarent (hasreticorum enim suffragia ei haud profutura
dixit) precibus se dedit ; et paulo post vultu ac mente intrepida mortem
fortiter ac constanter subivit. Passus est feria 4a Cinerum in regia quadam
Londini platea quae omnium est frequentissima, f plurimis etiam haereticis
pietatem et constantiam viri laudantibus.

Carnifex vero cruentatis in hujus caede et dissectione manibus ad
alterum, laicum ilium quidem sed probatum virum, excarnificandum in
aliam plateam festinat.§ Is quod sacerdotibus favisset et sua eos ope
levasset morte mulctatus est. Ante mortem cum in tetro et obscuro
carcere accensam haberet candelam, in umbrae suae capite, coronam ex
umbra formatam vidit. Ille capiti manus admovens, et quod talem
efficeret umbram sentiens nihil, obambulat ut animadverteret an ex situ
corporis illud quod viderat contigisset. Ambulanti quoque idem apparet,
euntem sequitur, cum sistente consistit, et sic ad horam integrum capiti
velut affixum diadema ut futurae gloriae specimen conspicitur. Hoc ille
paulo ante martyrium piae cuidam fceminae indicavit. Hornerus homini
nomen fuit, et non minori quam alter constantia insignem victoria;
palmam adeptus est.

His nimirum tanqua'm vernis imbribus Ecclesiae ager irrigandus fuit,
ut in stillicidiis hujusmodi laetaretur germinans. Expectamus et nos
(nisi forte indigni tanto honore simus) quando veniet sicut mercenarn

# R.O. 'adds sibi. f Fleet Street. § Smithfield.

332 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 594

dies noster. Interim Dominationis vestrae ac caeterorum omnium preces
enixe rogamus, ut pater luminum reddat nobis laetitiam salutaris sui et
spiritu principali confirmet nos. 8 Martii 1590.

Vestra? Dominationis studiosissimus
Robertus
Ex a/it's Uteris tjusdem.

Adhuc persistimus licet cum summa difficultate. Vivo ego et versor
quotidie in ipsis inferni faucibus, ubi vix quisquam manere potest quin
continuo devoretur. Adhuc tamen (quae Dei bonitas est) liber et sine
vinculis ambulo, licet in tenebris et in umbra mortis. Salutes quseso
nomine meo et D. Henrici amicos omnes in Annunciata et hospitio Jesu.
Vale. 8 Martii 1590.

[Translations in the Rambler, 1857, l> I045 Foley, Records S.J., 1, 325.]

Record Office copy is endorsed : This relation was translated into
Spanyshe and presented to al the grandes of Spayne, to make them
conceave that the number & persecution of Catholiques in Englande was
greate. Hit is of the order of Xper Bayles his deathe. with one other
laye mannes.

(xii)

From Grene's Collectanea P, ii, 507. His original was Miscellanea A,
106. v

E cosa mirabile, vedere sin' dove l'heresia conduce gli huomini.
Questi di passati sono comparsi tre compagni, che si fanno chiamare
Propheti, e per tali vogliono essere stimati. II primo il quale fu prima
Ministro Puritano ha per nome proprio Copingero, e adesso si chiama
Profeta di misericordia, mandato (come egli dice) da Dio per vocatione
estraordinaria a significare al mondo i periculosi giudicii suoi ch'hanno
a venirli sopra, se non si pentira e non si sottomettera alia volonta
divina, e quelli che l'ascoltano, sono gli eletti di Dio (quali egli fa
professione di conoscere a la prima vista) li segna in fronte col suo
anello, e gli altri che non gli piacciono, rimette al suo compagno, che
si chiama Profeta di vendetta, detto per nome proprio Ardingtono, il
quale con tanto ardire e confidenza prononcia la sua sentenza contro
chi gli piace come se fosse consegliero di Dio. II terzo, che per nome
si chiama Hacketto, gia anco Ministro, e come egli dice Giesu Christo,
Re da terra, Re da Christianita etc. disceso dal Cielo per essegiure i
suoi giudicii sopra di quelli che ributtano la misericordia. Duoi di
q11 Profeti alii 26 di Luglio passato comparuero nella piazza di Orefici,
luogo famoso e frequentato di Londra, et ivi montati all' improviso
sopra d'una caretta comminciarono a mettere in esecutione la loro
commissione dal cielo, e tra l'altre cose prononciarono la sua sentenza
contro il cancelliero e il Pseudo arcivescovo di Cantuaria, li quali pro-
nonciarono traditori a Dio et al regno. Ultimamente il Profeta di vendetta
digrado e depose la regina, e dice ch'ella non poteva piu regnare, per
haver ributtate le petitioni de' fedeli, e negletta la causa di Dio e della
sua chiesa ; per le quali cose dice che ella haveva ad esser punita, se
bene l'anima sua si salvarebbe poi. Questi Profeti col suo Christo
furono subito presi e condotti inanzi al Governatore di Londra, et ivi
esaminati da duoi del consiglio di Stato, cioe il Secretario Wooleio et il

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 333

Sigre Fortescu. Li due profeti stettero forti e costanti sopra la loro
commissione : ma il Pseudo Christo non volse rispondere altro che,
Io sono che son» : quello che ho detto, ho detio : li huomini daranno
testimonianza di me, et altre cose simili. Si crede molto probabilmente
che 6 tutti 6 alcuni di questi saranno giustitiati.

[Translation]

It is astonishing to see to what extravagances heresy will lead men.
These last few days three fellows made their appearance, who gave out
that they were prophets, and wished to be regarded as such. The first,
who was previously a Puritan minister, is named Copinger ; he now styles
himself Prophet of Mercy, sent by God (so he says) by an extraordinary
mission to proclaim to the world the terrible judgments that will befall it,
if it fail to repent and submit itself to the divine will. His followers are
"the elect of God," and he professes to know these at first sight, and
signs them on the forehead with his ring. Others who do not satisfy his
wishes, he passes on to his companion, who calls himself Prophet of
Judgment, his real name being Arthington. This man passes sentence
on all whom he lists with as much boldness and self assertion as if he were
the counsellor of God. The third, whose name is Hackett, was also once
a minister, and declares himself Jesus Christ, King of the earth, King of
Christendom, descended from heaven to execute judgment on those who
refuse his mercy. Two of these prophets appeared in Goldsmiths'
Square [Cheapside], a place in London well known and much frequented.
There they suddenly mounted a cart and began to fulfil their would-be
heavenly commission, and among other things pronounced sentence against
the Chancellor and pseudo Archbishop of Canterbury, saying they were
traitors to God and to the realm. Finally the Prophet of Judgment
degraded and deposed the queen, saying she could reign no longer, having
rejected the petitions of the faithful and neglected the cause of God and
of His church ; for which reasons, he averred, she would suffer chastise-
ment, though her soul would be saved. The two prophets with their Christ
were forthwith arrested and brought before the [Lord Mayor] of London,
and then examined by two counsellors of State, to wit, Secretary Wolley
and Mr. Fortescue. The two prophets clung firmly and unhesitatingly to
their commission : but the false Christ would vouchsafe no other answer
than this : " I am what I am," " What I have said, I have said ": " Men
give testimony of me," and such like assertions. It is thought very likely
that all three, or (at least) two of them, will be executed.

XCV.

LEAKE'S RELATION OF THE MARTYRDOM OF
FATHER SOUTHWELL

After February, 1595

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, vi, pp. 125-128, probably autograph.

Thomas Leake was a priest who lived in or about London. C.R.S.,
i, 112, and Foley, Records S.J. , i, passim. As the name is not found in
the Diaries of the Rheims or Roman Colleges, it may be an alias.

Anno Domini 1594 in februarie (I do not remember the day
perticulerlie) father So[thwell] was removed from the Towre to Newgate,
and within some few daies after was brought to the King's Bench ...
and arraigned before Poppam cheif iustice. [Two] other Iudges their

334 documents relating to February

weir, whose names I remember not. Their weir also sitting vpon the
bench Fowler, Skevington, Doctour Stanhoop and Alderman Hart,
Iustices. The father being brought along with halberts and bils and his
armes tied with a cord, pressed with the throong at the length came to
the bar ; and then, having his hands loosed put of his hat and made
obesance. The cheife iustice, casting his eis vpon him, asked him his
age ; who answeared that he was about the age ovr Saviovr was of, when
he was brought before Pilate, "Why then," quoth he, "you make
yovrself Christ His companion ? " " No," sayth he, " but a poore
worme created of Him to serve Him."

Then the Clarke of Thassisses red thinditement, which was this.
"Robert Sothwell late of London dark, hold vp thy hand. Thou art
indited by the name of Robert &c.; for that thou, since the first yeare
of the Queen's Maiesties raigne that now is, didst passe without licence
out of her highnes dominions beyond the sayes, and their receavedst
ordre of preisthood from the pretended and vsurped authoritie of the
Bushop of Rome, and didst retourne, and was found like a vile traytor
at one Bellamies house, nigh a place called Harrow Hill in Midlesex."

His answear, after some pause. " I confes I am a chatholick preist,
and I thank God for it, but no traytour ; nether can anie law make it
treason to be a preist." The cheif iustice importuned him to answear
according to form of law, whose answear was, " Not guilty of treason " ;
which in the end was accepted.

Cook began thus, having explicated the parts of thinditement. " I
had not thought to haue spoken anie thing this day; but that the
prisoner let fall a word viz., that no law could make his case treason. I
haue, sayth he, occupied this Roome but three years, and their haue
bene diverse high poyncts of treason practised by Jebusits, I should say
Jesuits. I omit the treasons of Ballard and Babington, and those con-
federals that of Doctour Parrie before my time. Behould of late one
Heskit sent over to make rebellion ; and even this last Terme one
Williams and Yorcke . . . from father Holt and others condemned for
treason ; and now this man heer, which is to be this day tryed. What
haue they not attempted b[y printing and sending over seditious books ?
which, maysters, beware how you [read] for it is felonie to keep them.
A good note, quoth he, to be observed. [Seeing] that wold not serue,
they caused seminaries to be erected, where youths weir trayned vp to be
sent into England to disuade her Maiesties subiects from their naturall
obedience. And, prevayling not that way, they practised for invasion ;
and now of late their designments haue bene to make a Spanish or open
rebellion. So that you may iudge that the statute vpon which this
prisoner is arraigned was not made but vpon vrgent cause. They
pretend conscience ; but you shall see how far they are from it."

Then was brought in one Bellamies daughter, married to the
keeper of Newgate, who betrayed the father to Topliffe. Her deposition
was that father S. tould them, that if in case anie should inquire for him
and propose to them an othe whether they had sene him, that they
might deny it by oth ; although they had seene him that same day ;
reserving this intention: — "Not with a purpose to tell you." Heer
thatturney exclaimed that the Rotten chear would downe, which

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 335

mentayned a doctrine by the which all iudgments, all giving of
Testimonies should be perverted.

Father S. answeared that his words weir not altogether as she
reported. " But I tould them that to an oth weir required, iustice,
iudgment and truth." Some few words he spake more; but his
vtterance was somwhat vnready, and they allways cut him of when he
begun to speake.

Topliff : "Did not you confes it in speech before Sir Robert Cecil
and excuse it with a speech of ovr (fol. 126) Saviovr where he sayd that
the Angels in heaven knewe not of the day of iudgment, nor the
Sonne of man : meaning, for to tell them. And being asked whose
exposition it was, you answeared, it was St. Hierom's ?"

F S.: "I sayd in deed that St. Hierome did expound it so."

Attorney: "Hath on of your years read the Doctours? Such boyish
prists!" (By the way, I thinke the father [is as] ould as he.)

F. S.: "I haue red them that haue red them."

Atturney : "You ought pet." After diverse such words.

The father sayd, " Put the case that the Queene should be pursued
by her enemies (whom God blesse), and should come to yovr house,
and the enemies following should vrg you vpon yovr oth to declare to
them where she was, in refusing to swear weir a plaine discoverie ; for
so must the case be put."

Popham: "Theise cases are vnlike, yours and hers."

Fath. S.: "That which I then taught, I will defend by the law of
God, by the common law civill and the law of all nations. No civill
societie can be menteyned, if the contrarie be admitted."

Often they interrupted him, that he could seldome or never end one
sentence, which he did begin.

F. S.: "I am decayed in memorie with long and close imprisonment,
and I haue bene tortured ten times. I had rather haue indured ten
executions. I speak not this for my self, but for others ; that they may
not be handled so inhumanelie, to driue men to desperation, if it weir
possible."

Toplif: "If he weir rackt, let me die for it."

F S.: "No: but it was as evill a Torture, of late devise."

Toplif: " I did but set him against a wall."

F S.: "Thou art a bad man."

Top.: "I would blow you all to dust, if I could."

F S.: "What, all?"

Top.: "Ey, all." F S.: "What, soule and body too?" Heer Toplif
exclaimed that he found him in a corner tredding vpon books ; and also
having their lettres directed to him from Persons that Jesuit. Which
lettres he shewed; but nothing was red of them, nor of other papers nor
books which he poured out of a bag.

The Jeurie, not staing aboue a quarter of an houre, retourned saying
" Guiltie ; " and so the father lifting vp his eis and hands, having the
cord tied about his armes, which for the time of his being at the bar
was loosed, was sent back to Newgate. Who was led all along the
street, notwithstanding at the bar thatturney bid them carrie him by
water.

336 documents relating to February

(When Popham had pronounced sentence the father prayed God to
pardon the authors or accessories to his death.)

The day after, as far as I remember, he was haled vpon a draw from
Newgate, layd along vpon straw, to the place of execution by Tiburne,
having a cord fastened about the wrists of his armes. All the way he
prayed, with his countenance and eis lifted towardes heaven and his
hands, so much as he might ; and vsed not anie speech, but was drawen
tanquam ovis ad occisionem.

When he was come to the place, as they weir taking him of the
draw, the minister of the Towre came to him and vsed these words :
"You hould the decrees of the councell of Trent for authenticall?"

" I do," sayd the father.

"Theirin," sayd he, "is decreed that no man shall presume to
beleeue that he is sure to be saved, but is to doubt. If you beleiue to
be saved, you contradicte the councell ; if you doubt (being to die) your
case is hard : and you doubting, we must needs doubt."

F. S.: " I hope to be saved by the merits of my saviour ; but I pray
you trouble me not."

So he was lifted vp into the caurt ; at which time his countenance
appeared verie modest, yet chearfull, like the sun when it breketh out
after that it hath dispersed the clouds. The minister began to speake
to him againe, to whom he answeared ; " I pray you mayster minister
giue me leaue." So turning him self to the vnder-sherrif, he asked him
whether he might speak; who answeared that he might, so that he would
confes his fault. "I will," sayd he, "speak nothing against the state."

His beginning to pray had entrance with this place of thapostle,
Sine vivimus domino vwtmus, siue morimur domino morimur ; siue
vivimus siue morimur, domini sumus ; at which words the sherrif
interrupted him. So whear it seemed he would haue made some speech,
being cut of, he desired all Catholiques to ioyne with him in prayer to
allmighty God, that it would please Him to forgiue him all his sins, which
he had committed in this miserable life. Miserable, not for that he died
a reprochful death ignominious in the sight of the world, but honorable
before God ; for that it was for the testimonie of his cause ; but
miserable, for that he had sinned so often agaynst so mercifull and
gracious a God. He praied for the Queene, that she might inioy all
gifts of nature and grace, all helpes of frends and faithful councelours
whereby she might raigne to God his glorie, and after this life be
inheritour of the kingdome of heaven ; and wished that she would
pardon him, for that he had come into her kingdome without lycence.
He prayed that God would be mercifull to the whol land and vouchsafe
to convert them which weir out of the way of truth. And so protesting
that he died a Catholique priest and in the Romane faith, standing in
his shert, often repaiting theise words In manus tuas domine, etc., the
Cart was removed, and having hanged a while the sherrif made a signe
to the sergeants to cut the rope. At which their was a great confused
cry in the companie that he praied for the Queene, "And therefore let
him hang, till he be dead," sayd they. And so he was not cut downe
till he was senst, as far as could be perceaved. A man might perceaue
by the countenances of the beholders that their was almost a generall

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 337

commiseration, none that rayled against him, so far as I hard. The lord
Mon[tjoy] was present, who is sayd (having beheld the mild and godly
end of the father) to haue vttered theise words: "I cannot iudg of his
religion ; but pray God, whensoever I die, that my soule may be in no
worse case than his."

Postscriptum. — A sessions was appoynted three or four daies before
the father was arraigned and the Iurers met ; but the court was dismist,
for that the iudges weir not at leasure. And the court being reioumayed,
I walked over the feild with one who seemed to be one of the principall
Iurers ; for he was in a silke dublet and other things correspondent. I
asked him the cause of their apparance that day. Quoth he, "To be
impaneled vpon a Iesuit." "What kind of men are they?" sayd I. He
answered that they beleived in the Pope. "Why, what do they make of
him ?" He answered that they beleived more in him then in God, and
that they came in ether to do some other mischeif or to kill the Queene.
Hearby appeareth what manovr of proceeding in iudgment their is in
England wheir such sots are called to determine concerning the Hues of
learned Catholique preists. Thomas Leake.

XCVL

RECORD OF THE TRIAL OF JOHN PIBUSH

1 July, 1595
Record Office, Controlment Roll, 57 Eliz., rolls ciiij and cxj°; Coram
Rege Roll (No. 1,334), 37 Eliz., Trinity, Crown side, rot. 2.

(i)

[Abstract]
(County of Middlesex.) Writ of Venire on the Thursday after the
18th of Holy Trinity (July, 1595), for a petty jury to inquire whether John
Pibush (who has lived under the aliases of Grosvenor and Forster, at
Morton on the Marsh, in Gloucester) is guilty of the high treasons of
which he has been indicted. The same day has been appointed for the
above John in the custody of the marshal. On that day the jury are
elected, tried and sworn, and say that John is guilty of the above treasons,
and that he has no goods, chattels, lands or tenements. Therefore
sentence is that the said John Pibush, &c, shall be drawn and
quartered, as appears in the capital roll for this term [i.e. on the Coram
Rege Roll, printed below].

Adhuc de Termino Sancte Trinitatis, Sandes
Midd. Venire facias Jovis post xviij See Trinitatis xijcim &c, de

visu de corpore Comitatus predicti per quos &c, Et qui Johannem
Pybushe nuper de Morton henmarshe in Comitatu Gloucester Clericum,
als dictum Johannem Grosvenor nuper de Morton henmashe predicta
in dicto Comitatu Gloucester Clericum, als dictum Johannem Forster
nuper de Morton henmashe predicta in dicto Comitatu Gloucester
Clericum, nulla affin &c. Ad recognoscendum &c. si predictus
Tohannes culpabilis sit de quibusdam altis prodicionibus [erasure], Unde
ludicatus est necne. Quia &c. Idem dies datus est prefato Johanni
&c. sub custodia Marrescalli &c. Ad quern diem breve cum panello

338 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

et jurati exacti venerunt, qui ad veritatem de et super premissis
dicendi, electi, triati & iurati dicunt super sacramentum suum quod
predictus Johannes est culpabilis de altis prodicionibus predictis ei
superius impositis : Et quod ipse nulla habet bona neque catalla
terras neque tenementa. Ideo consideratio est quod predictus Johannes
Pybushe als Grosvenor als fforstor Trahatur & Suspendatur &c. prout
patet in capitali rotulo istius Termini. [In margin. — T. & S.]

(H)

[Abstract]

Record for the city of Gloucester, that John Pibush &c, was brought
by virtue of a writ of habeas corpus by the sheriffs of the county of
Gloucester to the Queen's bench bar with his cause, which was that he
was detained in the Queen's gaol of Gloucester for high treason, and that
on the 19th of February of the above year [i.e. 37 Elizabeth] he broke the
said gaol by force and arms, and escaped. Afterwards, viz. 20 February
of the same year, he was captured at Maston in the same county, and
committed to the gaol of the said city. This is the cause of the detention
of the said John Pibush, who was committed to the marshal. Afterwards
in this term he was tried in the court here, on an indictment for high
treason, on which he was convicted and attainted, and judgment was given
that he should be drawn and quartered.

Adhuc de Termino Sancte Trinitatis, Sandes
Civitat. Johannes Pybushe als Grosvenor als fforster Clericus per
Glouc. ss. Christoferum Caple & Johannem Brewster Vicecomites
Civitatis predicte, virtute brevium domine Regine de habeas corpus
ad subjiciendum eis inde directorum & coram domina Regina ductus
cum causa, videlicet quod predictus Johannes Pybushe als Grosvenor
als fforster detentus fuit in Gaola domine Regine Civitatis Gloucester pro
alta prodicione. Et eandem Gaolam xix° die ffebruarii anno infrascripto
vi & armis fregit, & abinde escapavit. Et postea scilicet xx° die
ffebruarii anno supradicto idem Johannes Pybush apud Matson in
Comitatu Gloucester captus fuit, & prisone dicte domine Regine
infradicte Civitatis Gloucester commissus fuit. Et hec est causa
detencionis predicti Johannis Pybushe: qui comittitur Marrescallo.
Et postea arraniatus fuit isto Termino hie in Curia super quoddam
Indictamentum pro altis prodicionibus & superinde convictus &
attinctus fuit, & Iudicium redditum quod trahatur & suspendatur.
[In margin. — T. & S.]

(iii)

[Abstract]
Record of trial at Westminster on Tuesday next after the 18th of Holy
Trinity. Whereas on Friday next after the Octave of Holy Trinity at the
court of Queen's Bench, Westminster, the presentment was made under
the oaths of twelve jurymen that John Pibush alias Grosvenor &c, was
born in England after the feast of St. John Baptist in the first year of the
present Queen,* and was ordained by authority from the see of Rome

sje The Elizabethan Settlement of religion came into force on this day. Those
ordained before were not liable to the penalties of the laws of 27 Elizabeth, those
ordained after were.

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 339

before the 1st of May, 32 Elizabeth [1590], and came to Morton on the
Marsh against the Statute &c. The Sheriff was ordered to take him &c,
to answer &c. And now, that is on Tuesday next after the 18th of Holy
Trinity, John Pibush comes under the custody of the marshal of the
Queen's Bench (to whose custody he had been previously committed) and
was brought to the bar. Asked how he will be tried, he pleads Not Guilty
and places himself on the country. The Jury come on Thursday after the
18th of Trinity &c, and John Pibush also. They are elected, tried and
sworn, and say that he is guilty of the above high treasons, and that he has
no goods, chattels, lands or tenements. He is asked if he can say any-
thing why the court should not pass judgment, who has nothing more to
say than he has said before. The Queen's Serjeant and Attorney pray for
sentence in the usual form, and the court having understood all, and called
on the Queen's Serjeant and Attorney to be present, the sentence is that
John Pibush alias Grosvenor &c, be returned to the Marshalsea prison,
and from thence drawn to the place of execution at St. Thomas Waterings,
and be there hanged, &c. &c. &c.

Adhuc de Termino Sancte Trinitatis, Regina
Midd. ss. Alias scilicet die veneris proximo post Octavam Sancte

$> indictment. & Trinitatis isto eodem termino coram domina Regina
' apud Westmonasterium per sacramentum xijcim Juratorum
extitit presentatum quod Johannes Pybushe nuper de morton henmarshe
in Comitatu Gloucester Clericus, alias dictus Johannes Grosvenor nuper
de morton henmarshe predicta in dicto Comitatu Gloucester Clericus,
alias dictus Johannes fforster nuper de morton henmarshe predicta in
dicto Comitatu Gloucester Clericus, natus infra hoc regnum Anglie^ &
post festum Sancti Johannis Baptiste Anno regni dicte domine Regine
nunc primo, & ante primum diem Maii Anno regni dicte domine
Regine nunc tricesimo secundo factus & ordinatus Sacerdos per
authoritatem derivatam & pretensam a sede Romana, leges & statuta
huius regni Anglie minime ponderans nee penam in eisdem contentam
aliqualiter verens, nono die Julii Anno regni dicte domine Regine
nunc tricesimo tercio apud morton henmarshe predictam in dicto
Comitatu Gloucester proditorie et ut falsus proditor dicte domine
Regine fuit & remansit, contra formam statuti in huiusmodi casu
editi & prouisi & contra pacem dicte domine Regine, coronam &
dignitatem suas. propter quod preceptum fuit vicecomiti quod non
omitteret &c. quin caperet eum, si &c. ad respondendum &c. Et modo
scilicet die martis proximo post xviii Sancte Trinitatis isto eodem
termino coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium yenit predictus
Johannes Pybushe, als dictus Johannes Grosvenor alias dictus Johannes
fforster Clericus, sub custodia marrescalli marescaltie domine Regine
coram ipsa Regina, in cuius custodia preantea ex causis predicts &
aliis certis de causis commissus fuit, ad barram hie ductus in propria
persona sua. Qui comittitur prefato marrescallo &c. Et statim de
premissis sibi superius impositis allocutus qualiter se velit inde
acquietari, dicit quod ipse in nullo est inde culpabilis. Et inde de
bono & malo ponit se super patriam. Ideo venerunt inde Jurati
coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium die Jovis proximo post
xviij sancte Trinitatis. Et qui &c: Ad recognoscendum &c: Quia &c:
Idem dies datus est prefato Johanni sub custodia prefati marrescalli

34° DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

interim commisso salvo custodiendo &c. Ad quem diem coram domina
Regina apud Westmonasterium venit predictus Johannes Pybushe, als
dictus Johannes Grosvenor, als dictus Johannes fforster, sub custodia
prefati marrescalli in propria persona sua. Et Juratia Juratorum
predicta per vicecomitem Comitatus predicti ad hoc impanellata
exacta, similiter venerunt. Qui ad veritatem de premissis dicendam
electi triati & iurati, dicunt super sacramentum suum quod predictus
Johannes Pybushe als dictus Johannes Grosvenor als dictus Johannes
fforster est culpabilis de altis prodicionibus predictis ei superius
suppositis modo & forma prout per Indictamentum predictum superius
versus eum supponitur. Et quod ipse idem Johannes nulla habet
bona nee catalla terras neque tenementa. Et statim quesitum est de
eodem Johanne si quid pro se habeat vel dicere sciat, quare Curia
domine Regine hie ad iudicium & execucionem de eo super veredictum
predictum procedere non debeat : qui nichil vlterius dicit preterquam
ut prius dixerat. Super quo instantibus Servientibus domine Regine ad
legem ac ipsius Regine Attornatu iuxta debitam legis formam pecierunt
versus prefatum Johannem iudicium & execucionem superinde pro
dicta domina Regina habendam &c. Et super hoc vie [? visis] & per
Curiam hie intellectis omnibus & singulis premissis, Serviente domine
Regine ad legem ac ipsius Regine Attornatu ad hoc convocatis &
presentibus Consideratio est quod predictus Johannes Pybushe, als
Johannes Grosvenor, alias dictus Johannes fforster ducatur per prefatum
marrescallum usque prisonam marrescalli marescaltie domine Regine
coram ipsa Regina, & deinde usque ad locum execucionis nomine
St. Thomas Waterings trahatur & super furcas ibidem suspendatur, &
vivens ad terram prosternatur, ac interiora sua extra ventrem suum
capiantur ipsoque vivente comburentur. Et quod caput eius amputetur
quodque corpus eius in quatuor partes dividatur. Et quod caput &
quarteria ilia ponantur vbi domina Regina ea assignare voluerit &c.
\In margin. — T. & S.]

XCVII.

THOMAS TICHBORNE TO THE ARCHPRIEST BLACKWELL,
WITH POSTSCRIPT BY FATHER H. GARNET

x5 July, 1595

Stonyhurst, Anglia, ii, 39, f. 131. A copy; the heading, marginal
note and postscript in Garnet's hand.

The following paper introduces us to a subject which fills a large
space in the history of Catholics at the end of Elizabeth's reign, the
troubles that ensued after the appointment of the Archpriest Blackwell.
Robert Benson had been an unruly scholar at the English College, Rome
(Foley, vi, 3, 42, 565), and his faculties were recalled by the Papal Nuncio
in Flanders, on the 29th of December, 1597 (T. G. Law, Archpriest
Controversy, I, 6, Camden-Soc, 1896). In the same collection of papers
(pp. 201, 202) there is the abstract of a letter from Blackwell to an unnamed
correspondent about Benson, which may possibly be an answer to
Tichborne's letter now under consideration. The abstract, however, is
made in a hostile spirit, apparently in order to show that Blackwell was
partial to the Jesuits. One cannot therefore be sure that it represents
Blackwell' s mind, and in any case it throws no light on our letter, as all
Blackwell's allusions to his correspondent are excised. Blackwell event-

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 34 1

ually interceded for the restitution of Benson's faculties, which were
re-granted in January, 1599 {ibid., p. 202). Benson nevertheless signed
the second Appeal, 17 November, 1600 (Tierney, iii, Ap., p. 144).

Though all that we here see of Tichborne's relations towards Blackwell,
Benson and the Jesuits, may seem to us exceptionally praiseworthy, he
did not altogether avoid blame in those days of partisanship. Father
Blount in the next number "suspects," and Father Garnet plainly wrote
of his being "too neutral in life" (5 May, 1602, Stonyhurst MSS.)
Would that more of his contemporaries had deserved the same blame !

Exemplar literarum D. Thom/e Tichburni ad R. D. Archi-
presbyterum de causa D. Bensonii, ut latius patebit post
litterarum finem.
Reverende Domine :

Uti mihi praecepit ita litteras suas tradidi Domino Bensono, cuius
vicem non possum non summe dolere : plane enim iam perspicio ipsum
fefellisse spem meam, atque statuisse nihil eorum facere, quae aut ego
aut ipsa sua Reverentia cupit. Nam imprimis ait Reverentiam suani
non intellexisse quid ipse scripserat, aut si intellexerit perperam inter-
pretatam esse. Non enim postulabat ille (uti ait) ut quae antea sunt
acta atque etiam transacta, iterum a vobis tractarentur : sed solum illi
erat in animo (ad quod etiam adductus erat, non tarn propria inclinatione
quam rogatu meo et instantia) pro errato suo satis-
nuTqtm denaxuf f^re (si tamen ut iam loquitur fuerit erratum), et
tantum a multis illud sub hoc omine et conditione ut patres laborarent,
secularibus divulga- quantum convenienter possunt, bonam suam famam
batur eum Romas resarcire, quam pretendit ipsos divulgatis quibusdam
dquTStetesT rumoribus sibi abripuisse, priusquam ille adversum
Sanctissimo eos aliquid aut egerit aut locutus fuerit. Atque cum

Domino Nostro videret se bona sua existimatione spoliatum anteaquam
ablatas fuisse. vei a(^eo primum ac regionem sit ingressus putavit

[Garnet's hand.] %^ nQn egse sjiencjum de eorum actionibus, qui ita
suas et aliorum propalassent et amplificassent ultra veritatem.

Turn addit Reverentiam suam nullas amplius a se recepturam
litteras, neque agnoscere se ullam autoritatem sibi delegatam. Nam si
ita est (inquit) ostendat Bullam Pontificis, et credemus illi : sin minus ;
non credam : scribat licet Illustrissimus Cardinalis Protector millies ;
cum praecipue experientiam iam habeam, ipsum solere ad nutum et
voluntatem Patrum ea in vulgus mittere, tanquam ex Pontificis mandato,
quae sanctissimus Pontifex neque mandat neque cogitat. Ac deinde si
certum esset Reverentiam suam pollere ea autoritate de qua (ut ipsius
utar verbis) ita gloriatur : non esset cur multum doleret etiamsi sus-
penderetur, cum confideret huius rei causam aliam non esse quam
mstitiae et veritatis defensionem.

Veruntamen permanentibus rebus quemadmodum iam sunt, si
conetur sua Reverentia censuram aliquam adversus ilium pronunciare,
non obediet : eo quod pro certo sibi persuadcat authoritatem suam non
esse veram sed subdititiam, qua in re utinam non haberet plures
sequaces, quam par esse deberet : turn demum pro comprobationc
illarum accusationum quas in litteris suis digessit adversum Reverendos
Societatis Jesu Patres, adducit plura quam possunt meae aures patienter
ferre.

342 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

De caeteris rebus Romanensibus in pluribus accusat Patres
grauissime : et pro singulis adhibet testes, viros extern[a] [MS. blotted]
quidem specie graues, atque etiam non minus doctrina quam ingenio
pollentes. Quid vero interius latet difficile est iudicare, qui[a] omnes
mira qua[dam] constantia seu potius petulantia conclamitant, unum
tantummodo habere pro se Patres testimonium quod saepe iactant,
examen nempe Illustrissimi Cardinalis Segae,^ quod tamen asserunt
reprobatum fuisse, et in multis ita transactum, non ut erat Veritas sed
pro nutu et voluntate Patrum.

Veruntamen de his et aliis similibus cogitent alii quicquid voluerint,
ego quidem aliter de Reverendis illis Patribus cogitare non possum
quam docuit me experientia. Fui enim sub eorum tutela 7 annos in
eodem existens collegio de quo isti sunt regressi, quo toto tempore
(f. 131 v) mira quadam caritate [me] cum caeteris meis coaetaneis
fouebant alimoniis, instruebant virtute et doctrina. Nihil unquam in
ore eorum sonebat [sic] praeter exhortationes ad virtutem, nihil in eorum
actionibus quod non addebat nobis stimulos ad eandem complectendam ;
et tamen non deerant qui tunc etiam moliebantur nos ad bellum et
inimicitias movere. Novi identidem illos viros huius Societatis,
adversus quos militant praecipuae ex accusationibus, et illi quidem meo
tempore egregia edidere turn pietatis turn doctrinae exempla : unde non
adeo facile adduci possum ut credam eos huiusmodi monstra apud se
alere. / &c.

Father Garnefs postscript.

Mitto ad vestram Reverentiam verum exemplar illius partis harum
literarum quae causam Domini Bensonii concernebant. Is quaedam hie
diuulgarat contra Societatem Romae ualde enormia. Inter alia uero (quae
recensere non est opus) ualde probabilibus coniecturis, et tantum non
manifestis demonstrationibus inferri uolebat, nostros Romae mortem
procurasse trium Illustrium personarum, Alani et Toleti Cardinalium S.
Romanae Ecclesise et Reuerendissimi Episcopi Cassanensis. Eius
literarum exemplar quibus haec continebantur (et quosdam quasi testes,
duos Presbyteros allegabat a quibus haec et multa alia cognosci
poterant) spero ad Vestram Reuerentiam iam peruenisse. Quod
fortasse Illustrissimo ac Reuerendissimo Nuncio in Latinam linguam
traductum ostendi necesse erit ; nam cum eae literae ipsius chirographo
Bensoni Reuerendo Domino Archipresbytero ostensae essent, grauiter
admonendum hominem censuit, quod et ipse suis Uteris ad ilium datis
iterum praestitit. Ad priores nihil rescripsit quod ad propositam
controuersiam pertineret ; ad posteriores nihil omnino, nisi quod
maleuolentiam ac contumaciam suam abunde sermone protulil
Reuerendo Domino Thomae Tichburno concaptiuo suo, quo uiro
potissimum usus est Reuerendus Dominus Archipresbyter ad Bensonii
salutarem correctionem.

Et quoniam Bensonii causa nominatim Domino Nuncio a Sua
Sanctitate commissa est, isque tam pertinaciter suam Dominationem
spernere uidetur, operae pretium forte erit si haec Domini Tichburni verba
Illustrissimae ac Reuerendissimae Dominationi suae ostendantur, ut ipse

sK Printed by H. Foley, Records, S.J., vol. vi, pp. 1-66.

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 343

pro sua prudentia atque eo in Societatem amore quern ex eius ad
Dominum Archipresbyterum Uteris perspeximus et gratissimis animis
semper recolemus ; imo etiam, pro cura quam gerit de Apostolical Sedis
et Illustrissimi Protectoris autoritate, statuat ac Reuerendo Domino
Archipresbytero praescribat quid in hac causa agendum sit, et mini
expediat in hominem tarn manifeste, et tot facinorum convictum, ea edi
exempla quae alios eius fautores uel sequaces reddant cautiores. Porro
haec scribo ex commissione ac consilio Reuerendi Domini Archi-
presbyteri qui nunc abest, sed nuper tamen ad Dominum Nuncium
scripsit. Vestrae Reuerentiae precibus ac SS. SS. me commendo

Reuerentiae Vestrae seruus in Christo
1 50 Julii. Henricus

Endorsed by Persons. — Literae Patris Thomae Tychburni sacerdotis de
sermonibus patris Bensoni contra patres Societatis 1598. By Grene. —
Cum Postscripto Patris Garneti.

[Translation]
Copy of the letters of Mr. Thomas Tichborne to the Very Reverend
Archpriest, on the cause of Mr. Benson, as will further appear at
the end of the letter.

Reverend Sir. I gave your letter to Mr. Benson, as you bade me,
and I cannot but deeply grieve over his present position. I see plainly
that my hopes about him have failed, and that he is not resolved to do
any of those things which either your Reverence or I myself desire. In
the first place he says you failed to grasp his letter, or if not, that you
purposely misunderstood him. He did not ask (he says) that you should
again deal with matters that were already past and done with. All that
he had in mind (and to this he was drawn by my request and instance
rather than by his own inclination) was to make satisfaction for an error,
if indeed, as he now says, he was in error. And this under the condition
that the Jesuit Fathers should take such pains as they conveniently could
to repair his good name. His contention is that they injured it by
divulging certain stories, before he did or said anything against them :
and that it was only after he found himself robbed of his reputation (and
that before, or as soon as ever, he entered the country) that he thought
he ought not to keep silence about the misdeeds of those who bruited
about and magnified beyond the truth what he had done.

[Marginal note in Gamef s hand.— -The Society never injured his
good name; the only thing was that many seculars related that he had
been contentious at Rome, and that faculties had been taken from him
by the Pope.]

Then he [Benson] added that your Reverence should receive no more
letters from him, and that he would not acknowledge that any authority
had been delegated to you. "If it is so," said he, "let him show the
Pope's Bull, and we will believe him. Otherwise I will not believe, not
though the Cardinal Protector should write a thousand letters, especially
now that I know by experience that he is wont, at the beck and will of
the Padri, to give out this and that as commanded by the Pope, which
His Holiness has neither ordered nor even thought of."

Moreover, if it were certain that your Reverence had that authority,
"of which you so much boast" (I quote his words), he would not have
much to grieve for, even if he were suspended, for he is confident that in
this instance he is suffering for the defence of justice and truth.

While matters stand as they now do, he will not obey even if you should
pronounce a censure against him. He is certainly persuaded that your

344 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

authority is not true, but surreptitious. Would that he had not in this
more followers than he should have ! Finally, in proof of the accusations
which he has accumulated in his letter against the Reverend Fathers of
the Society, he alleges more than my ears can listen to with patience.
He brings the gravest accusations against the Fathers in regard to the
other Roman matters, and has witnesses ready for each, persons who
seem to be of weight, and not less noted for their learning than for
their ability. What the real value of the statements may be is hard to
judge. All declare with strange constancy, or rather petulance, that the
Padri boast of but one testimony, that is the report of Cardinal Sega,
which however the other side asserts to have been rejected, and to have
been so handled in many points that it reflected, not the truth, but the
beck and will of the Padri.

Well, of this and like matters let others think what they like, I cannot
think otherwise of those Reverend Fathers than experience has taught
me. I was under them for seven years, during all which time with
wonderful charity they kept me and all my contemporaries upon alms,
and instructed me in virtue and learning. Nothing was heard from
them but that which invited to goodness, nothing [was seen] in their
actions which did not stimulate us to good works. Yet there were not
wanting those who instigated us to rebellion and enmity. I knew those
very members of the order against whom the chief accusations are directed,
and in my time they were examples both of piety and learning. Con-
sequently I cannot easily be brought to believe that they would encourage
monstrosities like these.

Postscript in Garnet's hand. — I send your Reverence a true copy
of that part of this letter which regards the case of Mr. Benson. He
had given out here certain very exaggerated charges against the Society
at Rome. Amongst others (for it is not necessary to enumerate them
all) he pretended that the inference was most probable, and all but
proved to demonstration, that our Fathers in Rome had procured the
death of three illustrious persons, of Allen and Toledo, Cardinals of the
holy Roman Church, and of the most Reverend Bishop of Cassano.* A
copy of his letter containing these charges (with certain quasi-witnesses,
two priests whom he named, and from whom these matters and much
else might be learnt) has I trust reached vour Reverence's hands.
Perhaps it would be well to translate it into Latin and show it to the
Very Rev. Nuncio, for when that letter in Benson's own hand was shown
the Very Rev. Archpriest, he decided that the party should be severely
reprimanded, which he did twice by letter. To the first no answer
was sent which touched the point in debate, to the second nothing of
any sort, except that by word of mouth he abundantly vented his malice
and contumacy in presence of the Rev. Mr. Thomas Tichborne, a fellow-
prisoner, of whom the Archpriest had availed himself for Benson's
correction.

As His Holiness has specially committed to the Very Rev. the Nuncio
the case of Benson, and he, it seems, sets at naught his Lordship's
authority, perhaps it would be worth while showing these words of
Mr. Tichborne to his Rev. Lordship, in order that he, in his prudence and
love for the Society (which we see reflected in his letters to the Arch-
priest, and shall ever remember with gratitude), yea in the care he takes
for the authority of the Apostolic See and the Cardinal Protector, may
decide and inform the Archpriest what should be done in this case, and
whether it is not expedient, when one finds a man convicted so clearly

jJi For later sequels of these extravagant charges, see Persons' Memoirs, C.R.S.,
ii, pp. 12, 13, &c; and Month, September, 1899, p. 236.

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 345

of so many crimes, to make an example of him, and thereby to warn
those who favour or follow him.

These things I write by the advice and in the name of the Archpriest,
who is at present away, and who has himself lately written to the Nuncio.
I commend myself to your prayers and Holy Sacrifices.

Your Reverence's Servant in Christ,
15 July Henry

XCVIII.

THE MARTYRDOM OF WILLIAM FREEMAN

13 August, 1595

English College, Rome, Collectanea F, f. 90. For other documents
contained in this volume see H. Foley, Records S.^., iii, 214-257; 731-769,
and abbreviations from them in Collectanea M , printed in J. Morris, 7 roubles,
iii, 3 15-330. Father Joseph Stevenson , whose copy is here followed, notes that
the narrative is written " in a contemporary hand, with several corrections,
and a few short additions between the lines and in the margin." This was
therefore the author's copy. His name we do not know, but he was
evidently well acquainted with the martyr. It would seem likely that
Dr. Champney, as quoted by Challoner, had some information derived from
this paper, though Challoner himself never saw it.

William Freeman arrived at Rheims on the 4th of May, 1586, and is
described in the Diary as " Oxoniensis," that is of the University of
Oxford, for the entry of his ordination states explicitly that he was of the
diocese of York. At Oxford he was at Magdalen, and the Register
(II, iii, 92) tells us that he supplicated for B.A. 20 May, 1580, and deter-
mined next year. At Rheims he remained nearly three years, was
ordained priest on September the 20th, 1587, and returned to England on
the 3rd of January, 1589.

As to the persons among whom he laboured in England, I find few
particulars. There were many inquiries about the Sheldons in 1594, owing
to the accusations made (during the apparently fictitious plot of Richard
Williams in August, 1594) against Ralph Sheldon ; and various warrants
were sent down to Sir Thomas Lucy and Sir John Harrington to search his
house, and Mr. Devordan, High Sheriff of Warwick, was to search the
house of the Bishops, at Wolvered, &c {Domestic Calendar for 1594,
p. 544, &c). But whether these harsh measures were the cause of our martyr's
arrest in the next year, does not appear. Mistress Dorothy Heath is men-
tioned in the State Papers (Dom. Eliz., clxxxix, 54) as offering to compound
her recusancy fines for an annual sum of £6 13s. <\d. About Andrew
Boardman, Professor of Greek at St. John's, Cambridge, and afterwards
given the benefice of St. Lawrence, Alvechurch, Worcester, which he held
unitedly with that of St. Mary's, Warwick, a good many particulars may
be found in the Dictionary of National Biography, v. 280.

Jesus Maria
Of the Apprehension of Mr. William Freeman, Priest,
the fyft of January, and of his arraignment & martyrdom the xij
and xiij of August next followinge, Anno Domini 1595.
[His Early Years]
After what maner this blessed martyr bestowed his younger years,
& of the accidentes that chaunced unto hym in that space, htle as yet
hath come unto our knowledge, savinge that beinge borne in the north
partes of Englond in Yorkshire of honest parentes, was by their care
put to schoole there in the cuntry & afterwards sent to the Universitie

346 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

of Oxford, where he continwed so longe untill he was thought fitt for
the degree of Bacheler of Artes ; & then removinge thence to London
conversed ther for some tyme.

What the first means of his conversion from schisme unto the unitie
of God's Church should be, beside the grace of almightie God callinge
and assistinge men to their salvacione, I am not able to sett downe :
but sure I am I have heard hym tell with great affection of the
martyrdom of Mr. Edward Streansham, Preiste, which yf it were not
the first motyve, yet a great confirmacion undoubtedly yt was unto hym
in the Catholique faith, as by his taulke might well appeare. But
whatsoever yt was, at lenght stirred up with the instinct of the Holy
Ghost & zeale of syncere pietie, he forsoke his natyve cuntry with all
pofsibilities of earthly preferments, went to Rheimes, & there in the
English Colledge applyed hymself first & principally in learninge the
waies of Salvador), & secondly in gettinge such knowledge wherby he
might be able to instruct & reduce others deceyved and erringe from
truth at home in this cuntry. Of both which when he was sufficiently
furnished, he tooke Holy Orders of Preisthood ; & shortly after was
sent by his superiors, according to his owne request made, into
England againe.

[His Return to England]

Havinge passed on his jorney together with some other in his com-
panie so farr untill they were come upon the river of Themes, neare (as
I remember) unto Gravesend, they desired to be set on land, but Sathan's
mallice not bearinge the lofse of those praies which he perceyved were
like to be pulled afterward from his power by those servauntes of
Christe, began to seeke meanes how to prevent such afterclappes, &
furthwith put into the hartes of the wicked mariners to murdre them &
cast them overboard, eyther of hatred for that they were of a contrary
religion, or els for love of lucre, suspectinge they had gode store of money.
Yet were they devided ; some of them being desperate & caringe for
nothinge, other some although contented, yet feared yf yt were per-
formed they might be called in question & accordinge to their desertes
hanged. "Tush, tush," quoth one at last, more desperate then the
rest, "geve me but one cartrone of peares" (which is a certaine measure)
" and I will ridd you of all these feares, for I will doe yt myself."

As thus the matter was [deba]itenge, yt pleased the goodnefse (f. ib)
of God to frustrate their mischeivous purpose & delyver His servauntes
for His further glorie & goode of distrefsed sowles. For as the wicked
enemy had conspired their death, so did God suggest unto them means
how to escape ; in so muche that over hearinge their whisperinges, and
understandinge their pretences, got them presently to the haches (the
mariners beinge all under), drew out their rapiers and cried to them ;
"My masters," said they, "we perceyve where about you are, keepe
yourselves therefore within, for whosoever adventureth to put furth his
head shall dye for yt, but send us out some one whom you shall thinke
goode, & no mo. We promise yow upon our faith he shall have no
harme, but he shall cary us to shore & receive fraite for our pafsage."
Those good fellowes thinkinge themselves hardly mached ynough & to

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 347

stand in perill, thought yt best to accept of the offer, & thereupon sent
them furth one who brought them accordinge to their desire safe to
land. Thus were they by God's protection set free from the great
daunger of those myscheivous mariners.

[Of his Work in England]

After his arryvall, Mr. Freeman, as it pleased our gracious Lord to
dispose, tooke his waie downe into Warwicke & Worcester shires, &
fallinge into acquaintaunce with a goode ould man, was demaunded by
the same how he would be called. "Call me," quoth he againe, "how
you will, you shall geive me my name." "Why then," said the other,
"you shall be called Mason, for that yow are to be a workman & layer
of stones in the buildinge of God's Church." How fitly that name was
imposed & what paines he tooke in that heavenly businesse, the lyvely
stones themselves by hym placed & all that knew his diligence, can well
declare, to his perpetuall memory. Great & dayly were the laboures he
bestowed for some yeares, travailinge ordinarily on foote to comforte
the meaner sorte in wearinefse of body and sundry perrilles, from which
not withstandinge he was marvellously delyvered, & emongest others
once out of the handes of purswyvauntes by whom he was arrested.
Another tyme from a minister whom he chaunced to meete with, rydinge
on the waie ; & intendinge to make some sporte asked hym of what
occupacion he was. The minister answered that he was of none. " I
had thought," said Mr. Freeman, " yow had ben a bowcher." " Nay,"
quoth the other, " I am a minister, & a preacher of God's Word."
Whereupon* they entred into tauke of controversie, and afterward fell
to multyplyinge of wordes, in so muche that the minister said there was
never a Papist in England but he was a theif to God & a traitor to his
prince, which words moved the other so much that he had thought to
have stroke hym with his dagger, but " Well," said he, "I percieve I
miscalled you not, for you shew by your words that you are indeed a
bloudy boucher. I thought you were (f. 2) eyther a killer of beastes or
a kyller of men's sowles." Notwithstanding this whot conflict and that
he brought the minister throughe the towne to his owne dores, yet for
then he escaped. But afterwards the minister repented that he had not
apprehended hym ; for he went and complayned to the justices, caused
some to be examined & trobled for hym, offred to be deposed that he
was a Semynary & that they knew hym for one, & would have procured
his inditment at the Quarter Sefsions.

These and such like bickeringes had he some tymes with the devilles
instruments, who longe before yt came to passe (yf Gode's permission
had so served) would certaynly have discovered hym, interrupted his
course, as by this that is allready said may partly appeare ; and further-
more also by a woman in Alchurch towne somewhat suspected for
sorcery and witchcrafte, who seeinge hym passe throughe the streete
cryed out, "Hide thy crowne, Hide thy crowne, Hide thy crowne,"

* The text, from this point to the paragraph beginning "These and such like
bickeringes," is written upon a slip of paper pasted over the corresponding passage
in the original, which is much altered by erasures and corrections.

348 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

which made hym not a litle to muse consideringe that he had neither
seen her before nor she hym, as he thoughte. But to returne to our
principall purpose, in maner before mentioned he imployed hymself
untill an honest gentlewoman in the cuntrey was willinge to intertaine a
Catholique servingman, whose service she might use in such affairs [as]
shee had to be done, but especially in teachinge a sonne shee had : of
which offer Mr. Freeman in his distresse was contented to accept, &
so was admitted into her service.

■ [Of his Apprehension]

Being thus placed with her he continewed so longe untill the tyme
came wherin yt pleased the providence of Almighty God to suffer
wickednefse to prevaile & Sathan, alwaies the maligner of God's trew
servauntes, to put in exeqution the temporall overthrow of this blessed
martyr. For the effectinge whereof a chief agent and earnest soliciter
was one Mr. Combes, alied by manage of their parentes unto Mistres
Sheldon, with whom Mr. Freeman now conversed. This man in his
childwhood bereft both of father & mother, was by the care of some
lovinge benefactors (emonge which Mrs. Heith was one) set to schoole
& brought up in learninge, who comminge to riper yeares applyed hym-
self to the study of the lawes, & lastly came to be a favourite of some
in authoritie, as namely to Doctor Whitegift, superintendent first of
Worcester and now of Canterbury, the Lord Treasurer & the Lord
Keeper ; by which meanes he grew to be of some countenaunce &
accounte in the countrey. And bycause that advauncement without
habitude & maintenaunce is many tymes litle esteimed & sone vanisheth,
he began to devise how & where he mighte compasse some landes &
revenewes to uphould his credytte & post attayned. First, he gat the
gyft of a very good ferme at Alchurch in Worcestershire at the handes
of Mrs. Sheldon before named for his owne lyfe and his wyves ; & then
seeing Mrs. Heithe's parke to lye handsomly hard joyninge to his
former, began to lay snares for that also, to the obtayninge whereof
he might be encowraged for that shee was a widdow & destitute of
frendes to follow her cause, for that shee was a Recusante indited, &
yf I mistake not then a prisoner in Worcester for her conscience.
Animated with these consideracons he made an entraunce upon the
grounde in the (f. 2 b) behalf of the Queene, & began to fell tymber &
spoile the woodes, but perceyvinge belike he might not cary awaie the
booty was contented to compound for large summes of money, & so
brake of for that tyme with faire promises & profession of frendship to
that gentlewoman for hereafter. But this fair weather was but a gleame
to prepare a greatter storme, for within some fyve or sixe yeares after a
speciall commission was procured & directed from the superintendent of
Canterbury & some other of the Councell & brought downe to Stratford
upon Avon, where Mr. Combes kept his Christmasse, by one Cole, a
pursuyvaunt, the effect whereof (so far as I coulde learne) was to searche
the house of Dorothe Heith, & there to apprehend any Jesuite, or
Seminary Preeste, or suspected person, yf any such were found, &
furthermore to commit to pryson the afore Dorothe Heith. And for
performaunce hereof were appointed commifsioners, William Combes of

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 349

the towne of Warwicke, Justice in the same county, and Mr. Boardman,
minister, person of Alchurch, & vicar of the Highe Church, Warwicke.
When this commission was perused, Mr. Combes (bycause he would
fayne have saved his credyt in the cuntrey), pretended hymself verie
sory and unwillinge to deale in the business, willed the pursuyvaunte to
goe to Mr. Burge, a Justice of peace in Warwickshire, & request hym,
for that he had much businesse, to take the matter in hand & satisfie
the Commission. Whether this were so done for a counterfeit shew or
not, I am not certain ; at least wise his will was that the people should
take yt so. But on the iiij of January he came, together with Mr Board-
man, within two miles of Alchurch, & lodged at a gentleman's house
all night, & from thence the next morrow, beinge Sundaie and Twelveve,
they went to Alchurch service, & after some short staie made in the
church, they departed sodainly, tooke the cumpanie there assembled &
beset Mrs. Heithe's house with one part, & with the rest entred in.
There they found Mrs. Heith and Mrs. Sheldon come thither to
accompany her, whom musinge somwhat at their comminge, they let
understand they were come with Commission to doe as aforesaid.
Mr. Combes would not much meddle with searchinge hymself, but
committed the businefse to the pursuyvauntes & the other. To be
shorte, when they had done what they could they found nothinge savinge
a Prayer Booke or two, whereof Mr. Combes seemed to be very gladd.

Whiles these matters were in doynge Mr. Freeman was gone furth
upon some businesse, & nothing misdoubtinge this tragedy begon. Yt
is much to be noted the haste he made that Sunday morninge, from the
place where he was. He got up early in the morninge, tooke his (f. 3)
leave, & by no means woulde be entreated to staie & dyne there,
but tooke with hym a few cumfettes, found also when he was appre-
hended, which they gave out very ignorauntly or very maliciously to be
Singinge Breades. Such spead he made to be with his mistres by
dinner tyme. When he was come within half a mile, or lesse, of the
house, he met with one Acton, a man of Mrs. Heithe's, who both knew
hym very well, & was not ignoraunt of the daunger he was rushinge
into, yet of stubborne minde woulde he geive no warninge, but suffred
hym to fall into his enemies handes.

Here I thinke yt not impertinent to our purpose to note some
matters knowen by relacion from his owne mouthe. He would tell to
some of his acquaintaunce his dreames, as he tearmed them, which
whether they were so indeed or [rajther revelacions, which formodestie&
humilities sake he might call dreames, I will not much stand upon, but
surely from God they may seeme to be probablie the event provinge
the thinge trew. Emong others he would tell that both when he was
scholler at Rheimes & also since his comminge thence he should dreame
somtymes that he was apprehended, & evermore the one end of his
dreame was that one Acton & another whose name I have forgotten,
should be the causes of his death. This happened unto hym longe
before he knew this Acton, & this would he report to some of his
familiars longe before this matter fell out. In dreames I put no certaintie,
knowinge that they are for the most parte illusions and deceites ; yet no
man doubteth but that some tyme yt pleaseth God to reveale his wille

35°

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AU2USt

& future purpose to His servauntes by dreames, as He did to Joseph,
Pharo, & others, & here not unlike to His designed martyr.

But to come backe to where I left before : — havinge departed from
this Acton he pafsed on untill upon the suddaine he was emonge the
watchmen aboute the house, whom when he perceyved he asked them
the waie to a place called [?] Wether or Kehill. They directed hym the
waie he should take, but seeinge hym turne out of the waie they shewed
hym they began to suspecte, & presently pursued hym, which he per-
ceyvinge began to runne & they after, insomuch that at the last offeringe
to take over a pole, one nearer then the rest hyt hym on the head with
a staffe & strooke hym to the grounde & so was he apprehended &
brought before the Commissioners then busie in searchinge the house.
Of them he was demaunded many questions ; & first, what was his
name. He answared, Robert Freeman, bycause he was there knowen
only by the name of Mr. Robert. Then Mr. Combes asked hym of
his religion. He answared he was a Catholique. "Are you a Priest?"
quoth the Justice. The martyr consideringe that yt was no denyall of
his faith, but only of his state, answared "No," (f. 3^) in which denialle
he stoode before the Judges eaven to his last end. What other par-
ticuler reasons he had so to doe I will not stand to debate or search ;
but well we may suppose that God, who governeth the hartes & tongues
of the faithfull put now into the harte & tongue of His trustie servaunt
& appointed champion that which His divine wisdome forsaw to be
most expedient, both for himself and others. Further, they demaunded
yf he were ever out of England. He answered, "Yea." "Have yow ben
at Rhemes?" quoth Combes. "Yea," quoth he. "How longe?" said
Combes. "Aboute three yeares," said Mr. Freeman. " How had yow
maintenaunce there?" "I tooke money with me out of England," said
he, "and when yt was almost spent I returned, & findinge tymes troble-
some & havinge no staie I was content to geive myself to service."
Then demaunded the Justice whether he had seene the Pope, or
Cardinall Allen. He answared "No, but I have seene Cardinalles,"
quoth he, "and had their Benediction also." "To whom come yow
now," said Mr. Combes. " To my mistrefs," quoth he, who was sister-
in-law to Combes that examined hym in all these pointes, & then pre-
sent in the house. " Say yow came to Mrs. Heith," said Combes, " and
we will shew yow favoure." He answared "No"; he came to his
mistress, that was the treuth, he would saie no other, neither would he
injure Mrs. Heith so much. At those wordes the Justice in a rage
demaunded of hym whether the Queene were supreome head of the
Church of England, or no. " I will answeare that question," quoth he,
"in a greater assemblie." All this while he had his Breviarie in his hatt
& could by no means conveighe yt from hym, so that at lenght yt was
espied, & the Justice lookinge on yt asked how he came by yt. "An
ould Preest," said he, " that is now dead, gave yt me." These captious
interrogatories ended, Combes cessed, and Boardman the minister &
party-commissioner not long after began to dispute with hym in matters
of controversie, with whom he behaved hymself so well that he got great
creditt & plause of the people present, by whose report yt was spread
in the cuntry about that he had convinced the minister in diverse
pointes of religion.

1595 the english martyrs 35 1

[Of his Imprisonment]

Notwithstandinge his apprehension happened within Worcestershire
yet were both he and Mrs. Heith carried thence to Warwicke & there
committed to pryson, for that there beinge the place where Mr. Combes
dwelled he might have more free & convenient (f. 4) accesse to manage
the gentlewoman to his purpose, & either by plausible means or roughe
& unjust usage, yf his will were not satisfied, force her to resigne up
into his handes the lease of her parke at Alchurche, for that to be his
drifte he nothinge bashed to speake, & lyinge so handsomly for hym
thought yt a folly to let yt escape his clutches, but would be served
before an other. To which yf Mrs. Heith would condescend both at
the tyme of their apprehension & diverse tymes afterward he promised
& made offer to procure both their liberties.

Mr. Freeman beinge committed to ward the jaylor shewed hym
smalle courtessie, nay rather used some extremitie toward hym. He
put upon hym gyves or strong irons, to which was chayned a great
wodden clogge, so heavy that he could scarsly lyft yt with one of his
amies ; the which after he had continewed therein day & night for some
space were for a summe of money, or as they tearme yt a Fee, taken
of and a paire of boltes put in place, in which he remayned still, yeven
to the day of his exequution. Duringe the tyme of his imprisonment
Mr. Boardman & some other ministers came to dispute with hym, but
ever departed with small advantage & credytte eyther to themselves or
their cause. After he was newly committed some of his frendes,
desirous to prevent extremities and daunger of death like to follow,
thought best to make tryall whether his delyverie might be compassed
for a summe of money, & furthwith hastinge to London procured a
petitione to be drawen, which was preferred at the Councell table &
proceaded with goode succefse & favoure untill yt came to the vew of
the Superintendent of Canterbury, who havinge perused the same wrote
underneath as followeth, "Sue no further, for he is a Seminary Priest,"
& withall threw backe the peticione. This informacione of liklyhood
came from Mr. Combes or Boardman, who, as sone as they had
apprehended & committed the martyr tooke his jorney to London to
relate & make knowen their good service ; yet afterward would
Mr. Combes put both the prisoners in hope of release by his means
after a while. Some thought yt possible & perswaded Mr. Freeman to
make an escape & conveighe hymself awaie by stealth, but whether yt
might have ben or not, he for his part would never consent thereto,
unlesse yt might be with likeinge of his keaper, to whom he supposed
an escape might be cause of troble, & matter of scandall to Catholykes
abroad : or else peradventure bycause he was not willinge to let goe so
goode an occasion (f. 4 b) of martyrdom offred, of which yt may seeme
he had some desire, for to a frend of his comminge to the pryson to
visitt hym, as they were taulkinge merily about the boltes on his legges,
& such like matters, he said, "Nay, my masters, I hope God hath not
brought me hither for nothinge ; I hope He will now have a care over
me." At the next Afsises houlden in Lent he was not called nor
brought to the Hall, nor any thinge said unto [him] by the Judges of
the circuite ; but the Lord Popham, Cheif Justice of England,

352 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

comminge to Warwicke some few dayes after the Afsises ended to visit
one of the Judges there sicke, sent for Mr. Freeman, & after he had
contemptuously laughed hym to scorne, examined hym upon the
questions proposed at his apprehension by the Commissioners,
chardginge hym straightly to answare to every thinge directly & trewly
or els he should be caried where he should be made to do yt. But he
answared to all as at the firste, whereupon he was sent backe againe to
the pryson.

Of his Arraynment & Condemnation

Hitherto the enemie in all his examinacions havinge got no
advauntage againste his lyfe by reason that he had concealed his state,
the discoverie whereof was chiefly intended, yt seamed goode to the
adversary to undermine hym by policie & deceite. There was in pryson
with hym at the same tyme a scholler of Judas his schole, as afterward
he shewed hym self, one William Gregory, brought up with Hulme, a
minister, that had maried his mother. This fellow had quarelled on a
tyme with a poore man, whom beinge at worke in a sawpitt he shamfully
and brutishly murdred & mangled, which facte the Coroner's Quest (yf
the partie that reported yt to me were not misinformed) found to be
murder, yet notwithstandinge such frendes were made that he was at the
Afsises acquited of the murder & appealed for manslaughter, for which,
accordinge to the law he must either compound with the kynsmen of
the slayne, or els fight the combatt with them for his lyfe. Well ; this
honest man (suborned as many suppose by Lacie* the jayler) came
& bewailed his case to Mr. Freeman, fayninge his conscience to be
much troubled with the gilt of his synnes & doubting whether he should
lyve or dye desired to be instructed how he might (f. 5) have his
syns forgeiven & save his soule. The martyr nothinge suspectinge his
treacherous guile, yealded hym what comforte and councell he might in
that case, whose charitable speaches at that tyme uttered were afterward
the foundacione & occasion of his death, as anon yow shall perceyve.
Gregorie when he thought he had gott sufficient matter for his purpose
notyfed the same unto Lacie, & shortly yt was caryed to Mr. Combes,
who sent for Gregorie & examined hym. He confessed what he had
cunningly wrested out, & Lacye beinge then present was called to
witnefs what Gregorie had avouched, for doubt lest he might have after-
ward denied his former tale, & this was the best testimonie they could
touche for the innocent his condemnacion.

All this was taken & closly laid up in deske untill the next Afsises,
houlden the n or 12 of August followinge, at which tyme Justice
Anderson comminge sought what advantages he could possibly against
hym, & the night before the Assises begon conferred with his principall
adversaries, & stille in all their packinge the conclusion was that he
should dye. And furthermore to leve no waie unattempted, the Judge
hymself that same night also sent for hym, & after all his examinations
the farewell was he would make hym smoake for yt before he departed
the towne. Beside this he proposed hym an oath that he should
answare to such questions as should be demaunded of hym. "Bycause,"

s|c It is not clear in the MS. whether this name is— Lacie or Larie or Harie.

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 353

said the martyr, " yt is against the law of nature for a man to accuse
hymself I will not sweare to answare to that wherein myselfe may be
included." "You shall not," quoth the Judge, & yet for all that one
of the first questions was whether he were a Priest or not, of which
Mr. Freeman forgot not to remember hym at his araynment, & asked
whether he were not included in that question. Item, how long he had
served his mistress. He answered, "Two yeares." "What didst thow with
her?" said the Judge. "I taught her son," quoth the other. "Item, who
resorted to thy mistrefs' house ? " He answared som gentlemen, some
servinge men, some others, & some beggers also. To come nearer the
matter an indytment was drawen for want of better evidence upon
Gregorie's confession & put up to the Grande Jury, who all for the most
part agreed to fynde yt, & founde yt was indeed with overmuch
palpable injustice & rigore, chosinge rather to set free, non hunc sed
Barrabbam" Not hym but Barrabbas,"for at that present (as some of the
Jury themselves reported) a bill was exhibited against a theefe for
felonie, & bycause there came no better proofe then the witnesse of
another prysoner, they would not suffer the bill to pafse ; but in the
martyr's case the (f. 5 b) witnefs of one only, & the same touched with
murder, was reputed sufficient, & taken.

After the Grand Jury had thus found the byll, another Petty Jury was
impanelled upon lyfe & death, & he called to the barre by the name
of Robert Freeman, against which (his name beynge William) although
he might have taken exception & pleaded erroure in the indytment, yet
did not, but beinge commaunded held up his hand. To whom the
Clerke of the Afsises said, " Thow art indyted by the name of Robert
Freman of the towne or burroughe of Warrwicke of High Treason, for
that thow hast departed out of this realme beyond the seas, & there
wast made Preist accordinge to the maner of Rome etc. What saiest
thow, Robert Freeman ? Art thow guilty of this High Treason, or not
guilty? " He answared, " Not guilty." " By whom wilt thow be tryed ? "
" By God & the cuntry." Judge Anderson furthwith asked hym when
he was at Church. "Not this eight years, my Lord," quoth he. "Well :
will yow conforme yourself?' said the Judge. He answered, "I am not
yet so perswaded." "Tell us at a word," quoth the Judge, "will yow
goe now?" "No," said the martyr, with loud & vehement voice,
"neither for lyfe nor for death." Then speakinge to the Judge he willed
hym to instructe the Jury, beinge symple ignoraunte men, that they
might understand what they had in hand. Whereupon Anderson
standinge up turned hym to the Jury and said, " My masters, that yow
may the better perceyve whereabout yow goe, this man is here for
matter of High Treason. He is a Seminary Prest, hath ben beyond
the seas, & most vilanously & traitorously retourned into England, &
there stayed, contrary to the Statute " etc. This he repeated twice or
thrice over, & then he began to exaggerate their common place, what
seditious fellows Priests were, of their attempt in Ireland, of the
Spaniardes matters etc., & therefore were not in any case to be borne
withalle. His discourse to the Twelve ended, he caused the evidence to
be read unto them also which so farre as I could perceyve was drawen
into fyve Articles. The first was that Robert Freeman, beinge asked of

354 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

William Gregory why he was committed thither, answared, bycause when
he was demaunded by Mr. Combes whether the Queen were supreme
head of the Church or no, he had answared that he could not so say
without offence to his conscience. The second Article was that on a
tyme, taulkinge with the said Willam Gregory he had said that yf more
of the Protestantes in Queen Marie's daies had ben cut of, the rest
would have ben more quiet now. The third, that to the said William
Gregory, desiringe to be instructed how he might have hys syns forgeven
& be reconciled to God, he said: "Yf yow will be ruled by (f. 6) me I will
take your syns upon my soule, & yow shall be put in the same state yow
were in the first day after your natyvity." The fourth, that he had con-
fessed to the saide William Gregory that he was a Prieste. The fyfth,
that on a tyme a minister comminge to the pryson to vysit (yf I did not
much mistake the word) his mother, and offringe to say grace, sodainly
& in a choller he rose up & when any of the prysoners did singe
Psalmes he would shout & disturb them, & would never joyne hymselfe
in prayer with any of them.

Concerninge the two first Articles turninge hym to Gregory, his false
accuser, [he] bid hym speake upon his oath how yt was ; but pausinge
& staggeringe the Judge also called unto hym sayinge, " Speake, why
speake yow not ? Was yt so, or was yt not so upon your oath ? "
Whereunto Gregory answared that yt was so. Anderson began to
expound the Articles in yll sense & to draw them to heynous matter, but
Mr. Freeman asked whether the wordes were treason. " No," said the
Judge, " althoughe so to say were not indeed treason, yet, my Masters,
see the bloudy myndes of these fellowes. They shew a treacherous
hart." About the third Article litle was said, savinge that the Judge
scorned & rayled at Absolucion, & that Priestes absolved men from
their obedience, & hymself had seene the Bull of Pius V, wherein he
had discharged the Queenes subjectes of their loyalty towardes her.
But the matter reputed most heynous & that gave the deadly stroake to
his lyfe was that he had acknowledged hymself a Priest, which wordes
indeed he denyed not but pleaded that they were merely spoken & in
jest, & that Gregory had confessed so muche in his examinacion.
"Nay," quoth the Judge againe, "he said not so, but he said he could
not tell whether they were spoken in jest or in earnest." Mr. Freeman
beinge aboute to reply and speake in his owne defence, the Judge with
many thundering wordes interrupted hym, but he callinge to the Judge
said, " My Lord, I beseeche yow heare me, the matter concerneth my
lyfe, although in this cause I care as litle for my lyfe as I did for the
minister's grace yet I beseche yow heare me." " Yea then," quoth the
Judge, "say what you can." Then said Mr. Freeman, "My Lord, yow
are to consider not so muche the thinge spoken as the maner how yt
was spoken. I spake then but in jest and now I speake in earnest";
& upon this point he stood very much & longe. " Yt is not lyke," said
the Judge, "thow wouldest jest in a matter that might touche thy lyfe so
neare, & he also openinge his case unto thee in so earnest a manner."

As thus they were debatinge & shuflinge questions and answares to
& fro Mr. Freeman uttered somewhat wherwith the Judge was very
much moved. How, & upon what occasion yt was (by reason I could

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 355

not for thronge, which was very great, presse neare unto the place where
he stoode & heare the wordes (f. 6 b) so distinctly) I cannot certainly put
downe, but some affirme that he tould the Judge absolutly that he was
Judge ; others say that he spake but conditionally, as "What yf I should
say I am Judge?" However yt was, sure I am that Anderson burst out
into great choler, and said, "What sayest thow? Art thow my Judge?"
Mr. Freeman seeinge hym in that rage, said, " I have said, my Lord."
" I thinke," quoth Anderson, "thow wouldest be Judge indeed ! Thow
art a false Judge & a wicked Judge. God blesse me from such Judges.
Thow art a pratler and a seducer of the Quene's people. See, my
Masters, what fellowes these are ; lyers, deceyvers, cutters in greene
velvet, sent in to kyll the Queene. Ex fmctibus eorum cognoscetis eos,
By their fruites yow shall know them."

When his choler began to be somewhat asswaged Mr. Freeman
desired hym-againe to consider the maner of his speaches, "for yow
take the matter, my Lord," quoth he, " but not the maner. In that
which went before yow would have expounded & drawen the wordes
after the sense; here I praye yowgeive me leave to have my exposition."
"Thow hast said yt," quoth Anderson, "<?/ ex ore tuo te judico, I judge
thee from thy owne mouth. I know what belongeth to matter &
manner also a litle better than thow doest." " My Lord," quoth
Mr. Freeman, "yf I should say I am kinge of Spayne am I therfore
kinge of Spayne, or will any man so take me ? " " You aske me a
question, Sir," said the Judge, "I will answare yow with another. What
yf I heare a false knave brag of his knavery & say he is such a one,
what shall I thinke of hym ?" "Well, my Lord, this that I have said is
conformable to Conscience, Law, & Divinity." " Divinity ! " quoth
Anderson, "I will tell thee what. There is as much Divinitie in thee as
is in that post." "I care not," said the other agayne, "for all your
ministers ; what Divines are they?" "Better," said Anderson, noddinge
his head in scornfull maner, "then all your Divines of Rheims."

Judge Clinch all this while said very litle savinge that toward the
later end of his arraynement he said that he had proved hymself a Iyer ;
but he shewed not how nor wherein. "And furthermore," quoth he,
"yow have gone to church, & since yow have ben reconciled." "Yea,"
said the martyr, "but yt was not within the Queen's dominions." "Ah,"
quoth Clinch, "yf yow transgrefse the lawes out of her dominions, &
afterward come in agayne I beleive yow will be hanged for yt."

Never a one of the Justices spake any thinge against hym that I
heard savinge one which, yf I mistake not, was Sir Thomas Lucye, who
asked hym whether he were a Preest. He sayd, "No, I have denyed yt
already." Item, whether the Queen were supreme head of the Church.
"I have other matters (f. 7) now to answare unto," quoth he, whereupon
the other held his peace. Against Gregory Mr. Freeman took
exceptions as an insufficient witnefse, for that he was a minister's sonne,
himself a Puritane, & therefore no frend to Catholikes, & committed
for murder. "It is a lye, it is a lye," quoth Anderson (of such modest
speaches he is nothinge dainty) "he was no minister. I knew his father
well ynoughe. And sayest thow he is a Puritane ? A cowple of knaves
yow are ; yt were well yf yow were both swinged together in a haulter."

356 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

As for the Jury that went upon them they were indeed eyther symple or
malicious, or rather both, for on the next morrow one of them (and yf I
mistake not yt was the foreman) beinge asked wherefore they found
Freeman guilty, answared, "for that he denyed the Queene to be
supreme head of the Churche." "Nay," said the other, "he did not so,
but refused to answare, which is not to deny. And what witnefse had
yow against hym besides Gregory, who was insufficient ? " " Why,"
quoth the Juror, "Harye the jailor heard hym speak yt also, that he was
a Priest." "Nay," said the other, "Hary did but depose he heard
Gregory say so, & I might have deposed the same, for I heard hym say
as much in the Hall." "Well, well," said the Foreman againe, "yt were
no matter yf all such as he were hanged." Such was the honesty &
conscience of this good jury. Yet one emonge them there was that
when the Articles were read stood up & asked the Judge whether he
might with safe conscience cast a man awaie for speakinge a word in jest.
But the Judge replyed agayne, " Yow have heard what hath been con-
fessed & what hath been deposed agaynst hym"; with suchlike sower
words & frowninge countenaunce he put the man to silence. To be
short, afterward furth they went, & in they came agayne, & either of
ignoraunce, feare or malice guilty they founde hym. Whereupon he was
called to the barr & asked, "What canst thow say, Robert Freeman, why
thow shouldest not have sentence of death, accordinge to the lawe ? "
"Nothinge," said he againe, "but God save the Queene." Justice
Anderson, before he gave sentence made unto the prysoners a goodly
exhortacion concerninge the uncertainty of man's lyfe, wyshinge them
to remember their offences past, "which," quoth he, "will stir up
repentaunce, and then take hould on the mercye of Christ His Pafsion,
who only must save us (althoughe there be some present that will take
upon them to cast all the sowles here to the devill), and neither Rome
nor Geneva" etc. Lastly, at the end of his sweet sermon he pro-
nounced a sower sentence that they (f. 7 b) should returne from whence
they came, & thence they should to the place of exeqution, & there
hang untill they were dead, all savinge one, & that is Freeman, quoth
he, "whose cryme is more horryble & more abhominable than the
reste," & then he floryshed agayne with the common place of the Pope,
the treacherous practyses of Preestes, the brynginge in of the Span-
yardes. "Yf such fellowes as these may be suffred what can we looke
for but ruyne of the wholl realme & utter desolacion ? Wherefore he
shall returne from whence he came, & thence he shall be drawen upon
a hurdell to the place of exeqution & ther hange, not untill he be fully
dead, & then cut downe, he shalbe opened, his bowels cast into the
fyer & burnt, his head chopt of & his quarters set up accordinge to the
manner." This sentence ended the Hall was dissolved & the martyr
ledd by the Sheryffe's men to the jaylor's house. And in the waie
meetinge with some of his acquaintaunce shewed no signes of desolacion
or sadnefse but smyled on them very merely, which he did not then
only but all that day as often as oportunity served to see them. As for
any conference, spirituall helps or means to encorage hym, nothinge
could be brought to passe savinge that one (whom before the Afsises by
letter he had requested to be there to the end, that as the Elephant is

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 357

stirred to fearcenefse at the sight of redd, so he at the sight of his
familier frendes might be animated), he meetinge hym goinge towardes
his arraynement tooke hym by the hand secretly and said, "Fides, fides"
that he might be myndfull of the glory of the cause for which he was
goinge. His answare was " Feare not, feare not. I warraunt yow by the
grace of God in this cause." And so the same after his condemnacion
meetinge hym & comfortinge hym as much as he might, he said,
" Majora his manent, There are greatter matters then these behind."
Surely worth the notinge yt is that the nearer he drew to his extreamities
the lesse he seamed to stand in feare of them, but shewed more signes
of resolute fortitude & contempt of death. And so much did the
people also observe in hym. Some said he was willinge to dye ; other
some that he was very resolute. Others said that yf ever a minister in
England should be served as he must be, he would turne, & such lyke.

(f. 8) Of his Death and Martyrdome

Upon the Wednesday the 13 of Auguste the day appointed for his
exeqution great concurse of people there was at Warwicke attendinge
his comminge forth before the jaylor's dore. Boardman & another
minister went that morninge into his chamber to taulke with hym ; but
what yt was, or how they parted I could not learne. Emonges others
that came to see hym a schismatical gentleman asked hym whether he
would reconcile hymself, meaninge to Calvin's company, "but I thinke,"
sayde he to a frend of his, "I tooke hym up pretely well for yt." Many
there were [that] presed into the jaylor's house desirous to see hym,
which he understandinge came downe from his chamber unto them.
"Here are," quoth he, "a great multitude afsembled to see a poore
white man" (understanding hymself in a sute of white from the head to
the foote), & then espyinge one of the prysoners said unto hym, " My
frend, yow and I shall play no more at Tables now." " Mr. Freeman,"
quoth the other, " I am the more sorry yf yt might have ben without
offence to the Queen's lawes we should have ben glad of your lyf."
"Why," said he agayne, "yow shall have me with yow at Warwick every
day " (speakinge of his dead quarters). " But yf I might have had but
equity of law, all they could not have cast me j for what yf I should
say I am judge Anderson, or the kyng of Spayne, am I therefore so ?
My Lord Anderson was a litle too quike with me ; he would neither
hear me hymself nor suffer me to beate yt into the Jurye's head how yt
was." " Well, Mr. Freeman," quoth one present, " I hope yow are in
charity & beare no man malice." He answered, " No, God forbid ; I
forgeive all the world."

When tyme was come that he must goe towardes his exeqution,
goinge out of the jaylor's house he pynned upon his brest the picture of
a Crucifixe made after the forme of a hart, in paper, with which he went
alonge the street very chearfully, & dealinge money to pore people that
stoode in his way, which one of the Sheryfe's men notinge said,
" Mr. Freeman, yow are very mery." " Yea," said he, "I have no other
cause, for I dye for this"; layinge his hand upon the Crucifixe.
Pafsinge by the Crofse in the streete he did reverence thereunto, &
(f. 8 b) put of his hatt, & so in joyfulle manner went on untill he came

358 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO August

to the hurdell expectinge hym at the bridge ; upon which, makinge first
the signe of the Crofse, thereon he laid hym downe, & thereupon was
drawen to the place of exeqution, at which he leaped of & rose up,
smilinge as thoughe he had ben goinge to a banquett as he was indeed.
For which his comfortable behavior & gestures then shewed yt pleased
Mrs. Combes & some of her fautors to report that he dyed desperatly
& farr unlyke to Christ, who (said this poore dyvine) went to His
Pafsion weepinge.

After all the theeves were exequted, stripped into his shert he stoode
upon the ladder, at which tyme the exequtioner havinge put the halter
about his necke he tooke yt up in both his handes & kyssed yt. Next
lyftinge up his eyes to heaven & closinge them agayne with smylinge
countenaunce paused a while & then made the signe of the Crosse,
joined his handes & said, "Into Thy Handes Oh Lord I commend my
soule. Jesu, have mercy on me." After this castinge his armes acrofse
upon his brest, with eyes & countenaunce as before, contynewed some
space in meditacion ; which ended, he began to speake to the afsembly
as followeth. "I desired," said he, "to be set asyde from these men
(which were the theeves hanged), desiringe that the sight of them might
have droven me into some feare. But I protest unto yow all that I
was animated thereby, & thought I stoode upon thornes untill I was
at yt. Shut desiderat cervus, etc. Yea, ' even as the hart doth desire to
the fountaines of water, so doth my soule desire unto Thee, Oh God.'
Quum veniam, etc. When shall I come & appeare before the face
of God? Now, yea even now, good Lord, I come," pointinge with his
finger towardes heaven.

"I have yet," quoth he, "somwhat els to say, so that yt might
please your patience to permitte me. Yt shall in no wise concerne any
matter of state," which upon that condicion beinge granted he called
& said to Mr. Boardman, "Sir, I come hither to dye for my faith, for
which I am willinge to suffer aeternally." " I pray yow then," quoth
Mr. Boardman, "what faith is that? ys yt accordinge to the proceadinges
of the churche of Englond ?" " I meane," said the martyr, "the trew,
ancient, & Catholique faith." "Do yow not then," said Boardman,
" take ours to be the trew, ancient, & Catholique faith ? " " Trewly Sir,
no," said he, "yf I had ben of that opinion I neaded not to have ben
here now, for I protest I am guilty of no externall acte of (f. 9) treason,
& I hope I have so conversed in all places that I have [been] that
no man is able to accuse me of any notorious cryme. As for the
Queen, her finger should not ake yf my hart could helpe it. God
blefse the Queene, God blefse her honourable Councell, God blesse the
wholl realme." "That is well said," cryed the hearers. "Then," quoth
Mr. Boardman, "is not Jesus Christ the Saviour of the world accordinge
to your faith?" "Right, right," said he. "And that by His death &
Bloudsheadinge only we must be saved?" "Right," said he agayne.
Then began the minister to caville with hym about some matters in
controversy, as Mediation & Intercession of Saintes, & such lyke, which
Mr. Freeman confessed, the other denyinge said, "Let God be Judge."
"And let God be Judge," quoth Mr. Freeman also. "I am now goinge
to my judgment, & yow shall come hereafter." Then Mr. Boardman

1595 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 359

asked hym whether he would charitably joyne with hym in prayer. He
answared " There lyeth the foundation of all in that we may not joyne
prayers with yow all." " I saie first & will yow pray after?" quoth the
minister. He answared " No." " Will yow praie first & I will say after
yow?" "All is one," said he. "Will yow pray with the people, & I will
departe?" "I may not, neither," said the other agayne. "Then," said
the minister, "Will yow say the Lordes Prayer with me? I hope yow
will not deny that that is good." " Yt is good," quoth he, "but yow and
I are devided. There was a division betwene Moyses & Aaron, God's
lawfull Priestes, & Chore, Dathan & Abiron. There is but one trew
faith, et sine fide impossibile est placere Deo, 'without faith it is impossible
to please God.' Quae societas luci ad tenebras, 'What society hath light
with darknesse,'" etc. "I desire the secrete prayer of all Catholiques, yf
any other will pray I must thank them. Yt is a signe of good will, but
I request not their prayers." Whereupon Mr. Boardman began to enter
into matter of controversye with hym agayne. "Sir," said he, "I am
come to dye for my faith. I was longe a prysoner with yow, in which
space I never refused to answare yow. Now I come not to dispute
but to suffer, et paratus sum transire per ignem et facem, I am ready to
pafse through fire & fagot," pointinge at (f. 9 b) the same there ready
prepared before his face. Boardman made protestacion that he bare
hym no malice, "and that which I have done," said he, "I did yt, put
in commission in that behalf of my prince & cuntry, & therefore I hope
that yow will forgeive me, & not thinke any yll in me?" "I hope,
Mr. Boardman," said the martyr, "yow have not offended me, I fynde
no fault with yow. Yow have used me like a worshipfull gentleman."
Then lookinge towardes the Sheryff's men said, "Gentlemen, I thanke
yow for your curtessie, I thanke yow all. Yow have used me with great
courtefsie," at which wordes they seemed to give a sorowfull signe, as
pityinge hys case. Then said the minister agayne : " I hope I have
done nothinge but what I might do by the warraunte of God's Word.
I wyshe yow eternall salvacion both of sowle & body, & I desire God
that at the last instant yow may remember yourselfe & have remorse."
" I thanke yow, Mr. Boardman," said the martyr, " I wyshe the same
unto yow."

These done, jestinge awhile merely with the hangman, forgevinge
hym his death, & puttinge money into his hand for his rewarde, he began
to make his last preparacione to dye, sayinge, "I will professe my faith,
& recited his Credo in Latyne, said his Confiteor, & after some pause
made as he was speakinge the wordes, In manus tuas Domine, smilinge,
or rather lawghinge, was turned of the lather, & with great contentment
tooke his farewell of this miserable world & made his entraunce into
the trew lyfe indeed with God & His Holy Saintes.

Presently cut downe he was not, but hanged some tyme, but whether
he were fully dead or not (accordinge to the (f. 10) Judge's sentence) yt
may be dowbted, for that his hart trembled in the exequtioner's hand, &
as some reported that saw yt, the same leaped thrice out of the fire : &
his head chopt of, his mouth gasped twice. Never a one of the standers
by made any clamoure, or spake any word against hym, but some there
were that revyled the exequtioner & said yt were no matter yf he went

360 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO AugUSt

in the other's case. Other some noted much the hardnefs of his knees,
& sayd "surely he was a good man & used much prayer." Mr. Boardman
the night after suppinge with some gentlemen, was demaunded by one
of them what he thought of the man. He answared that he thought
his soule was in heaven. And the day after his quarters were set up he
commynge downe the streete & lookinge toward them shooke his head,
pulled his hat into his eyes, & presently returned into his owne house.
And another minister also present at his death, reported afterward that
he never saw man dye more confidentially.

Such testimonies had he from the very adversaries of his cause &
religion ; which testimonies as they make somewhat to shew furth the
worthynefse & fame of thys holy martyr, so more thereof let every reader
gather of this which hitherto hath ben rudly & symply set downe. And
lastly, to the same purpose yt seemeth to me not impertinent to consider
the place of his apprehension, which was under the patronage & pro-
tection of the blefsed martyr S. Lawrence, as also the tyme of his first
callinge to answere at the Barr, which was the day of Saints Tyburtius
& Susan, martyrs, the tyme of his araynement & condemnacion, which
was on the day of S. Clare, the virgyn, & the day of his drawinge with
horses & exeqution, which was on the feaste of St. Hyppolithus & his
fellowes, martyrs, & all these thre last rehersed within the Octaves
& solennitye of St. Lawrence, to whose patronage the place of his
apprehension was of ould dedicated & commended, as is afore shewed.*
Whether these observacions make (f. 10^) for the renowne of the martyr
or not let every one construe my conjecture as he please, yet probable
yt is that the holy Saintes on the dayes of their festivities are willinge
& more ready then at other tymes to afsist men here on earth cravinge
their aide, especially such as are fightinge & agonizinge for Godes glory
& goode quarrelles. And certayne yt is that so God's ordinaunce is
that His inferior creatures shall be defended & releived in their
distresses & wants by His superior creatures, as men by angelles, & this
blessed martyr, not unlyke, by the Saintes afore mentioned. Wherefore
to the prayers & merites of all the whole company of Heaven & to his
with humility I commend myself & alle my deedes and endeavours.
Amen.

The sumare of a letter sent by Mr. Freeman to some of his
acquaintaunce : "Syrs, I hope at the end of the next tearme I shall
haue my liberty. Either then or never. Yf not then I look for nothing
but death. Come rack or come rope, I have set down my rest. ¥ Thus
desiringe yow to remember me I commend yow to God."

* St. Lawrence's feast falls on the 10th of August, SS. Tiburtius and Susanna
on the nth, St. Clare on the 12th, St. Hippolitus on the 13th.

»F This phrase, a term used in the then fashionable game of primero, gives
another indication of the martyr's love of sport.

1597 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 36 1

XCIX.

EXAMINATION OF NICHOLAS TICHEBORNE

14 March, 1597

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cclxii, n. 67.

In the Privy Council Registers there is a writ, dated 16 March, 1597,
commending the care taken to arrest [Thomas] Tucheborne, a Seminary
priest, now committed to gaol of that county [Hampshire], and giving
orders that he should be examined " very strictly what houses he has fre-
quented,' ' &c . , " because we are informed that he hath of long time frequented
Hampshire," <Src, and if he will not confess "to proceed with him accord-
ing to the law." From this we see that Nicholas Tichborne in the answer
below was speaking of those already under arrest. If there was any want
of courage in this, the weakness was attoned for next year, when he
managed to deliver his brother from custody, at the risk, and indeed at the
eventual cost of his life. The escape is referred to below by Benjamin
Norton, but he is mistaken in the date he assigns to it. The Privy Council
warrant of 3 November, 1598, enjoins all her Majesty's officers to aid John
Parlor, keeper of the Gatehouse, from whom Thomas had escaped " by a
lewd practice of him and his brother in assaulting the keeper." Norton
says the escape took place on St. Bartholomew's Day, i.e. August 24, but
it is clear that he had in mind the day on which Nicholas was martyred
for his share in the escape, which was in fact the feast specified.

Nicholas was a favourite name among the Tichbornes, and we cannot
with certainty identify with our martyr the Nicholas Tichburne who on the
22nd of October 1585, says he was too poor to keep a "light horseman "
for her Majesty, and who shortly after offered £$ "to be free of the
Statute" {Dom. Eliz., clxxxiii, 45, ii ; clxxxix, 54). This man may have
been the Nicholas Tichbourne who died in Winchester Gaol in 1587
{Collectanea M, 196).

The examination of Nicholas Tichebourne taken this
14 of Marche 1597.
Being demanded whether Roger Tichebome gent., that lately kept
him, did ever heare any sermon in his owne house or in his mother's
house, denieth that he ever heard any sermon there to his knowledge,
and being demanded wherefore before this tyme he affirmed that the
said Roger refused to heare a Masse, but heard a Sermon of a
Seminarie in his own house, sayeth that he did affirme so much, wch
he confesseth now to be untrue, for that he had conceived displeasure
against the said Roger, for that he had reported hardlye of him to
Beniamin Tichebourne esquier. But saith that about Whitsontide was
twelve moneth there was a Masse sayd in the house of the said Roger,
where the mother of the said Roger being a recusant doth lie. But saith that
the said Roger was not present at it, But Mr Willm. Ringwoode, frauncis"
tichebourne, old Mrs Tichebourne heard the said Masse, & in the after-
noon of the same day Thomas tichebourne, Brother of this examinate,
being a Seminarie Priest, that said the said masse in the forenoone,
preached in the afternoone and that the said three persons were present
at that sermon. But the said Roger Ticheborne was not present nor
heard the same. Nicholas Tichbourn

,. f Edw. Coke

Exam : per j Jq fflemyng

362 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO June

TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION OF JOHN JONES, O.S.F.,
AND OF HIS HOSTS

30 June to 3 July, 1598

Record Office, Coram Rege, 40 Elizabeth, Trinity, No. 2, rolls, 3, 4, 5.

The records here printed give the official account of a further stage in
the prolonged and infamous proceedings of Topcliffe against Robert
Barnes, of which we have already heard one episode in the account of the
death of James Atkinson (No. xci above). In this trial Mr. Barnes,
though of course condemned, made a most vigorous defence, which he
afterwards committed to writing, and it has been printed by Canon Tierney
(Dodd, iii, App. cxci to ccxiii). The whole of this document has its
bearing on the history of our martyr, and it also gives us one of the most
remarkable pictures of Topcliffe that we possess. Not that he exercised
upon Barnes greater barbarities than upon others that could be named, but
nowhere else do we read so good an account of his system and style ; of the
way he persevered, making use of all the resources of cunning, brutality,
and violence, to attain his ends. Here I will only give the dates and
a few leading events in the case.

Barnes contended that Topcliffe had promised his estate to Anne
Bellamy, whom he had corrupted and seduced in order to arrest Father
Robert Southwell. This arrest took place in June, 1592, and Barnes' name
was drawn in during 1593, after other means of procuring a living for Anne
Bellamy had failed. She accordingly accused Barnes of having travelled
abroad with Birkett alias Hall, a seminarist of distinction, afterwards
Archpriest (Tierney, p. cc ; cf. J. Morris, Troubles,, ii, 55), and Barnes was
arrested 5 June, 1594. As the charge could not be substantiated, she was
made to accuse her own father, mother, and other friends and relatives,
twenty-six persons in all ; and Topcliffe hoped that he might frighten some
of these into accusing Barnes. But though some did so while exposed to
Topcliffe' s violence, they retracted their charges when this pressure was
withdrawn (Tierney, p. cc).jfc Next came the episode of Atkinson's death
under torture, of which mention has been made above. His arrest
took place between August and November, 1593, his death about the
beginning of March, 1595 (Tierney, pp. cc to cciv).

Failing in this endeavour to secure a witness to his mind, Topcliffe next
attacked Michael Tompson with similar violence, and during the trial
Barnes appealed to the judge to call him as a witness, seeing that he
was still lying in the Clink Prison. But this demand was not acceded
to. The inference is obvious.

As Tompson could not be constrained, Topcliffe next fell upon John
Harrison, an old servant of Barnes, whom he so grievously maltreated, that
the poor man died in Bridewell, "the third person dying in this bad cause."
Harrison's wife, after twenty-two weeks of confinement, was released in a
half-dying condition (Tierney, pp.ccvi, ccvii ; there is a letter, dated 30 Feb.,
!595-6. pleading for Harrison's release in the Harleian Collection, 6998,
f. 224). All this time Barnes was being kept in chains, and for nearly the
whole time " close " prisoner (Tierney, p. ccii ; Harl. 6998, f. 24).

These violent proceedings were continued well into 1596, but about the
beginning of the year a more artful attempt was made to attain the same
object. There was one Nicholas Blackwall, a hanger-on of the Gatehouse
Prison, where Barnes and Mrs. Wiseman were confined, who was certainly

* The Bellamys seem to have been committed in July, 1595 (C.A'.S., ii, 286, 287).
If so, the Atkinson episode should have been placed before it.

I598 THR ENGLISH MARTYRS 363

acting- in collusion with Topcliffe after a time, and presumably from the
first. Anyhow, this fellow finding that Mrs. Wiseman, like many ladies of
that time, used for charity to make poultices and the like for the poor,
asked her if she would treat the leg of a friend of his. She consented, and
the future martyr was brought on the evening of January the 3rd, 1596,*
according to Barnes (Tierney, p.ccviii). The winter evening closed in soon,
and the first effect of Mrs. Wiseman's " searcloth " was to make Jones'
leg- more inflamed than ever. So it was proposed that he should pass the
night with them, and for this Blackwall went and obtained (so he said) the
leave of the prison-keeper. Next day the leg was better, and Jones
departed. This was the "receiving, comforting, helping and maintaining"
for which Barnes was afterwards indicted on Blackwall' s evidence, and
sentenced. The priest came in disguise, and was not previously known,
either personally or as a priest, to the prisoners. This Barnes asserted at
the bar, and the martyr maintained even on the scaffold (see document iv
below).

After a time Blackwall told the two prisoners that Jones was a priest,
and had reconciled him (Blackwall) to the church, and that he would
bring him in again to say mass for them. This the prisoners declined, and
Blackwall "went away discontent, and returned seldomer, yet sometimes
returned with beads or medals, letters or a book of pardons "; but Barnes
and Mrs. Wiseman became more and more on their guard, and even
warned the officials of Blackwall's manoeuvres.

At last Topcliffe, in order to take advantage of the "receiving, com-
forting, helping and maintaining" of Jones, caused him to be arrested
about Shrovetide, i.e. the end of February, 1597 (Tierney, p.ccix). Various
arrests were made in consequence, e.g. of Doctor Frerear and Mr. Walker,
but Blackwall's evidence against them was so feeble, that they were set at
liberty (pp. ccviii, ccxii). Even Barnes, in spite of Topcliffe's representa-
tions to the commissioners and the Council at midsummer, was nearly
being set free for good. The persecutor, however, begged that his victim
might be confined until Michaelmas, when the evidence would be ready,
and at Michaelmas he obtained another respite till Candlemas. Towards
the end of that term Barnes renewed his petition for release, and Topcliffe
answered by preferring an indictment on "the very last day of term," so
that the actual trial had perforce to be postponed again. The date here
given by Barnes exactly corresponds with that given in the indictment
below.

When the case came up for hearing in July, the judges did their best
to browbeat Barnes, and assured him that " it did but make his case to be
worse, to speak against so good a statesman as Mr. Topcliffe" (p. ccix),
and he was of course condemned.

Nevertheless, he was not hanged, nor was Mrs. Wiseman pressed to
death, the barbarous penalty pronounced against her for not pleading.
The reasons for this reprieve will appear more clearly immediately, but
first it is important to notice that from this time forward Topcliffe seems
to have been relegated to obscurity, and then allowed to retire to the
country, and to enjoy the estates and the other spoils which he had
acquired from his many victims. Topcliffe's name does not appear again
(so far as I can see) in the annals of the persecution, and six years later he
was lying dead at Padley in Derbyshire, the house of the Fitzherberts,
where the martyr Garlick had been captured through his means, f1 Barnes'

if; One would have expected to find January,' 1596,' mean 1596-7 ; but it is clear
from the context that 1596 is meant. In the indictment the date is 20 December, 1595.

•f Topcliffe's persecution of the Fitzherberts was very similar to that of his
oppression of Barnes. (See Diet. Nat. Biog. , lvii, 52 ; Jessopp, One Generation of a
Norfolk House, p. 64; Harleian MSS. 6998, n. 50.)

364 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO June

speech, therefore, was probably more efficacious than it at first seemed to
have been, even for himself. Document iv, however, shows us that there
was a reason for saving his life, far more efficacious than his pleadings,
however convincing. Barnes "his estate, whilst he liveth, is held worth
140" a year . . . , which with his death is tost." So there is a volte-face,
and Topcliffe himself is found petitioning the Queen, for what will result in
a relaxation of the death sentence.

These details we learn from another scoundrel, who, if less powerful
than Topcliffe, was none the less a characteristic production of the age.
Henry Lok was a person of sufficient importance to have found his way into the
Dictionary of National Biography va. virtue of the very inferior Puritan
hymns which he wrote in later life, after he had failed in the dishonourable
trade of spying in which he was now begging Sir Robert Cecil to encourage
him, craving "employment, however mean." In the letters before us we
see this cringing jackal snarling at Topcliffe, who was getting the best of
the spoils. Why Lok should claim any part at all is not clear. He affirms
that Mrs. Wiseman is his aunt, and he hopes that Cecil will get him the
whole of her income, in which case the fraudulent bankrupt says that he
will look after her. He also calmly requests the whole of Barnes' income,
" unless something better should grow." But he plainly has little hope of
getting either. Still, he is enraged at being " counterpesed in the suite by
such a rival [as Topcliffe's] intrusion, especially he being one by his place
abler to live than myself, and having obtained 1000 pounds more already
than I am like " to receive. The gravamen is that Elizabeth was still
partial to the big bully. " It appeareth there is some credit given by
her Majesty to Mr. Topcliffe's report."

The conclusion of the story of the martyr's hosts is told us by Father
Gerard. After speaking at some length about Mrs. Wiseman and very
briefly touching on the story above recited, he adds: "Both she and
Mr. Barnes remained in prison as long as the Queen lived . . . They
transferred her to a more loathsome prison and kept her there. They
wanted to seize her income for the Queen, and if she had been dead this
income would have come to her son. The godly widow therefore lived on
until the accession of King James, when, as usual at the beginning of a
new reign, she received pardon " (J. Morris, John Gerard, pp. 92, 144).

Either Lok therefore, or Topcliffe, or his disreputable protegee, received
for a few years at least " the wages of their iniquity."

[Abstract]

Indictment found Monday after the octave of the Purification B.V.M.
[Feb. 12, 1598] last at Westminster, that whereas George Hathersall, born
within the dominions of Queen Elizabeth, and after the first year of her
reign, was ordained priest at Valladolid in Spain by authority derived from
the See of Rome, Robert Barnes [alias Winkfield alias Strange alias
Hynde) late of London gentleman, and Jane Wiseman of Braddox, county
Essex, widow — by the instigation of the devil &c. — on the 9th of December,
38 Elizabeth [1595], feloniously received and comforted the said George
Hathersall at Westminster against the statute &c. &c. Also it is presented
that whereas John Jones {alias Buckley alias Harberd alias Freer) late
of London, clerk, was born after the first year of Queen Elizabeth and
ordained before the first day of December, 38 Elizabeth [1595], by authority
derived from the See of Rome, at Rheims in Champagne — one Robert
Barnes &c. &c. on the 20th day of December, 38 Elizabeth [1595], at
Westminster, feloniously received and comforted him — against the statute.

Precept to the Sheriff to bring him to trial.

I598 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 365

Friday next after the 18th of Trinity [30 June, 1598]. Robert Barnes
appears under the custody of Hugh Parlor, Esquire, keeper of the Gaol of
the Gatehouse, Westminster, &c. &c. — is brought to the bar, committed to
the Marshal, pleads not guilty, and puts himself on the Jury.

Monday after three weeks of Trinity [3 July, 1598] the fury is
impanelled &c. and find that Robert Barnes is guilty of the several
felonies and transgressions above proposed — and that he has no goods
or chattells, lands or tenements. Being asked why the court should not
proceed to sentence, he said nothing further except as before.

Sentenced to be hanged.

Adhuc de Termino Sce. Trinitatis. Regina
Midd. ss.- Alias scilicet die lune proximo post octavam purifica-
Pf1! indlf0m^n£ tionis beate Marie Virginis ultimo preterito coram
Domina Regina apud Westmonasterium per sacramentum
xijam Juratorum extitit presentatum quod cum Georgius Athersall* nuper
de London clericus infra dominia domine nostre Elizabeth dei gratia
Anglie Francie et Hibemie Regine fidei defensoris etc natus existens
et post festum Nativitatis sancti Johannis Baptiste quod fuit in Anno
regni dicte domine Regine nunc primo, et ante primum diem Decembris
anno regni dicte domine Regine nunc trigesimo octavo, authoritate
derivata a Sede Romana apud Valiodeleda in Hispania in partibus
transmarinis factus et ordinatus fuit Sacerdos : Quidam Robertus Barnes
nuper de London generosus, alias dictus Robertus Wynkefeild nuper de
london generosus, alias dictus Robertus Strange nuper de London
generosus alias dictus Robertus Hynde nuper de London generosus, et
Jana Wyseman nuper de Brodock in comitatu Essex vidua, Deum pre
oculis suis non habentes sed instigacione diabolica moti et seducti,
scientes ipsum Georgium Athersall clam sacerdotem fore, vicesimo
nono die Decembris anno tricesimo octavo supradicto ipsum Georgium
Athersall apud Westmonasterium in comitatu Middlesex scienter
voluntarie et felonie receperunt comfortaverunt auxiliati fuerunt et
manu tenuerunt contra formam statuti in huiusmodi casu editi et provisi
ac contra pacem dicte domine Regine nunc coronam et dignitates
suas, &c.

Midd. ss. Alias scilicet die lune proximo post octavam purifica-
per indicment. tionis beate Marian Virginis ultimo preterito coram
Hillar. xl° E.R. Domina Regina apud Westmonm per sacramxijcim Juratorum
predict, similiter extitit presentatum quod cum Johannes Jones nuper de
London clericus alias dictus Johannes Buckley nuper de london clericus
alias dictus Johannes Harberd nuper de london clericus alias dictus
Johannes ffreer nuper de london clericus infra dominia domine nostre
Elizabeth dei gratia Anglie Francie et Hibemie Regine fidei defensoris,
etc., natus existens et post festum Nativitatis sancti Johannis Baptiste
quod fuit in Anno regni dicte domine regine nunc primo, et ante primum
diem Decembris anno regni dicte Domine Regine nunc tricesimo
octavo, auctoritate derivata a Sede Romana apud Rhemes in Champan.
in partibus transmarinis factus et ordinatus fuit sacerdos : Quidam
Robertus Barnes nuper de london generosus alias dictus Robertus

* George Hathersall, as a young man, was arrested while on his way to Valladolid,
and imprisoned. Some account of his adventures is given in Yepes' Historia, p. 777.

366 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO June

Strange nuper de london generosus alias dictus Robertus Hynde nuper
de london generosus, Deum pre oculis suis non habens sed instiga-
tione diabolica motus et seductus, sciens ipsum Johannem Jones clam
sacerdotem fore vicesimo die Decembris anno tricesimo octavo supra-
dicto ipsum Johannem Jones apud Westmonasterium in comitatu
Middlesex scienter voluntarie et felonie recepit, comfortavit auxiliatus
fuit et manu tenuit contra formam statuti in huiusmodi casu editi
et provisi ac contra pacem dicte domine Regine nunc coronam et

dignitates suas O w. Per quod preceptum fuit vicecomiti quod

non omittat &c. quin caperet eos si &c. Ad respondendum &c. O w.

et modo scilicet die veneris proximo post xviijm Sancte Trinitatis
isto eodem termino coram Domina Regina apud Westmonasterium
venit predictus Robertus Barnes generosus sub custodia Hugonis
Parlor armigeri custodis gaole Domine Regine de le Gatehouse infra
civitatem Westmonasterium in cuius custodia ex causis predictis et aliis
certis de causis commissus fuit virtute brevis domine Regine de habeas
corpus ad subjiciendum etc. ei inde directi ad barram hie ductus in
propria persona sua. Qui committitur Marescallo &c. Et statim de
premissis sibi superius separatim impositis alloquutus qualiter se velit
inde acquietari, dicit quod ipse in nullo est inde culpabilis, et inde de
bono et malo ponit se super patriam. Ideo veniunt inde Jurati coram
Domina Regina apud Westmonasterium die lune proximo post tres
septimanas See. Trinitatis. Et qui etc. Ad recogn. etc. Quia etc.
Idem dies datus est prefato Roberto Barnes sub custodia prefati
Marescalli interim commisso etc.

Ad quern diem coram Domina Regina apud Westmonasterium venit
predictus Robertus Barnes sub custodia prefati Marescalli in propria
persona sua. Et Juratia Juratorum predictorum per vicecomitem comita-
tus Middlesex predictum impanellata exacta similiter venerunt. Qui ad
veritatem de premissis dicendam electi, triati et jurati, dicunt super
sacramentum suum quod predictus Robertus Barnes est culpabilis
de separalibus feloniis et transgressibus ei superius separatim impositis
modo et forma prout per separalia indictamenta predicta superius versus
eum supponuntur. Et quod nulla habet bona nee catalla terras neque
tenementa etc. Et super hoc quesitum est per curiam de prefato
Roberto si quid pro se habeat vel dicere sciat quare curia domine
Regine hie ad judicium et execucionem de eo super veredictum
predictum procedere non debeat, qui nihil ulterius dixit nisi ut prius
dixerat. Ideo cons[ideratio] est quod predictus Robertus Barnes
suspendatur quousque mortuus fuerit &c.

In margin. — Sus ex.

Proceedings against Mrs. Wiseman. The indictment is identical
with that against Barnes, both names being again mentioned in the first
count, and one only {i.e. hers) in the second count.

Friday after the 18th of Trinity [30 June, 1598] she appears under
the guard of Hugh Parlor &c. Asked how she will be acquitted, she
answers Not guilty. Asked how she will be tried, she gives no answer,
and will not place herself on any Jury. The court tell her that if she will
not put herself on the Jury she must die according to law, declaring the
danger of death &c. A day was appointed her by the court to lake advise

1598 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 367

until Monday next after three weeks of Holy Trinity &c. on which day
she appears again and is again asked if she will put herself on the Jury,
who said nothing further except as before. Therefore the sentence is that
the said Jane Wiseman should be led to the prison of the Marshalsea of
the Queen's Bench, and there naked, except a linen cloth about the lower
part of her body, to be laid on the ground, lying directly on her back : and
a hollow shall be made under her head and her head placed in the same ;
and upon her body in every part let there be placed as much of stones and
iron as she can bear and more ; and as long as she shall live, that she
have of the worst bread and water of the prison next her : and on the day
she eats she shall not drink, and on the day she drinks she shall not eat,
so living until she die.

In margin. — To be crushed.

Proceedings against Jane Wiseman
[The first indictment exactly as above. In the second the tiame, "Jana
Wiseman nuper de Brodock in com. Essex vidua," is given instead of
Barnes. J

Et modo scilicet die veneris proximo post xviij"1 S. Trinitatis isto
eodem Termino coram domina Regina apud Westmonasterium venit
predicta Jana Wyseman vidua sub custodia Hugonis Parlor Armigeri
custodis gaole domine Regine de le gatehouse infra civitatem West-
monasterii, in cuius custodia preantea ex causis predictis et alijs certis de
causis commissa fuit virtute brevis domine Regine de habeas corpus ad
subjiciendum etc. ei inde directi, ad barram hie ducta in propria persona
sua. Qui [sic] committitur mareschallo &c. Et statim de premissis sibi
superius separatim impositis aloquuta qualiter se velit inde acquietari
dicit quod ipsa in nullo est inde culpabilis. Et quesitum est ulterius
ab ea per curiam qualiter se velit inde triari, eadem Jana Wiseman
nullum responsum inde curie dare voluit, nee se super aliquam
Juratiam patrie ponere voluit. Et super hoc dictum fuit per curiam
dicte Jane Wyseman nisi ipsa super juratiam patrie se poneret, juxta
debitam legis formam mori deberet, curia ad tunc ei de morte et
periculo eiusdem in hac parte declarante. Et super hoc dies datus est per
curiam eidem Jane sub custodiam prefati marescalli ut se advisaret
usque diem lune proximum post tres septimanas See. Trinitatis tunc
proximum sequentem sub suo periculo etc. Ad quern diem coram
Domina Regina apud Westmonm venit predicta Jana Wyseman sub
custodia prefati marescalli in propria persona sua. Et iterum quesita
est ab eadem Jana Wyseman an ipsa pro feloniis et transgressibus pre-
dictis se ponere vellet super Juratiam patrie juxta debitam legis formam,
qui [sic] nihil ulterius dicit nisi ut prius dixit. Ideo consideratio est quod
predicta Jana Wyseman ducatur ad prisonam Marrescaltie domine
Regine coram ipsa Domina Regina, et ibidem nuda preter linthia-
mentum circa inferiorem partem corporis ipsius Jane predicte ad terram
ponatur, super dorsum suum directe jacente, et foramen in terra sub
capite eius fiat et caput eius in eodem ponatur, et super corpus suum
ubilibet ponatur tantum de petris et ferro quantum portare potest et
plus, et quandiu vivet quod habeat de pane et aqua pessimis prisone
ille [sic] proxime et ilia die qua comedit non bibet, neque ilia die qua
bibat non comedet, sic vivendo quousque mortua fuerit etc.
In margin. — Quassatur. ex.

68 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO Tune

(iii)

Indictment of John Jones. On Monday next after the octave of
the Purification last f>ast [12 February, 1598], at Westminster, it was
presented by the oath of twelve jurymen that John Jones {alias Buckley
alias Herberd alias Freer) late of London, clerk, born in this realm of
England after the feast of S. John Baptist, 1 Elizabeth, and ordained priest
before the first day of December, 38 Elizabeth, at Rhemes in Champagne,
by authority derived and pretended from the See of Rome &c: on the 20th
day of December, 38 Elizabeth, was and remained at Westminster contrary
to the statute, &c. Precept to the Sheriff to bring him up for trial. Now
he comes to Westminster under the custody of John Sheppard, Bailiff of
the liberty of the Bishop of Winchester, and Keeper of the same Bishop's
prison^ in his manor of Southwark, &c. &c, to whose custody he had
been committed by a brief of habeas corpus, &c. Having been brought
to the bar he is committed to the Marshal &c, and asked how he will be
acquitted of the treasons above imputed to him, and he answered that he
was Not Guilty. He was then asked how he would be tried, and the said
John Jones would give no answer to the court, nor place himself on any
Jury of the country. He was told that unless he did so he must die, and
the court then declared to him the danger of death. And immediately
after he was again asked by the court, whether he would place himself on
a jury, and he said nothing further except as before. Whereupon the
Queen's Serjeant-at-law and the Queen's Attorney begged for judgment
and execution on behalf of the Queen. Whereupon all and singular the
premisses having been seen and understood by the court, the Queen's
Serjeant's Attorney being called and present — the sentence is as usual
for high treason, at St. Thomas Waterings.

Adhuc de Termino Sce. Trinitatis. Regina

Midd. ss. Alias scilicet die lune proximo post octavam purifica-

p indictment tionis beate Marie virginis ultimo preterito coram Domina

Regina apud Westmonasterium per sacramentum xijcim

Juratorum extitit presentatum quod Johannes Jones nuper de london

clericus alias dictus Johannes Buckley nuper de london clericus alias

dictus Johannes Herberd nuper de london clericus alias dictus

Johannes Freer f nuper de london clericus natus infra hoc regnum

Anglie, et post festum Sancti Johannis Baptiste anno regni domine

Elizabeth Dei gratia Anglie Francie Hibernie regine fidei defensoris etc.

primo§ et ante primum diem Decembris Anno Regni dicte domine

Regine nunc tricesimo octauo, apud Rhemes in Champania, in partibus

transmarinis factus et ordinatus sacerdos per authoritatem deriuatam et

jjt The Clink prison formed part of the ancient palace of the Bishops of Win-
chester, and the wharf near it is still called "Winchester Wharf" {C.R.S., i, 47).

>f The Louvain document states that his name is "said" to be " Gryffith Jones,
known in England by the name Buckle {i.e. Buckley], Harbert, and, amongst his own
brothers in Italy, Godefride Moritius" {Rambler, xi, 52). The Bishop of Chalcedon,
in his Catalogue, says he was "ex nobili familia natus in parochia de Clenock
comitatus Caernarvoniensis."

§ The Louvain MS., printed in the Rambler, xi, 52-59, mistakenly says that the
indictment bore that Jones had "gone overseas in the first year of her majesty's
reign." This shows that the reporter had, indeed, good sources of information, but
here he just misses the point. The indictment was only intended to prove that the
priest came under the Act of 27 Elizabeth, i.e. that he was not ordained before her
reign. All that it affirms is that he was ordained between the first year of the reign
and the year when he was in England. Consequently the deductions of Simpson, in
the Rambler ; that he was to be identified with Robert Jones, or Robert Buckley, &c,

I598 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 369

pretensam a sede Romana,* leges et statuta huius regni Anglie minime
ponderans nee penam in eisdem aliqualiter verens, vicesimo die
decembris anno regni dicte domine regine nunc tricesimo octavo supra-
dicto, apud Westmonasterium in comitatu Middlesex, proditorie et ut
falsus proditor dicte domine regine, fuit et remansit contra formam
statuti in huiusmodi casu editi et provisi et contra pacem dicte domine
regine nunc coronamet dignitatem suas &c. — Propter quod preceptum
fuit vicecomiti quod non omitt. &c. quin caperet eum si &c, ad
respondend etc. Et modo scilicet die lune proximo post tres septi-
manas See Trinitatis isto eodem termino coram domina Regina apud
Westmonasterium venit predictus Johannes Jones clericus sub custodia
Johannis Sheppard, Balliuum libertatis Wintoniensis Episcopi ac Custodis
prisone eiusdem Episcopi manerii sui de Southwark in comitatu Surrey,
in cuius custodiam preantea ex causis predictis et aliis certis de causis
commissus fuit virtute brevis domine Regine de habeas corpus ad sub-
jiciendum etc. ei inde directi, ad barram ductus in propria persona sua.
Qui committitur Mareschallo &c. Et statini de prodicionibus predictis
sibi superius impositis alloquutus qualiter se velit inde acquietari, dicit
quod ipse in nullo est inde culpabilis. Et quesitus est ulterius ab eo per
curiam qualiter se velit inde triari, idem Johannes Jones nullum res-
ponsum inde curie dare voluit nee se super aliquam Juratiam patrie
ponere voluit. Et super hoc dictum fuit per curiam eidem Johanni
Jones nisi ipse super Juratiam patrie se poneret juxta debitam legis
formam mori deberet. Curia ad tunc ei de morte et periculo eiusdem
in hac parte declarante. Et immediate per curiam iterum quesitum est
ab eodem Johanne Jones an ipse pro prodicionibus predictis se ponere
vellet super Juratiam patrie juxta debitam legis formam, qui nihil
ulterius dicit nisi ut prius dixit. Super quo Serviens Domine Regine ad
legem ac ipsius Regine Attornatus, pro eo quod predictus Johannes

cannot in any case be sustained. Challoner, it may be added, fell into a similar
mistake, but for a different reason. The Buckley with whom he has been confused,
it may be explained in passing, was the former monk of Westminster, who lived on
long enough to join the revival of the Benedictines in 1604, and so to link them with
the ancient English line.

jji As we have several times noticed, indictments may be very inaccurate even in
regard to place and dates. It would seem doubtful whether our martyr was ordained
at Rheims. There is at all events no mention of him in the College Diaries, nor is
he claimed as having been an inmate by the Bishop of Chalcedon and others who drew
up the Catalogues of Douay Martyrs, nor indeed by any contemporary that I know,
nor by the old Franciscan writers. The first English writer, Father Angelus Mason,
Certamen Seraphicum (1649), p. 13 (1885, pp. 16, 17), follows the Martyrologium
Franciscanum of Arthurus a Monasterio (Du Mostier), who in turn cites "Bonifacio
Bonibelli (or Bonicelli), Chronicon P.P. Reformat orum Provinciae Romanae ; Barezzo
Barezzi, Chronicon Minorum, lib. x, fin. ed. 1680, p. 1 131; Mariano, Chronicon:'
These writers give an admirable account of the martyr's mission from Rome, and state
that he left England about 1590, then went to France, where he seems to have joined
the Conventuals, then to Rome, where he joined the Observants at the Ara Coeli in
1 591, and returned to England in 1592. On the other hand it would seem that the
period of time, 1590 to 1592, which these writers allow for his coming from England
and returning as a missionary, is so short, that one can hardly see how it can have been
sufficient for both a novitiate, perhaps a double novitiate (for in that time he passed
from one division of the Order to another) as well as for his sacerdotal studies. If
it could not, we must suppose that he was at the English College, Rheims, under
another name, 01 else that he attended lectures elsewhere in that town.

37°

DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

Jones se super aliquam Juratiam patrie ponere recusavit, pecierunt versus
eundem Johannem Jones judicium et execucionem pro dicta domina
Regina habendam etc. Super quo viso et per curiam hie intellectis
omnibus et singulis premissis, Seruiente dicte Domine Regine ad legem
ac ipsius Regine Attornato ad hoc conuocatis et presentibus, consideratio
est quod predictus Johannes Jones ducatur per prefatum Mareschallum
usque prisonam Marescaltie domine Regine coram ipsa Domina Regina,
et deinde usque quendam locum executionis vocatum Saint Thomas
Waterings trahatur, et super furcas ibidem suspendatur, & viuens ad
terram prosternatur ac interiora sua extra ventrem suum capiantur,
ipsoque viuente comburentur. Et quod caput eius amputetur quodque
corpus eius in quatuor partes dividatur, et quod caput et quarteria ilia
ponantur ubi domina Regina ea assignare voluerit &c.
Margin. — T. & S. ex.

(iv)

Henry Lok to Sir Robert Cecil
12 July, 1598
Record Office, Do?n. EHz., eclxviii, n.$.

R* Honb1.

According to your honorable aduise, I haue considered & examened
the truth of my awnt's estate, which by record in Mr Osborn's office, in
an inquisition taken in August last by one Felton by a commission of
Melius inquirendum, aperethe to be of 68h a yere during hir life, which
being a porsion competent for intertainment of a lone woman, I did
and doe craue may be allotet to me to kepe hir with. Which I rather
craue may be els where rather then in prison, becawz papists do comonly
repair together there, as at this time of hir imprisonment doe and did
when she was drawn to this peril of life. Howbeit the Prest todaye
diing hath chardged his sowl with clering hir & Barns for euer knowing
him a prest, hering him say mas, or so much as praiing with thaim, for
which thay were indited. By which (hir maiesty being in mersy likly to
be moued to saue Barnses life also, as she hath by his repriual giuen
hope of) if it wold also pleas hir maiesty to bestowe for ml recompens
of my semis & inabeling me for farther imploians to bestowe on me the
benefit of Barnses liuing (which with his deth is lost), I shold I trust
apere thankful for yowr honor's mediation & hensforth les troblesom.
His estate whilst he liueth is held woorth i4oua yere, which might both
releue him soomwhat & satisfie my present wants & preuent I trust the
future. If my merit seme not fit to carye it all, your honor may dispose
of such porsion in me as shal seme fit. This I protest is the vttermost
I knowe of both which I refer to your honor's wisdom to consider of,
and of me, whome this nor any benefit can not more make yours then
your vertus & my affectionat dutis haue alredy. Yet may thay inable
me to your more fruteful semis, & thus in al humility resting to be
commanded, I commend your honor's sucksesses to the heuenly
dirrections. July 12 An. 1598

Your honors in al duty

Henry Lok.

Addressed. — To the R* Hobl. Sr Robert Cesyll Principal Secretary to
hir Maiesty.

1598 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 37 1

(V)

Father Garnet to Father Claudius Aquaviva

15 J^y. 1598

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, ii, fol. 132, a copy.

It is with a feeling- of relief that one turns from the previous records of
that which in man is most brutal and degraded to Father Garnet's sym-
pathetic account of the martyrdom.* Though his own words have not
been hitherto published, they were translated into Spanish by Bishop Yepes
{Historia Particolar , pp. 710-713), whence their purport was quoted by
Challoner. Dr. G. Oliver printed an abstract of them in his Collections for
Devon, Cornwall . . . and the Franciscans, p. 562, which has been
quoted both by J. M. Stone {Faithful unto Death, 1872, pp. m-113) and
Mrs. Hope {Franciscan Martyrs, p. 89-92) ; a long quotation also in
Morris, John Gerard, p. 142^. Under these circumstances a fresh
translation does not seem necessary. For the rest, it would seem that
Garnet was not aware of Barnes's speech, or that both he and Father Jones
denied that mass was said in the Gatehouse, or that alms were given to the
priest.

Garnet mentions below that another Franciscan father had just come
to London, and he would perhaps write a more ample account of the
martyrdom. This will probably have been Father William Staney, the
person to whom Father Jones is stated to have bequeathed a seal of
the Pre-Reformation Observants, of which he had become possessed.
Indeed, there does not seem to have been any other Franciscan in England
at this time (Thaddeus, The Franciscans in England, 1898, p. 19. The
seal is figured at page 1. It is renaissance in style, and bears at the base
the royal arms, just what one might have expected for the Royal Convent
at Greenwich).

Father Staney certainly never published any account of the martyr
corresponding to Father Garnet's anticipations, but he may have written
the paper published by Simpson in the Rambler (1859, N.S., xi, 52) from a
volume once belonging to the English Carthusians at Nieuport, and now in
the University Library at Louvain. It is contemporary, somewhat fuller
than Garnet's account, and derived directly from witnesses of the scene.
On the other hand, there is nothing distinctively Franciscan in the
references to the martyr's religious family.

# But even while we read Father Garnet's words, so appreciative of the martyr's
labours both while free and while in captivity, our pleasure is qualified by finding that
a passionate scandal -monger has not hesitated to say that the Jesuits had "cast
continual infamy" on this martyr. The writer is an anonymous contributor to the
" Archpriest controversy," and one of the most extreme and ill-tempered of that band.
He used the initials ' W.C.', which (if they refer to his real name) probably point to
William Clark. Francis Barneby has also been suggested as author.

He makes the worst charges he can, but here at least gives no proofs. He
mentions the case of Jones alias Buckley as notorious, "I was myself particularly
acquainted therewith, and his letters writ to Father Garnet after his condemnation
may be a sufficient testimony " (quoted in T. G. Law, Jesuits and Seculars, p. no,
note). This is a good flourish certainly, but no particulars are given, and the writer
knew that Garnet could not answer. When we further read that this same 'W.C.
says that "the third priest in England has not escaped their venomous tongues, we
perceive that broad statement meant but little in his mouth. He further does not
disguise his suspicions that "the fathers had got rid of Allen, and of the Bishop oi
Cassano, as well as Pope Sixtus V, by poison." In his denunciations 'W.C. was
evidently quite reckless,

372 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

Admodum Rdo in Xto Patri.
Pax Xti.

Quae ad religiosae vitae decorem atque ornamentum faciunt, ea
quamvis e diversis profecta familiis aliquo tamen modo coram sunt
universis. Porro neque mihi ipsi neque Societati nostrae universae
antiquius quidquam esse potest, quam ut aliorum ordinum religiosos
Patres omnibus officiis demereri studeamus eumque amorem conservare,
qui inter Christi servos, carissimasque sponsas, quae sunt potissimum
Religiosorum animae, semper debet vivere ac florere. Statui [ergo] hisce
meis litteris non solum Paternitati vestras eximiam afferre consolationem,
sed observantiam etiam illam declarare qua S. Francisci vere Seraphici
Patris turn ordinem universum, turn ilium conventum qui ad Sanctam
Ceciliam in quo ipse aliquando vixit, sanctitate ac disciplina Celebris est,
semper colui ac veneratus sum. Godefredus Mauricius qui in illo
conventu aliquando habitavit, i2mohujus mensis Julii die juxta veterem
computationem gloriosissima pro Xto morte occubuit. Historiam
integram vel nos alias perscribemus, vel scribet certe Reverendus
quidam ejusdem ordinis sacerdos qui vixdum ex longo et periculosissimo
itinere, in quo comprehensus ab haereticis, prudenti quodam stratage-
mate evasit, se collegit, aut rem ipsam penitus intellexit ; capita nos hoc
tempore tantummodo delibabimus.

Post trium fere annorum labores in hac Christi vinea excolenda non
sine magno fructu perpessos, biennium circiter in carcere vixit, annus
tamen integer liberioris custodies. Mirum in modum ob incredibilem
pene Catholicorum conventum, ut in tarn sterili agro, fructuosus ille
extitit, ita multo longiori tempore in Domini agricultura strenue se
gerere potuisset, nisi Domino ita disponente, Topecliffus ille, jam toti
orbi terrarum insigniter notus, duorum Catholicorum vel bonis inhiasset,
vel constantiae invidisset. Delatum fuerat olim ad Topecliffum, per pro-
ditorem quendam, Reverendum Patrem hunc D. Robertum Bametium,
et Dam Janam Wisemannam, praestantissimam fceminam (quae duos
habuit in Societate Alios), in uno carcere commorantes, aliquando ante
apprehensionem, pietatis causa invississe, apud eos biduo rernansisse,
coram illis missas celebrasse, atque ab iis pecunia donatum esse. Hanc
nactus occasionem Topecliffus initio mensis Julii omnes tandem in
judicio sistit. Illi criminis capitalis accusantur, quod sacerdotem
pecunia juvassent, ambo condemnati, ilia vero (quia 12 virorum
judicium subire recusavit, ne illi sanguinis sui rei essent hominesque
simplices aeternae damnationis reatu sua causa incumberent), ad
acerbissimam mortem, quae ingentibus supino pectori paulatim impositis
ponderibus inferri solet, condemnata est, ad quam sententiam hilari ac
constanti vultu latine illud protulit, quod singulis momentis in ore
semper habut, " Deo gratias," utrique tamen parcitum iri communis
opinio est.

Frater vero Godefridus cum criminis laesae majestatis reus ageretur,
judiciumque 12 virorum refugisset (volens potius in solis judicibus, qui
legis illius injustae auctores extitere, quam in hominibus illiteratis necis
suae causam ac culpam residere), negavit se quidquam contra Reginam
machinatum esse. "Atqui," inquit Judex Clincius, "satis constat te
nihil Reginae machinatum mali, sed ut Presbvter es Romanae Ecclesiae,

1598 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 373

hue contra leges venisti, hocque ex legibus crimen est laesse majestatis."
Haec videlicet crimina ille libenter agnovit, sacerdotem se esse, hucque
animarum lucrandarum studio advenisse. Itaque accepta statim
sententia suspensionis, dilacerationis, atque in partes dissectionis, ut in
causis laesae majestatis moris est, in genua se projecit, altaque voce
aliquandiu oravit, pronunciatoque psalmo vel hymno aliquo surrexit
imperterrito vultu, atque cum alacritate composite

Decern circiter diebus dilatum supplicium est, demum hujus mensis
die 1 2m0 antemeridiano tempore* ad patibulum, quod ad S. Thomam de
Wateringo positum est, deducitur. Adest Topecliffus et spectatorum
turba plurima, profiteturque ille innocentiam suam, se nihil contra
reginam aut patriam perpetrasse, immo pro ipsa quotidie Deum orare
solitum esse. T Id audiens ex astantibus quidam Topcliffo, serio affirmat,
hominem hunc sanctissime sine dubio mori. " At expectate," inquit
Topcliffus, "mox senties quam sit sanctus. Die mihi, inquit, si Pontifex
Reginam excommunicaret aut deponeret, regnumve ad religionem
Romanam stabiliendam invaderet, quid faceres ipse aliosve hortaveris
ut facerent." At S. Martyr partim elevatis manibus orans, partim ad
populum sermonem divertens, propositae quaestioni nihil respondit. Ea
nimirum Topecliffo exclamandi causa fuit, proditorem haud dubie esse.

Protulit deinde Topecliffus historiam quandam exorcismi cujusdam
D. Barnetii manu descriptam,§ quam Pater ille nunquam videre poterat,
in ea continebantur verba quaedam dsemonis vociferantis Reginam jam
suam esse, frustra pro ipsa orare. Exorcista vero respondisse, scribitur.
" Nescis, scelerate, nescis quid Deus decreverit. Nam ad ultimum
usque vitse momentum tempus pcenitentiae est." Haec tota res ad Patris
odium mire detorquetur, cum solus daemon hie laesae majestatis accusari
debuerat. " Videte, inquit Topecliffus, videte cives, quasi vero Regina
nostra reproba sit."

Camificis oblivione factum fuerat ut ad patibulum sine reste
prodiretur, itaque hora integra, partim orando, partim colloquendo
consumitur, concionare non sinebatur quamvis multorum vocibus
incitarentur. Dum Praesidis famulus, concitato equo restim adduceret,
vulgi clamor exortus est, adventare diploma regium pro absolvendo Patre,
percunctantibus num absolutionem afferret. "Plane, inquit, affero,"
simul restim e sinu educit.

* The Lou vain MS. says that the time was seven a.m.

•j* The Louvain MS. gives more details of the martyr's protest of loyalty. 'He
assuredly believed that both he himself, with all other priests and Catholics, would be
more ready to suffer much more for the good of the Queen than Master Topchffe
would. Further he told him with great resolution, that his cruelty only hath been
sufficient to make her odious to all the priests in Christendom."

§ This manuscript was used freely, but of course very unfairly, in Harsnet s
Egregious Popish Impostures, 1603. On p. I he describes it as "an English treatise
.... writ by Mr. Barnes . . . found some 3 or 4 years ago . . . , fronted by this
sentence, Venite el narrabo, quanta fecit Dominus animce mea>. The book was
written with full confidence in the preternatural character of the exorcisms practised
by Fathers Weston, and the martyrs Dibdale, Cornelius, &c, though to us these
phenomena will surely seem nothing more than hysterical. Still it is much to be
wished that we could identify the volume, as it mentions details about many Catholics,
both martyrs and confessors and priests, of whom we would gladly know more. 1 he
book must have contained a good many passages written in Latin.

374 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

Dum abducendus esset currus qui Patrem sub patibulo vehebat, tres
quatuorve robusti viri, se equis diu opposuere, ut Patrem loquentem
audirent, itaque tandem asgre, abducto curru feliciter martyrium
aggressus est. Funem praecidi passus non est Topecliffus prius quam
mortuus esset, exemplum se ostendere asserens velle clementise Region *
Corporis partes per varias arbores in agris Georgianis^ ac vicinis, caput
in medio foro South Warciensi cippi fastigio affixum, cui flagitiosorum
hominum colla ad ignominiam inseruntur.

Hie fuit felicissimus hujus St! exitus. Dominus nos omnes ejus
meritorum participes faciat. Vestra Paternitas haec omnia piis illis
Patribus significare dignetur, nosque eorum precibus commendare.
Nostri omnes bene valent, tametsi [? vix] non omnes adhuc in carcere
detineantur. Paternitatis vestrae sanctissimis sacrificiis ac precibus
humiliter [nos] commendamus. Londini, 15 Julii, 1598.

Admodum R. Paternitatis Vestrae Servus indignus in Christo

Henricus.

Father Garnet up to the time of writing had evidently not heard of the
saving of the martyr's relics. On this subject he wrote again on the 21st
of October, describing the exploit of one Christopher Blackall of the
Temple, who had rescued one of the quarters in September, but was
accidentally arrested soon after and imprisoned (Gerard, The Month, May,
1898, and Contributions to a Life of Garnet, p. 50, from Coll. P, 546).

The Louvain MS. was compiled after the rescue, but before the name of
the rescuer was known. It says that the head was set on a pole over the
pillory, and remained two days with its natural colour, when "the officers"
took it down to disfigure it, and " scratched, bruised and blackened it with
powder," but in a short time it was taken away. " The four quarters were
set on four several trees adioyning the highway — one of the four bled
within two days after. All was taken away in short time." One of these
quarters, says Doctor Challoner, was preserved by the Franciscans at
Pontoise. It was, however, lost during the troubles of the Revolution.

The highway in question was the Old Kent Road. St. Thomas
Waterings was a marsh on the north side, "at the second milestone"
from London. Its name is perhaps derived from St. Thomas's Hospital,
which may have had here an "Ing," or water-meadow. Chaucer makes
his Canterbury pilgrims begin their Tales at this spot (Prologue, 1. 827).
As a place of execution, it seems to have been given up since about 1730
(Manning, History of Surrey, hi, 402), but John Senex, MaJ> of the County
of Surrey, 1729, marks the site of the gallows by the sign 1, at the spot
where the road (now Peckham Park Road) branches southwards {The
Month, March, 1908, pp. 262-271).

(vi)
Henry Lok to Sir Robert Cecil
26 July, 1598
Record Office, Dom. Eliz., eclxviii, n. 10.

Rc Honb1 . . . The party doth yet stay his jorney in hope to haue
sum of their letters back with him, which if so fall owt I will bring yowr

* " He hanged till he was dead, which was often required of the whole multitude."
Louvain MS.

*p St. George's Fields, belonging to St. George's, Southwark, lay around the site
of "The Obelisk."

1599 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 375

honor. And for that it apereth ther is soom credit giuen by hir maiesty
to Mr Toplif's reports, I here send yowr honor Barnses own certificat
of his state & Mr Osborn's of my awnt's ; then which, if yet any better
might growe (as I trust) hir maiesty wold not much dislike. Yet I
protest I wil be true to yowr honor therin & refer myself & it to be
disposed of, whom I most humbly beseach (if this satisfye not hir
maiesty) that I may haue warrant to commissioners for farther tryal.
Only I humbly craue that I may not be cownterpesed in this sute by
sutch a riual's intrusion, thre daies after by the partis owne mosion I
had labored yowr Honor's fauor herin. Especially he being one by his
place abeler to Hue then my self, & hauing obtained iooo1' more by his
seruis (then I am like) alredy.

And thus crauing pardon of yowr honor, I commend my seruis to
yowr only direccion, & yowr honor to the Almighty.

Yowr Honor's in al duty
Henry Lok.

Addressed. — For the R* Hobl. Mr Secretary.

CI.

BIOGRAPHICAL STATEMENT AND LETTERS OF
ROBERT WATKINSON (alias JOHN WILSON)

Stonyhurst MSS., Anglia, iii, nn. 4 and 8, ff. 5, 10. Autographs.

Record Office, Roman Transcripts (Stevenson), xiv.

Robert Watkinson was a Martyr who was captured before he had had
any chance of distinguishing himself as a missionary, and of whose
martyrdom not very much is known. Luckily, however, we possess a
fair amount of information about his early life. He reached the English
Hospice, Rome, October 25, 1599, in company with Michael Freeman,
Richard Aston (vere Fisher) and Christopher More, and was followed
next day by Henry Bedingfield (alias Silesdon) and John Copley. (Foley,
vi, pp. 210, 570.) Father Persons, who had been made Rector in the
previous July, had instituted the custom of making the new-comers to
the College answer six questions concerning their previous education,
parents, health, &c. &c* The answers of Watkinson and of his
companions are extant, and give very interesting and valuable information
as to the life led by Catholics at this period, their means of education,
livelihood, &c. Watkinson's answers, indeed, are not more remarkable
than the others. Many are longer and recount more adventures; some
are shorter, especially those of the next generation. It is easy, however,
to see that a very large collection of papers of a character similar to
those printed below would offer us a picture of English Catholic life,
which for reliability and wealth of detail could hardly be surpassed. The
originals are still in the English College, Rome, and they extend from
1599 t0 l636- Ful1 transcripts were made by the late Father Stevenson
for the Record Office, and they occupy the larger part of his volumes
ix, x, xiv. It is much to be wished that this valuable series, which has
hitherto been but little used by anyone except Brother H. Foley, were
published entire.

* They will be found printed in Foley, vi, 128.

376 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1599

There are two transcripts of the following paper in the volume quoted
at the Record Office. One of these ends with the beginning of Answer v.
There are some trifling variations between them as to solution of con-
tractions, &c, but they are not noted here, as the true text is never
doubtful.

Jrlus Maria

Ad quasstiones quasdam secundum usum & consuetudinem Collegii
singulis propositas, cum illud primum aggrediantur, sic respondeo.
[In left margin] Robertus Watkinsonus. [In right margin] Natus annis
viginti circa festum Nativitatis proxime sequentis.

Ad primam. Quod ad verum nomen et setatem attinet maxime
consentaneum, ut in margine utraque scriberentur, arbitrabar. Ad
caetera jam tandem oratio. Locus ubi eram natus, educatus & etiam
nutritus vocatur Heningbrough, non procul a civitate Eboracensi, ubi
decern (vel non multum secus) annos partim in primis elementis
ediscendis, partim otiose transgredi [? transegi]. Postea vero literarum
gratia ad aliam villam, vocatam nomine Castleforde, iter suscepi,
quamdiu vero ibi permanserim inferius dicetur, ubi de progressu in
literarum studiis agetur.

Ad secundam. De parentibus eorumque statu, quod possum,
singula breviter explicabo. Pater meus octodecim abhinc annis (me
infantulo) ex hac vita Catholicus emigravit. Matrem vero status
mediocris viduam et Catholicam, cum e patria discesserim superstitem
reliqui. Unicum tantum fratrem schismaticum, sorores duas orthodoxy
fidei participes, et cognatos fere omnes ejusdem religionis incolumes
discedens obviis (ut aiunt) ulnis excepi.

Ad tertiam. Studia quibus maxime operam navarem, humanitatem
tantum sapiebant ; eousque vero in iis progressus eram, ut cum
Duacum, religionis et literarum solum gratia pervenirem, ad logicam
admittebar. Locus in quo per quatuor annos vel circiter operam et
oleum (ut aiunt) in literarum studiis insumebam vocatur Castleforde.
Postea amicorum suasu, et etiam cujusdem sacerdotis consilio, Londinum
(sola vel ad hoc vel ad aliud certe collegium deveniendi causa) iter
suscepi. Proposito vero nescio quo infortunio impedito, ad patriam
denuo vel invitus redire impellebar, ubi per biennium intermissis
studiis cum matre et quibusdam amicorum peregi. De'inde literarum
cupidus in lucidissimis Minerae campis non procul a Richmonda
per duos fere annos militabam. Quo facto ad quemdam generosum
cursum dirigebam, quocum et tuto et non sine virtutis et etiam
eruditionis incremento postea semper donee transfretarem, vivebam.

Ad quartam. Corpore valido et sano (laus Deo) hactenus sine
aegritudine fere ulla incolumis extitissem, animae vero contagione
parum admodum (Deo sic providente) laboravi ; tamen (ut verum
fateor) ita eram cujusdam et docti et etiam sapientis (si ita de
schismaticis loqui liceat) viri blanditiis inductus seu potius illusus, ut,
nihil de ullo fidei Catholicae articulo (conscientia mea attestante)
dubitans, quibusdam, proh dolor ! meorum amicorum se fore sine
Ecclesia Catholica salvos persuaderem. Postea vero brevi conscientise
aculeo perculsus, sacerdotem quemdam consulerem, qui cum mihi

1599 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 377

illud non sine gravi peccato fuisse verbis turn sevens turn humanis
ingereret, ego summa cum celeritate illos, quibus antea illud prseter
ordinem praedixi, a proposito divertebam. Ex quo quidem nee ego
nee certe ipsi (laus Christo) in tali aliquo erravimus.

Ad quintam. Quod ad conversionem meam attinet non multum
in hoc laborandum esse puto. Prima enim aetate a Parente in primis
fidei rudimentis institutus, postea cum annum octavum (quantum
puto) attigissem, eram a quodam sacerdote nomine Atkinsoni a
peccatis per confessionem liberatus, deinde inter Catholicos (quamvis
indignus) annumeratus.

Ad sextam. Ego in hac et sum et semper a primis (ut aiunt)
incunabulis (testem verborum meorum Deum invoco) fui opinione, ut
nullam vitam aut meliorem aut Christo magis acceptam, Ecclesiastica
esse duxerim. Quamvis ad illam suscipiendam me in'dignissimum
semper arbitrarer, Deum tamen spero me in meliorem, si modo
praecepta et instituta Collegii sicut expediat (quod quidem mecum
semper proposui et jam firmius facturum propono) observem, in dies
commutaturum, ut et sacerdotali officio digne fungerer, et etiam
superioribus meis in omnibus obedirem, quod ut faciam summis
precibus et oro et obsecro.

[ Translation]

To the questions, which, according to the usual custom, are proposed
to everyone when they first enter the college, I thus answer.

{In left margin] Robert Watkinson. {In right margin] Aged about
twenty years at Christmas next following.

I. As to my true name and age, I thought it most correct to set them
down in either margin. As to the rest — the place where I was born, and
also nurtured and educated, is called Hemingborough, not far from York.
Here I spent ten years or thereabouts, partly in the first rudiments of
education, partly in doing nothing. Afterwards I went to another town,
called Castleford, for my humanities {litter ae]. How long I stayed there
I will say later, when I speak of the progress I made.

II. As to my parents and their position, I will explain the various
points in brief, as well as I can. My father, a good Catholic, died while
I was an infant, eighteen years ago. My mother is a widow of moderate
means, also a Catholic. When I left my country she was still alive. I
have but one brother, who is a schismatic, and two sisters, both of whom
hold the true faith. My relations are almost all of the same religion,
and they were in health when I embraced them on departure.

III. The studies to which I have chiefly devoted myself do not rise
above humanities, but I had made in them such progress that when, for
the sake of religion and my humanities, I went to Douay I was admitted
to logic. The four years I spent in studying belles lettres were passed at
Castleford. Afterwards, at the persuasion of some friends and by the
advice of a certain priest, I set out for London, but only for the sake of
coming to this college or to some other. The plan, however, fell through,
owing to some mishap, and I was obliged, against my will, to return to
Hemingborough, where, dropping my studies, I lived for two years with
my mother and certain friends. After this, anxious to get on with my
books, I passed two years near Richmond, in the service of bright Minerva.
Then I went to a certain gentleman, with whom I lived ever after both in
safety and not without progress, as well in virtue as in learning, until I
crossed the seas.

378 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1 599

IV. I am strong of body and of good health (praise be to God), and
hitherto have lived without any illness to speak of. As for ailments of
the soul, I have (God so disposing) suffered very little. Yet (to confess
the truth) I was once induced, or rather deceived by the smooth words
of a man who was learned, indeed even wise (if one may use such a term
of a schismatic), though personally not doubting any article of the Catholic
Faith (as my conscience bears me witness), to persuade some of my
friends (alas!) that they might be saved outside the Catholic Church.
Soon afterwards, however, touched by the sting of conscience, I consulted
a certain priest, who insisted, in words now kind now severe, that this
could not be without mortal sin. I therefore very speedily diverted from
their purpose those to whom I had previously given erroneous advice.
After that neither I nor they (praise be to Christ) have fallen into any
such error.

V. As to my conversion, I need say little. At a very early age I was
instructed by one of my kinsfolk in the elements of the faith ; afterwards,
when I had reached the age of eight (I think), I was absolved of my
sins by a certain priest named Atkinson. After this I have always
(albeit unworthy) been amongst Catholics.

VI. Of this opinion I am and have ever been (God is my witness),
that no manner of life is either better or more acceptable to Christ than
the ecclesiastical. Although I ever esteemed myself most unworthy of
following it, yet I trust that — if only I observe the precepts and institute
of the College as I should (this has always been my resolution, and I
now resolve to execute it with still greater firmness) — God will daily make
me better able to discharge worthily the duty of priesthood, and to obey
my superiors in all things. This is my most sincere and earnest prayer.

(«)

Stonyhurst, Ang/ia, iii, nn. 4, 8, ff. 5, 10. Autographs.

The A nnales of the College inform us that our martyr, being twenty
years of age, received the gown on the 31st of October, 1599, was con-
firmed on the 26th of February, 1600, took the oath on the 1st of May,
received the tonsure on the 27th of September, and the other minor orders
on the 3rd of November. Then it would seem that his strength, which
had been so good, began to fail, for the next news is that he had to be
sent to Douay on 15th of October because of ill-health (Foley, vi, 211).
As to the route which he and his companion, Father Francis (Francis
Goldsmith, Foley, p. 204), followed, I am not altogether so sure of the
places here named as I could wish. Father Grene has read the obscurely
written place-name "Lawsanne," and so I have printed it, but I at first
read the word " Lawranne," and I cannot identify any St. Nicholas a
day's ride from modern Lausanne.

The President whom they found at Douay was Dr. Thomas Worthington,
and the new rules were doubtless those approved by Cardinals Farnese
and Borghese, who had lately revised the rules of all the seminaries. In
the Westminster Archives (vol. vii, p. 215) there is an account of the persons
at Douay at this very time, written by the traitor Fawther, who was then
at the College, and eventually betrayed Watkinson to death. Our martyr
is mentioned by the name of Mr. Wilson, and Fawther adds that he was
ordained by dispensation, being only 22 years of age, and that he
(Fawther) knows the man and his family.

Watkinson' s name appears in the Diarium Primum, as the second
ordained at Douay in 1602. But there is a break in the other diaries,
so that we know no other details. He did not stay long, as he was
already in prison in London in March or April.

1599 the english martyrs 379

Robert Watkinson to Father Persons

Good Reverent Father, having satisfied your reverence of our

arrival at Loretto, I thought it convenient to impart somewhat unto
your Reverence of our progress in our journey. Many matters have
occurred in the way unto us, which I doubt not would be grateful to
your Reverence, yet opportunity will not admit to impart the same.
In brief therefore ... [as to] . . . both our present estate and proceeding
in our journey, I . . . [will] . . . satisfie your Reverence as sufficiently as
opportunity w[ill allow]. Safely, God be thanked, we have arrived
into Lawsanne, one day's journey from Saint Nicholas. Both the
horse and the mule have hitherto endured very well, yet chargable
and somewhat troublesome unto us in our Innes, by reason of the
want of the fellow with whom we departed from Rome, which in the
way left us the second day after our departure from Loreto, but in
what manner I cannot exactly satisfy your Reverence, yet as I suppose,
sickness was the cause of his staying behind us. Much more I could
impart unto your Reverence, which happened in our journey, yet in
defect of ink, pen and paper I thought these few ragged lines sufficient
at this present. In fine therefore I do request your Reverence to
pardon this my cold remembrance unto your Reverence, which God
willing I will not forget, though never able to satisfy. I humbly
submit myself to your Reverence, desiring your fatherly blessing, and
commending me unto Fr. Minister, Father Confessarius, Father
Sthevenson and the rest of all the good company there with you.
From our Inn in Lawsanne the xviijth of this present November 1601.

Your most dutiful child
Rob. Willson

[Francis Goldsmith adds a note begging Father Persons to excuse
him, as he has a headache and a bad leg; and adds a postscript]

I spake at Parma with Don Raphel the English monk, who told
me that the scholar which came with them of Sb Omers recounted
unto him the martyrdom of Mr. Barwith, and that he died in their
habit, with his head shaved, and how that he wright to [MS. torn]
the English monk at S* Pauls, to learn of the said scholar more
particulars of t]he matter, and that he writing to him, he would tell
him nothing, which he thinketh to proceed from that you had forbidden
the youth to speak any more of that matter, which he taketh verie
haynousR

Addressed by Wilson.— To the most Reverent Father, Father
Personnes, Rector in the English College at Rome, deliver these.

Endorsed by F. Persons. — Robert Wilson alias Watkinson (after
Martyr) and Franc. Goldsmith 18 of 9ber 1601.

(iii)

Good Reverent Father. I doubt not but your Reverence hath
heard long ago of our safe arrival here at Douay. Yet I could not
without breach of my duty omit to inform your Reverence thereof,
having convenient opportunity for the same. Many accidents happened

380 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO 1599

in our journey, yet none so unwelcome unto me, as that which chanced
here after our coming. I mean Francis's departure into England,
although I doubt not but that it was for the best, yet sorry I was
that I could no longer enjoy his company. For other accidents that
happened in travel, it were too long here to insinuate, yet one among
the rest I could not conveniently omit.

Coming to Saint Nicholas we thought to pass the shortest way,
left the common path, yet in the end finding no good passing by
reason of a ditch, although loth to go back, I desired Francis to pass
first over with his horse, which doing his horse failed and presently
fell down, not able of himself to rise, with all speed we unsaddled
him, and in the end he recovered himself and got forth again, yet
not without a new colour, in so much that if your Reverence had
then seen him, you would hardly have known him. We trimmed him
again after our best manner, yet not able that night to attain unto
Saint Nicholas. We lodged very hardly that night, yet the price was
almost according to our best usage in other places.

Many other such like changes happened unto us yet, God be
thanked, we passed them all and safely arrived to Douay, where we
found many things quite contrary to our expectation. New rules were
put in practise, and very diligently of all observed. A lock and a bell
is now at the college door, so that none can go abroad without leave
and a companion assigned him. Meditations daily practised, and
upon Sundays in dinner time, exhortations with great edification and
instruction used. All do live here very comfortably, although not
without poverty, which I hope God of his great goodness will shortly
redress.

As for myself I have, God be thanked, hitherto continued with
my health, and hope shall so hereafter. I have frequented the
schools and go forward with my course by Mr. Presidents persuasion.
Yet I dare not boldly attempt for to write, although hereafter I trust
I shall.

Thus much good Father for this present which I could not
conveniently omit. There remaineth my duty and obligation to your
Reverence, which I cannot sufficiently expresse. Small cause I had
to expect at [sic] your Reverence that which I found at my departure,
I could wish that I were able to persuade your Reverence to acknow-
ledge me as your poor debtor, for sure I am that I shall never be
able to requite your courtesies, yet God grant that I may always
remember them.

I beseech your Reverence commend me to good Fr. Minister,
Fr. Tho. Stevenson, Fr. Confessarius, and to all the scholars whose
prayers I most humbly desire. Doway the 7 of January.

Yours most faithfull and obedient Childe
Rob : Wilson

Seal indistinct.

Addressed. — To the most Reverend Father, Father Persons, Rector
in the English College in Rome, deliver theis.

Endorsed. — Robert Wilson of the 7th of January 1602.

l6oo THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 38 1

There do not seem to have been any separate accounts of Watkinson's
martyrdom, but there are several details about him in the accounts of
Father Page, S.J. (Foley, i, 427, 432), and Father Grene {Collectanea N,
ii, 82) says that there were other documents about Tichborne, in which also
he was commemorated {Ibid., i, 64). Father Grene mentions explicitly a
paper, Relatione di alcuni martirizati in Inghilterra a 28 e 29 Afirile
1602. Father Persons' draft of this was then still extant, and as the paper
was addressed to the Pope, it may perhaps be yet discovered somewhere
in the Vatican Archives. Father Grene notes : "He was scarcely 20 days
in England before he suffered martyrdom, with two others of this college,
Tichburne and Page, 29 April, 1602."

CII.

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE QUEEN
Before 1 October, 1600

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cc\xxv, 1 15, ii. Draft with author's corrections.

There is a general tendency nowadays to minimise the importance of
the Earl of Essex's rebellion (February, 1601). It was so impotent, so
short-lived, drew so few to its side, that people are glad to pass it over
as a mad freak of a man notoriously fond of adventure. But when one
looks into the evidence, it becomes clear that, though the actual outbreak
was sudden and almost unpremeditated, insurrections of other kinds had
been frequently thought of, and even talked about by the clique of
courtiers who sided with Essex. It is doubtless not strictly correct to
use the term "Puritan party" as a synonym for that clique. But Essex-
had appealed to the Puritans for support, Puritan preachers stood by
his side, and Puritan sympathy went out towards his policy, which
originally, and indeed always in its main lines, was one of aggression
against Catholics. sfc

In the paper which follows we see the effect upon the English
Catholics of the talks of rebellion in which the Essex party had indulged
for some months before October, 1600. The Catholics had suffered long
and cruelly on the score of plots foisted upon them, sometimes by
scare-mongers, sometimes by the deliberate calculations of hypocritical
politicians like Walsingham, who were Puritans at heart, though they
dared not own it before Elizabeth. The irritation, therefore, caused in
the adherents of the ancient faith by the mutinous scheming of the Essex
clique, was naturally extreme. We see it here venting itself in protests,
which almost overreach and obscure themselves in their earnestness.

As to the facts which they allege, it does not seem that Sir Robert Cecil
(at whom the supposed conspiracy would principally have been aimed,
and who has read the paper) gave much, or perhaps any, credit to them.
The Essex rebellion had not yet broken out. Cecil could hardly then
have believed the denunciation made by this anonymous writer, who
quotes no authority for the truth of his assertions. Later on, when the
Essex rising did come off, many of his former partisans had fallen off or
even changed sides, and amongst them the Sir Thomas Gerard mentioned
in the denunciation. Even after the rising, therefore, Cecil could have
treated the paper as of no consequence, and very possibly may have done
so. But whether the allegations be true or not, the indirect significance
of this document, as a testimony of the sentiments of the English
Catholics towards Elizabeth at the close of her reign, is of the very

* Martin Hume, Treason and Plot, p. 363.

382 documents relating to October

highest moment, and forms a remarkable pendant to the many other
expressions of opinion on this subject which have been printed already.

The Sir Thomas Gerard, Knight Marshal, who is mentioned below as
leader of the alleged Puritan plot, was not the Sir Thomas Gerard of
Brynn, who after bravely confessing the faith for many years, had for the
time unfortunately fallen away. This Sir Thomas was a son of Gilbert,
late Master of the Rolls, and was eventually created a lord by King
James (Morris, John Gerard, pp. 10 and 306). The then Bishop of
Chester was Robert Vaughan, and its Dean John Nutter (Le Neve, Hardy,
Fasti, iii, 262, 264).

It would seem, from the form which this composition takes, that the
writer's first idea was to publish it, at least in manuscript, but how far
he succeeded in so doing is doubtful. The present copy has reached us
in a curious way, as it was found upon Thurstan Hunt at the time of
his capture, while attempting to rescue Robert Middleton, the details of
which enterprise will appear in the ensuing numbers. The paper appears
to consist of the beginning and the ending of two different copies, the
overlapping paragraphs showing many divergencies in the words used,
though the sense is the same in both. The termination seems to be
missing.

The corrections appear to be not those of a copyist, but of the writer
himself, and as the paper itself was seized along with Thurstan Hunt, it
would seem not improbable that he was also its author.

A copie of a letter

Jesus ►£< Maria

If the conspiringe puritans had impeached [if the execrable outrages
committed had touched, cancelled^ but the liberties, goodes, possessions
and lives of Catholickes I woulde togeather wth them haue patiently
susteined the burden, and wth sighinge and sorowynge haue keapte
my peace ; but palpably perceivinge y* besydes this they booth wickedly
and traterously intended (as alsoe doe still intende if opportunitie can
serve them) the death or depositione of youre maiestie, alteration of
the state, and vtter rvine of this realme (if this pestilence now imminent
be not wysely praewented) I thought my selfe bounde in conscience
and loyaltie to intimate some probabilities to yor soveraigne maiestie.
And whereas I a Catholicke am in parson and profession debarred
by statute in court and countree, before any magistrate to auouch the
same. Yet doe I protest yl neyther private groudge, revenge of inivries,
nor hope of libartie dooth move me : but the innocencie of our casse,
the vprightnes of our carriage and the loyall love to the sacred vnction
of yor maiestie inforceth me, thus, and thus soone, to hasard my selfe
to make demonstrance of faith and loyaltie. And albeit the parsonages
accusable doe farr overswaye me in swaye of powar, reitch of
aucthoritie and titles of honoure, yet is not the matter to be damned
for myne vnwoorthines [because hit concerneth such, cancelled^ (whoe
am not to accuse to death) but to be defended, & prosecuted, because
hit concerneth youre maiestie crowne, and kingedome.

And to the entent they myght more couartly effect theire wicked
treasons and avert yor maiesties law, they haue harnished them wth
the helmet of dissimvlation, the brestplate of malice, the sworde of
persecution in a scalbart of libartie, girt aboute the loynes of sensualitie,
the shooes of zeile to sheid blood. Theire proper garment is

l600 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 383

hypocrisie, theire militarie saga* barbarous crueltie, berynge thereon
bend dexter and sinister of seynauntf1 colore, lyinge and periurie as
presente signes to knowe theire souldiers by: servinge vnder theire
generall poware and aucthoritie, marsshaled by Ambition theire head
for England and Ireland.

As serpents sharpened theire tounges, and haue wrought wicked
councell vppon thy people catholicke, and conspired against thy holy
ons. They haue said " Come let vs ryd them out of the land, and
lett not the name catholike be any more remembred." [For by
informynge youre maiestie and honorable councell, cancelled.] For
they haue by calumnious lyes incensed yor maiestie and yor honorable
councell againste vs, saynge yf wee be a rebellious and mvtinous
people, disobedient to the lawes and magistrates, vnmeit to live,
vnwoorthye to haue lawes, but to be marshaled by the sword : for they
psecut, they search, they rob, they spoile, they forsware, they impannell
iuries, they indite wthout lawe, against all truth, against theire owne
knoweledge and humane reason : they make fault but wee must make
the mendes : they accuse vs, but wee must not defend, what they saie
mvste so be, what they doe is well: for stat pro ratione voluntas: and
seeke herby to avert youre royall Maiesties hart from vs y* vppon a
soden they myght intrape yor roialtie as dooth the chamelyon to the
. . . and as the lyons whelpe lurkynge in his den.

{The next sheet does not rmi on consecutively, but begins by resum-
ing the two last paragraphs in a revised form.~\

Jesus Qji Maria

And to the entent they myght more covertly and wth lesse suspition
shadowe and effecte theire detestable treasons, they haue sharpened
there tonges as sarpents against poore Catholikes stynginge them
whith moste false and lyinge calumniations of rebellion, mvtanie,
disobedience to prince, lawe, and magistrate: cryinge, " Exinanite,
Exinanite vsque ad fundamentum, et non memoretur nonien Israeli vltra,
Away Awaye with these papistes, rid the lande of them, let vs haue
that name noe more to be spoken of amongest vs.'" And y* youre
maiesties hart myght be implacable towards vs, there mouth is alwaye
full of malediction and bittemes, and as the lyons whelpe lurkynge in
his den they sitt in waites wth the powar, able in secret practices too
kill the innocent.

For they haue agreied in one against yor soveraigne Maiestie, our
anoynted, yb signo dato sirr R. should raise a powar of 10,000, leviinge
them of his howne tennants, out of Blacborne hundreth, whereof yr
maiestie haith made him the stuarde, and of the tennants of sirr Th.
Gerrard knight Marshall, wth all theire folowars and complices; of whone
R. B. should be the sargeant maior. And Ric. Lo. of Chester and the
chambarlaine thereof haue promised there powar the cities, and of
there confederals to ioyne wth them. Nutter the deane of Chester
was the woorker of this geare between the bishop and sir R., which
had been effected if the earle of Essex in Irland had prospered and

■%. The 'sagum,' or 'saga,' was the Roman soldier's red cloak.
f Seynaunt— Old French for 'sanglanl. '

384 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO October

returned vvth powar appoynted. Whoe still remaine at commandement,
ffor the knight marshall writt to his brotherinlawe sirr R., the last
yeare, when hit was said y* yor maiestie was dead, y* he should not
sturr vntill he hard more from him againe ; at what tyme it was said
"there wilbe rysinge," "there wilbe rysinge."

Henrye Hodgekinsonn Mayor of the towne of pston
Tho. Hesketh Ra: Assheton

Endorsed in Hodgekinson's ha?id. — This Paper was fovnd vppone
one that nameth himself Grenelow the ffirst of octobr 1600.

Endorsed by Sir Robert Cecil. — 8 Novemb. Certaine lewde writings,
taken upon a lewd fellow in Lancashire, that called himself Grenlow.

cm.

THE ATTEMPTED RESCUE OF ROBERT MIDDLETON

2 October, 1600

Robert Middleton and Thurstan Hunt were both Yorkshiremen.
Robert was a son of Thomas Middleton, the brother of the Martyr
Margaret, wife of John Clitherow (Gillow, v, 12, but Morris, Troubles, iii,
346, is uncertain). Robert had, however, been brought up to conform to
the Established Church, and did not embrace the faith of his ancestors
until his eighteenth year. These and other details appear from his
examination, printed in Foley, vii, 1367. He was at Douay for three
years, and then from 10 April, 1597, to April 20, 1598, at Rome, where he
was ordained (Foley, ibid., and vi, 202), and then returned to England,
being twenty-seven years of age.

The Bishop of Chalcedon, with many others, have stated that he was
a student of the College of Seville. But if we join the testimony of the
Annals of the English College, Rome, to that of the Martyr's own
confession, we see that the balance of evidence is here against the Bishop.

The first thing we hear of him in England is that he was one of the
seventy-nine clergy who signed the letter to the Pope, dated 8 November,
1598, in favour of the institution of the Arch-priest. Thirty-two others
sio-ned by proxies, and thirty-four more were reckoned as sure to sign, if
they could have been met with. The Martyrs who signed were, Robertus
Nutter, Edwardus Thwingus, Robertus Middletonus, Thomas Sprottus,
Thomas Palaserus, Joannes Thulesius. Two more would certainly have
signed, Joannes Locwodus and Johannes Roberts (uti videtur). These were
all that were recognised by Father Grene, whose transcript of this letter
(Stonyhurst, Collectanea P, ii, 570), the only form in which it survives, is
printed in C. Plowden, Remarks on a Book entitled Memoirs of Gregorio
Panzani, Ap., No. iv.

Whilst in England he asked to be admitted into the Society of Jesus,
and the favour was ultimately granted. The letters from Father Garnet
in which this is referred to, dated 30 June, 1599, and 11 March, 1601, are
printed (Foley, vii, 962).

The Martyr's course was not long ; he was arrested on the 30th of
September, 1600, in the Fylde, carried to Preston, and the examination,
which is still extant (Foley, vii, 1367), was there taken. What followed
is related to us in a letter of 22 October, 1600, from Father Blount to
Father Persons {Collecta?iea M, 96).

" There is a priest taken in Lancashyre lately, and being sent to Jayle,
by the way an attempt was made to haue rescued him by foure of that
country, but being too weake, one of the foure was taken, and much

l6oo THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 385

matter is given hereby to the Chief Justice to enlarge himself against all
recusants, which he hath done to her matie in the highest degree."

The leader of the four who attempted to free the captive priest was,
as we shall see, Thurstan Hunt, a priest who had been fourteen years
upon the mission. According to Mr. Gillow, he was a son of Mr. Hunt,
of Carlton Hall, near Leeds, and he had gone to Rheims, 19 September,
1583, and had returned a priest in 1584.

We have very few details concerning him, but they all go to show
that he was a man of unusual courage and boldness. This character is
explicitly claimed for him in "A songe of four Preistes that suffered
death at Lancaster ," which begins, " O God, of Thy great might," and
runs to thirty-three stanzas. By far the greater number of them are rather
hortative, or prayerful, than strictly historical. Of this class are the
following :

22.
In this our English coast, much blessed blood is shed,
Two hundred preistes almost in our time martered,
And manie laymen dye with joyfull sufferance,
And manie moe in prison lye God's cause for to advance.

23- ...

Amongst these gratious troupe, that followe Christ his traine,

To cause the Devill stoupe, four preists were latlie slaine.

Nutter's bould constancie with his swete fellow Thwinge,

Of whose most meeke modestie Angells & Saints may singe.

24.

Hunt's hawtie corage staut, with Godlie zeale soe true,

Myld Middleton, O what tonge can halfe thy vertue shew !

At Lancaster lovinglie these martyrs took their end

In glorious victorie, true faith for to defend.^

" Hunt's hawtie corage staut " was certainly shown very clearly in the
attempted release of Middleton. The same spirit breathes in the "open
letter to the Queen," and forms a fresh reason for ascribing it to this Martyr.

After the attempted rescue the Privy Council was informed, and they
answered on the 15th of October, ordering Middleton and Greenlow to be
sent up under strong guard (Dasent, Acts of Privy Council).

The first paper which follows gives the payment made for this journey.

(i)
Payment for transportation to London
Record Office, Declared Accounts, Pipe Office, Treasurer of the
Chamber, 1600, Roll 543, f. 68.

To Robert Hesketh esq. Sheriff of the county of Lancaster upon
the Councils Warrant dated at Richmond viijm0 Novembr 1600 for the
charges of himself and xien others in bringing up from the gaol there
Thurston Hunt and Robert Middleton Seminary Priests returned from
beyond the seas xxv11.

* British Museum, Additional MS. 15225, fol. 31, p. 61. The author's name
does not appear. Mr. Gillow believes that the hand is that of Father Laurence
Anderton alias John Brierley. The authors of one or two of the poems are known,
as A prisoner's songe, beginning "My thirstie soule desires her drought" (printed
in The Month, 1871, ii, 235), which is a translation by Father Walpole from St. P.
Damian's Ad perennem vitce fontem. But it is quite possible that Anderton should
have composed some and collected the rest. See also Dublin Review, 1903, 11, 354.

86 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO October

(ii)

The Privy Council to Queen's Counsel

Record Office, Dom. Eliz., cclxxv, n. 115.

The Privy Council write to their legal advisers, sending them on the
papers which had been brought down from Preston, together with the
prisoners. It is a pity that we have not the prisoners' own account to
compare with that of their captors.

After our harty commendacions &c. [After asking an opinion on
persons accused of cattle-maiming.] You shall vnderstand that there
are besides theis, two semynary Preystes brought hether of late out of
that Country that did attempt to rescue another Preyst being sent to
the Gaole as by the examinacon which you shall receaue herewithall
may appeare vnto you, against whom there would that exemplar and
speedy course of proceeding be taken as is fytte to be vsed to
represse such audacyous insolencyes, which wee referre to your con-
sideracon, putting you also in minde of former dyreccon you haue
receaued to proceed against others of that sorte, which by reason of
other weighty occasions of her Maiestie you could not as yet so
convenyently attend. Thus wee wishe you well to fare.

ffrom the Courte at Richemonde the 9th of Nouember 1600
Your very louing freinds
Jo : Cant, Tho : Egerton C.S., J. Buckhurst, Notingham,
Ro: Cecyll, Jo. Popham, W. Waad

Addressed. — To our very louing freyndes, Mr Srieant Yeluerton her
Maiesties serieant, Mr Atturney and Mr Solicytor generall and Mr
ffrauncis Bacon of her Maiesties councell learned.

[Enclosure]
Thexaminacon of Henry Breres of Preston in Amoundemes in
the Countie of Lancashire draper, taken the second daie of
October 1600 Anno Regni domine nostre Elizabeth Regine nunc
xlij0 at Preston afforesaid before me Henry Hodgkinson gent.
Maior of the Towne afforesaid.
The said Henry Breres beinge examined saith: That vpon Wed-
nesday beinge the ffirst of this instant, he beinge commanded by me
together with others of the said Towne to convey vnto the Common
Gaole of the said Countie one Robert Midleton, who hath confessed
hymselfe to be a Seminarie preeste, which said Seminarie was
deliuered over to me the said Maior by Sr Richard Houghton knight
and Thomas Hesketh esquire, hir maiesties Attorney of hir highnes
Court of Wardes and liveries, to be conveied to the said Gaole. And
this examinate further saith that vpon the same Wednesdaie, as he this
examinate and his ffellowes were goeinge with the said Seminarie
towardes the said Gaole, they were ouertaken with ffowre horssemen
and one ffooteman to them vnknowne, in a place called St. Laurence
lane, distant from the said Towne of Preston about fyve myles, which
ffowre horssemen passed by this examinate and his fellowes, without
any wordes given of any partie, saveinge that one of this examinate's
ffellowes demanded of the said ffooteman, who the said horssemen
were, who answered he knewe them not and beinge further asked
whither they went, he likewise answered "Wee goe towardes Thurneham."

l600 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 387

And this examinate further saith, That verie shortlie after, he this
examinate with the rest of his fellowes did espie the same ffowre
horsemen rydinge with great speed towardes them from or fourth of
a corner vpon the East part of a Common called Haworth more, in
the parishe of Garstange in the said Countie, which said ffowre
horssemen did presentlie thrust themselves in to the Companie of
this examinate and his fellowes and demanded of them whether the
prisoner they had in charge was a preest or noe. Vnto whom this
examinate made answere, that it was not materiall to them. Where-
vpon the said ffowre horssemen called vnto the preest to goe with
them, which the said preest offered to doe. And then this examinate,
to staie his escape, did strike hym of his horsse. And therevpon the
said ffowre horssemen, with their weapons drawne, did violentlie offer
to take the preest from them. Which when this examinate did
perceive, he drewe his sword and with some force vsed vpon one of
the said foure horssemen staied the said preest from escapinge. And
then the other three horssemen did verie outragiouslie vpon horsseback
assault the rest of this examinates fellowes, who in defence of them
selves & in regard of the saffekeepinge of the said preest, did also
drawe their weapens. By meanes whereof one Greenlowe, beinge one
of the said ffowre horssemen, did offer to discharge his pistoll vpon
one James Dike, one of this examinate's Companie; which pistoll
would not then Shoote of. Wherevpon the said Dike, with his Sword,
did vnhorsse the said Greenlowe. Which said Dike was then mightilie
assaulted by one other of the said ffowre horssemen, and in defence
of hymself & by meanes of a stroke, which he gave vnto the said
Greenlowe his companion, three of the said ffowre horssemen did
fforthwith fflye awaie, and toke with them one nagg, wherevpon the
said preest did ryde.

And all this notwithstandinge The said Geenlowe, beinge on foote,
offered to escape, and was pursued by the said Dike, one William
Claiton & one Christofer Crosse, which Claiton and Crosse came in
by mere chance & assisted this examinate & his ffellowes and did
contynue the pursute of the said Greenlowe from the place where
the assault first begune about one myle, the said Greenlowe still
keepinge them of with his pistoll charged. By reason whereof the
said Dike & Claiton could not come nere hym but contynued the
pursuit with Stones, for want of better meanes. The said Crosse,
haueinge in that tyme taken the said Greenlowe his horsse, which
was runne awaie. And then he this examinate & the rest of his
Companie with one Travice and one Walkden, who also came thither
by like chance, went to assist the said Dike and Claiton. Who
meetinge the said Greenlowe at a gate, staied hym. Wherevpon the
said Greenlowe did discharge his pistoll vpon the said Travice, and
wounded hym in his Thighe with ffowre bulletts, and then was taken.

Who together with the said Seminarie were brought back againe
to the said Towne of Preston the same daie, and presentlie hadd
before the said Sr Richard Houghton, Thomas Hesketh esquire and
one Raphe Asheton esquire, three of her maiesties Justices of peace
within this Countie. (I, the said Maior beinge, att that instant, not

88 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO October

being in Towne.) And this examinate further saith That after the
Sturr was ended vpon the said more, he & his ffellowes ffounde three
Clokes, which were the said horssemen's and brought the same to
the Towne of Preston afforesaid, where they remayne in Saffekeepinge.
The said James Dike, Henry Sudell and Edmond Machon being
the ffellowes of the said Henry Breres for the Conveyinge of the
preeste to the Gaole afforesaid, doe all affirme this examinacion to
be True. [Signed] Henrye Hodgkinson

(iii)
Payment for sending back to Lancaster

The Martyrs, for some unknown reason, remained long in London.
Perhaps the lawyers were fully occupied with Essex and his followers.
On 3 March, 1601, however, orders were issued for their return to Lanca-
shire. They were to be publicly disgraced, their legs tied under their
horses' bellies, and so solemnly carried from the high sheriff of one county
to the high sheriff of the next, till they reached Lancashire, &c. &c.
(Dasent, xxxi, 238).

To John Marrett upon the Councils Warrant dated at Whitehall
xxij0 March 1600 for carrying Thurston Hunt and Robert Middleton
two Seminary Priests from the Gatehouse at Westminster to the High
Sheriff of Lancaster to be proceeded withal at the Assizes xvjH.

(iv)

Of Mr. Middleton's and Mr. Hunt's apprehension
and death.

Archives S.J., Grene's Collectanea M, ii (now Anglia Historia, viii),
ff. 259, 260.

Father Grene {Collectanea M, i8£) says that there is an account of
Robert Middleton's martyrdom in the Litterae Annuae of the Society of
Jesus for 1599, at P- x4» as he was an alumnus of the College at Rome, and
had been admitted to the Society before death. Unfortunately, this volume
of the Litterae Annuae is missing- from the collection at the British
Museum, and I have not succeeded in finding a copy. The Martyr's
name is there given as Richard Milton.

Father Grene, in Collectanea N, ii, p. 25, states that there were then
in the English College Archives two accounts of his martyrdom. He
describes them, however, very vaguely, "Epistola de eius martyrio in
fasciculo in Archivio," and " alia relatio ibidem." I cannot now trace
either of these.

Mr Midleton was apprehended by Sir Richard Hauton in the high
way in Lancashire, who asking of this good man what he was he tould
him plainly he was a priest ; and so to all such questions directly he
answered the plaine truth. The morning before this Mr Midleton fell
in talk with a noble woman [kinswoman] of one Mr Edward Thwing,
who the Assizes before was executed. This woman began to lament the
lose of y* good man, to whome Mr Midleton answered: "Madam I
would I might this day ride a good way & out of my waye, to have
fo good chance as he had." And soe his good desire was fulfilled, for
the fame day he was apprehended.

1600 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 389

This knight after he had taken him soe, sent him to Preston to one
Esket; and from thence he was conveyed to Lancaster the next day
following. But some of Mr Midleton's friends, lamenting his case, did
think by the way to have rescued him ; among whome was this Mr Hunt :
who (as the report goeth) if the rest had done but half so undauntedly
as he, they had rescued him. But God otherwise disposed ; for amongst
all others being most valliant, he was only apprehended. And so with
a double garde, together with M1" Midleton conducted to Lancaster,
where they were very hardly handled, being loaded with irons night &
day ; and soe remained till they were sent up to London, and that in
most severe manner. For as they had but very ill horses scant able
to goe, their leggs tyed under the horse's belly, their dyet very badd, and
every night parted and their leggs bolted to the bedstock.

Being brought to London, they were often examined, kept close
prisonners, loaden with irons and after yl one day they had bin called to
the barre to be arraigned, the morrow after they were called suddainly
out by their keeper, and bidd to putt on their bootes and to goe to the
sesfions houfe. It was not any purpose, said they, to putt on their
bootes to goe there. The keeper replyed yl the way was foule.

They pulled on theyr bootes and when they came out to the prison
dore, there they found a number of men with weapons & hattes, ready
for to conduct them back againe. They wondered at it and asked the
keeper what it ded meane. He tould them y1, they must goe back from
whence they came. "Why then," sayd they, "we will goe to our
chamber and fetch our things." But they could not; & so all their
mony, which was some 20 nobles, and apparel they left behinde them.
And the gaoler said : " This yl you have wil serve your turnes ; for the
time you have to live is very short."

They were brought downe in the same sort as they were brought
upp. Being at Lancaster, there they were worse handled then before.
At the asfisfes, which was some monthes after they came down, they
were condemned, but not the same day with the fellons ; for they had
their judgment within some few houres before they were executed. The
very morning that they were executed M1' Midleton, meeting in the
castle yard with a gentlewoman of his acquaintance, said: "Alas!
Mrs N., we shal not be hanged to-day "; & so began to talk cheerfully
with her of all his friends, & gave y* morning to an other gentlewoman
many things of his to be distributed to his friends. The like did
Mr Hunt. Y* morning between them they reconciled two or 3 felons,
who professed their faith and refused before their death to pray with the
minister. And the felons being executed before the priests, they were
still encouraged one by one by the priests for to dye Catholicke.

In all Lancaster there could not be found any yfc would either lend
horse or car or hurdle or any suchlike thing for their death ; so the sherif
was faine to take one of his own horses to draw the sledge. The fire
was [so] little, yl the entrals of the first putt out there fire ; soe y*
Catholicks, who were bye, took what they would.

Mr Midleton was somewhat troubled with his sister, who fought to
have repryved him, offring a hundred pound ; and would faine have had
a minister to conferre with him. And yet, once her brother reprehending

39° DOCUMENTS RELATING TO July

her for it, she sayd : " Good brother, I am no heretick, but I do this for
to have occasion to see you and to talke with you."

They being brought to the place of execution profesfed their faith
very conftantly and dyed very resolutely. They asked benediction one
of another and embraced each other before they went up the gallows.
Mr Hunt was first executed, and having the corde about his neck he
gave his blesfing to all Catholicks there present, which were a greate
number : both executed in their casfocks. Mr Hunt hanged til he was
dead. Mr Midleton seemed to have flowen up the gallows, he went so
nembly up, and was cutte alive by error, as some think. For as soon as
the rope was cutt and he began to stirre in the butchers hands, the
sheriff bid streight waies cutt of his head, and soe it was ; and thus he
being last hanged was first quartered. Everyone lamented their death,
for all the world perceaved their innocency ; and not only Catholicks
but scismaticks and of all sortes strived to have something of theirs for
relicks.

Grene. — "Non additur ulla data mensis vel anni, sed in dorso tantum
notatur April, 1601."

CIV.

THE MARTYRS OF 1602

May-June, 1602

(i)
Father Blount to Father Persons

Stonyhurst MSS., Grene's Collectanea M, f. 98.

This and the following letter bring before us very clearly the altered
state of the persecution at the end of Elizabeth's reign. The violence
indeed continued, and the annual sacrifice of lives showed only little
change ; but the methods by which odium was created against the
Catholics had changed a good deal. We see plainly how the persecutors
protected some among the Appellants, and especially Watson, in order
that they might annoy and divide their fellow Catholics. In effect we see
in Father Blount's letter a tinge of acrimony while writing about Duckett
and Tichborne, and especially of Mush, which, but for the irritation of
the Appellant quarrel, he would have avoided. For Father Southwell's
"Humble Supplication to the Queen," see The Mo?ith, January, 1902,
p. 93. The first two lines give Father Grene's abstract of the parts he has
omitted.

50 Maij 1602. Post multa de /ion's Watsoni et tumultuantibus hcec
subdit.

I pray you make much of Mr Mush, for we finde him now to be
a true prophet. He wrote in a letter about a yeare since yl these
broiles would not be ended without bloud ... to which effect Wplliam]
W[atson] spake also not long since. And now haue we had 6 executed
together, 2 in the North and four in London, viz. Fran. Page, Rob.
Watkinson, Tho. Tichburne, priests and James Ducket layman, all 4
at Tyborne.

The layman was executed for diuulging F. Southwel's Answer to
the Proclamation, which the malcontents printed but Mr Blackwel
prohibited as a thing out of season. He dyed exceeding wel, disclaymed
the malcontents . . . and spake to his wife to burne all such books of

l6o2 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

39*

theirs as were in his house, and asked pardon of all the Societie ; for
indeed he had bin an instrument of the discontented for printing and
publishing some of their books.

Page dyed of the Society with much alacrity and spiritual ioy, and
after some other speeches before he uttered these words, "I confesse
unto you all yl I am a Catholic priest, and although much unworthy,
I thank God, of the holy Societie of Jesus "; and therewith the cart
was dryuen away and [he] neuer spake more.

Tichburne sayd nothing, neither at his arraignment nor at his death
by reason of his weaknefse, as I take it, and. not being wel able to
heare what was sayd unto him. He was suspected before of fauoring
the discontented, and at his arraignment was charged by the Chief
Justice of dissolute life and thereby to have gotten the French disease,
whereunto he replying nothing, many condemned him in their own
conceites, and much speech is of it of all sortes : but howsoeuer it be,
he hath now made amends for all. And this to your self.

Watkinson dyed very resolutely and with much edification, many
things before his death concurring very notable and much to the honour
of God. Time wil not permit me to write in particular, and I think
you shal heare all at large, written out of Newgate.

Atkinson the Apostata was this day twice taken by the Constables
... for a rogue to be sent into Flanders with other souldiers, wch are
now pressing in all hast, but was still discharged by the chief Justice :
and now the third time is apprehended by warrant from the same chief
Justice & lyeth loaded with Irons in the dungeon at Newgate, &c. . . .

[Father Grene. — alia addit de duobas Lusitanis Patribus in Anglia
captiuis, qui postea liberati fuerunt 6°<\, et de rebus alijs non magni
moment i A 5 Maij 1602.

(ii)

Bishop Bancroft to Lord Chief Justice Popham

5 June, 1602

British Museum, Harleian MSS., vol. 360, ^.36.

Challoner (i, p. 403) says that Robert Watkinson M. " was betrayed by
one John Fawether, a false brother." The following letter from the Bishop
of London to Lord Chief Justice Popham gives more information about
Fawether. The priest here arrested was not Watkinson, for he was mar-
tyred 20 April, 1602. It is curious to see how completely Watson, the
author of the Quodlibets, who was afterwards executed with Clarke for
high treason, was protected by the Bishop of London. This is the same
Watson who was got out of prison by Mrs. Margaret Ward (Challoner,
i> P- 233)> wrio was martyred in his stead.

My very good Lo : ffawether came first unto me from Mr Secretary.
He was then in attyre like a very rogue and upon his submifsion and
promise to doe some service I apparelled him from top to toe and gave
him some mony in his purse, willing him to take his meate and dnnke
in my house from tyme to tyme as he thought good. At his first
entrance to doe some service I told him there were two or three priests,
that were wincked at more then the rest : whom I required no wayes
to intermeddle w*h and amongst them I gave him especyall charge
of Mr Watson. Notwithstandinge of late he is growen to very extra-

392 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

ordinary boldnes, and will prove I feare a very cheating knave. Meeting
w*h Mr Watson and his man at my gates not longe since he grew into
some open exclamations against them, but did especially rayle against
his man and some further harde speeches pafsed betwixt them. I
hearing hereof told him he had not done well and wished him to
intermeddle no more w*h eyther of them. These speeches of myne
it seemeth the Varlett tooke in evill pte and complayned to yor Lp.
informing yow that Mr Watsons man is a priest. Upon ptence whereof
he hath very lately w^out any warrant thrust violently in the night time
into Mr Watsons chamber, rayled upon him exceedingly, so as company
came abowt them : to whom he exclaymed that Watson himself was a
priest, that he was the author of the Quodlibets, wherein were many
great treasons, and y* yet some bare w*h him, howbeyt ere longe he
shold smarte for it, or words to that effect. The constable was w*h him ;
and so though ffawether had no warrant : yet bicause he used yor Lps.
name for the committing of Mr Watsons man he was caryed to prison.
Yesterday my servaunt Pigott meeting wlh ffawether asked him what
he meant to charge Mr Watsons man to be a priest, who (as he had
been informed) was but a Taylor. To whom he answered "I doe not
know whether he be a priest or no : but I meane to carry him before
my Lo : Chiefe Justice upon suspicion y* he is a priest." If it fall owt
that eyther he is a preist, or that his psumptions are great or probable
that he shold be one, I commende him for it. But if it fall owt other-
wise, and that this is only done of stomacke, I trust yor Lp. will tell
him yor mynde : his course therein is not to be indured. But howsoever
this fall owt, I doe mynde certainly to committ him to prison as sone as
I can catche him, for dealing in such sorte as he did wm Mr Watson,
contrary to my commaundement. And I am the rather induced so to
doe, bicause I doe greatly suspect he is animated against my directions
in that he used such tearmes unto him concerning his booke and the
bearing of some w*h him, wch have (as yow know) been very malitiously
obiected against me. And so wishing that if Watsons man be not a
priest, it may please yor Lp. psently to release him, I comitt yow unto
the tuition of allmighty God.

Att my howse in ffulham this 5th of June 1602.

Yor Lor: most afsured Ric. London.

Addressed. — To the right honorable my very good Lo : the Lo : Chiefe
Justice of England, one of her Mats most honorable privy Councell.

Endorsed. — The Bishopp of Londons Lre to the L. Cheife Justice
June 5, 1602 — about some seminarie preists.

CV.

BENJAMIN NORTON TO THE BISHOP OF CHALCEDON

6 May, 1626

Farm Street, MSS., Ro?7ian Letters, 1578-1619, 71. 101. Autograph.

The last document of our series brings us to a new phase of the cultus
of the Martyrs. Charles I is on the throne. The persecution has relaxed,
though war is still actively waged on the money and goods of the
Catholics. A bishop rules the Church in England, and he has appointed

1626 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 393

his vicars to gather up information about the Martyrs, and we see that
this is being done with some care. The letter bears the written date 161 6,
but this must be a slip of the pen for 1626. At the first date there was
neither a bishop nor an archdeacon in England, whereas the letter alludes
to them on every page. William Bishop had been appointed the first
Vicar-Apostolic 4 June, 1623, and Dr. Richard Smith, with the same title
of Bishop of Chalcedon, had succeeded him 12 January, 1625, and had set up
seven vicars and twenty-three archdeacons throughout England on the 2nd
of June, 1 625. The seventh vicar was Benjamin Norton, vicar for the counties
of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Hampshire and Berkshire, the writer of the follow-
ing letter. He had been a student both of Rheims, where he arrived
24 June, 1583, and of Rome, which he entered 17 November, 1587, being
then twenty years of age. He is duly mentioned in the diaries of either
college {Douay Diaries, 196, 199; Foley, Records, vi, 177).

Dr. Smith, it seems, sent round in 1626 letters to all his vicars to look
into the cultus of the Martyrs who were born in or had suffered in their
districts.

We do not indeed possess this letter, nor, it would seem, any of the
answers to it except that now printed. On the other hand we do possess
a good many notes, which were professedly drawn up from those answers.

The notes in the Westminster Archives (now iv, 1-14, 1 17-132, &c.),*
were evidently written about this period ; and the compiler ol them cites,
as his authorities, documents which must be considered (either demon-
strably or at least very probably) as answers to the bishop's appeal. The
Relations of " Richard Broughton, Vicar-General of the Northern Parts,"
and that of " Cuthbert Trollop, Archdeacon," were plainly reports similar
in character to Norton's. It is fairly clear from the date that the letters
of " D. Davis, presb. an. 1626," and of "N., presb. an. 1626," and "the
relation of Mistress Francis Salisburie, taken down from her words by
W. Farrar, priest, 1627," belong to the same category. It seems highly
probable that the undated "Relations" of Joseph Haynes, Robert Bag-
shaw, Mr. Manger, Mr. Jackson, Mistress Elizabeth Elison, widow, Ralph
Fisher, Leonard Blackenburie, " attorney in Yorkesheire," John Ingleby,
"jurisconsultus" — all cited by Challoner, or by the Douay Manuscripts
from which he worked — should be ascribed to about the same period. It
this conjecture be verified, it will fully explain the reason why the Bishop
of Chalcedon's Catalogue of the Martyrs "fully deserves, on grounds of
scholarship, the first place which is always given to it among the lists
of the Martyrs" [sufira, p. 6).

Norton's letter mentions thirty-one Martyrs, two of whom, however—
John Collins and the brother of John Adams— I am unable to identify.
As to " fa. Daustius servant," who is also unknown to me, though Norton
seems hereby to mean one of the Martyrs, his style is obscure; perhaps
some living person is intended.

Of the clergy who are cited as authorities, or referred to up and down,
I cannot give much account. The dates of the college course of Edward
Kennyon may be followed in the Douay Diaries, but of Mr. Cole, Mr.
Boucley, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Peacock, and Archdeacon Shelley, I have no
information to offer. The very high-handed proceedings against Thomas
Wilson, the head of the printing press at the Jesuits' College of St. Omers,
which Norton advises the bishop to institute, recall vividly the grave
mistakes which were so soon to cause Dr. Smith to retire from England
altogether.

if. This set of papers was contained in a volume entitled "Douay MSS. relating
to the English Martyrs"— which volume was in great part copied by Alban Butler
for Dr. Challoner— and this copy is now at Oscett. The "Douay MSS." has now
been broken up, and the documents arranged in one chronological series.

394 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

Towards the end there is an interesting paragraph on the doings of
"my great neighbours." The father, it appears, has just resigned his
estate to his son, but makes it a condition that he shall part with
Mr. Kennyon, who is evidently his chaplain. There does not seem to be
enough evidence to settle who these "great neighbours " were, but writing
as Norton does from Sussex, one is prone to suggest the name of the
second Lord Montagu, who was now growing old, and died not long after,
i.e. in 1629.

The postscript gives valuable evidence as to the prolonged survival of
the old rules about " Fridays and fasting between Easter and Whitson-
tyde " by the rather greater number of the English Catholics. Norton
says he can witness this "to my own knowledge for this 44 years,"
figures which are useful for our judgment on the date of the letter. As he
was twenty in the year 1587, when he went to the English College, Rome,
he would have been born in 1567. If, therefore, this letter was really
written in 1616, he would be quoting to his bishop his knowledge about
the Catholics of the whole shire which he had acquired at the age of
five. It is surely more likely that he would only quote his recollections
at fifteen, that is those of the years which immediately preceded his going
abroad to receive his ecclesiastical education.

Right honorable

Latelye I receaued an other tre from your good Lp of noe date
by \vch I perceaved that yor Lp hath receaved myne of the 18th of Aprill,
in wch though in deede I did nott enough, yett I endevored to doe my
best : but whatt I omitted then I will hereafter performe if I can. And
first I will make my darke speeches as playnelye to be understood as I
can. By H. H. I ment Mr Humfreye Hinde, an honest man, a good
scoller, a true Isyraelite, and painefull laborer in our Vinnyarde : him
onely have I yett made vse of in the busines enioyned. Wbh Mr Cole I
medled nott vntill the receipte of yorLPslaste Ires, since wchtyme I have
writtne unto him to admoneshe him of what hee is saied to have don
amisse. And that wch I required of him for the present was (if hee
bee innocent) to testefie his Innocencye in a tre to mee, and then to
enquire after those matters wch I am to enquire of, accordinge to the
good directions yor Lp hath given mee.

For in verry deede hee knoweth all or most, that was to bee knowen
of ffather [? Daustius*] servaunt, of Mr F. Thomas, and Mr Johnson
alias Mr Roger Dickinson, whoe as I think was a cuntriman of yor
Lordshippes, and of James Bird sometymes a scoller (to my know-
ledge) at Rheamesl* whoe was a Wincester man borne, and executed
at the place of execution cauled Bardiche, by beeinge hanged, drawn
(fo. \b) and quartred vppon the feast of thannunciation of our Blessed
Ladye beeinge that yeere Ester eeve (Anno Domini 1592). And as I
remember hee was apprehended at one Mr Hierom Hethes howse,
whoe was late a Citizen of Bruxells, in a busie tyme when theye
searched that howse & many others for my poore selfe, w*h whome I
had mett thatt night, if hee had nott beene taken. And my frendes
tolde mee that beeinge demaunded of the Judges howe longe hee had

sjc Daustius. The form is uncertain. The name may be Danstins. It may stand
for Dawstin or Dalstin.

fi James Bird is not mentioned in the Douay Diaries.

1626 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS

395

beene a Catholique, hee tolde some Foure yeeres, by which they inferred
as followeth, "Thou art a Catholique, ergo Reconciled, ergo a Traytor."*

Mr F. Thomas was condemned at thatt tyme after thatt manner, but
theye conceivinge thatt hee made a shewe to recant (which notwith-
standinge hee neuer did in thatt manner as theye woulde haue wished),
deferred his execution vntill the Assises followinge, at which tyme he
made a Constant & happie ende. One Mr Cooke, then a wellvviller
to Catholiques, but afterwards a good Catholique talkinge with Mr
fflemminge which afterwards was Lorde Cheefe Justice of Englande, f
& wonderinge at thease proceedings saied vnto him, "Sir by this
Reason yu maye hange whome yu liste of the younger sorte of suche
as had beene protestants and weare beecom Catholiques." Who
answered, soe theye mighte. (fo. 2) I hope that this report of myne
will bee confirmed by others wlh whome I have nott spoken, when theye
shall saye whatt theye knowe thereof.

Of Mr J. Boddie I can saye this thatt he was my scolemaster a
yeere or to beefore his Apprehension at Mr Archdeacon Shellye his
fathers howse, where he was taken & Committed by Sr Richard Norton,
& by reason of this former acquaintance his good mother Comminge
to see her sonne, came to my mothers howse from Wells in Summer-
sett shire, wheare shee lived & as I thinke wheare her sonne was borne.

Of Mr J. Slade I yett knowe noe moore but thatt I knewe the man
well, & he was reputed then to bee a dorsett shire man. of whome I
knowe noe more butt thatt hee was a most constant mortified man, &c.

Of Rafe Miller & the former martyrs yu knowe somewhatt beefore.
Mr Anderton & Mr Marsden weare saied at my beeinge w*h them at
Rheames to bee Lankyshere men. Of Mr Thomas Tytchborne priest
and his brother Nicholas (but not Thomas) the laye man, I thinke
theye weare borne at a place cauled Hartleye in Hampeshere. Wch
Mr Nicholas was saied to bee executed for helpinge his brother Thomas
oute of prison, vppon Sl Bartholomeus daye abought London.

Abought thatt tyme theare suffered abought London one John
Collins wch was a Winchester man. (fo. 2b) Mr William Waye I knewe
at Rheames and I verilye thinke thatt hee was a devonshire, and
probablye an Exciter man.

I have spoken first & writtne since to Mr Archdeacon Shelley to
enquire after Mr Rafe Crocket, Ed : James, George Gervase, & by talke
w4h Mr Peacocke abought Mr Thomas Hemmerford and Mr Alexander
Raulins ; wthall, accordinge to [your] Lordshippes direction, I desired
him to enquire after Mr Thomas Garnett Jesuit & priest a Sussex man,
and after my vnckle Mr Richard Shelleye,§ whoe marryed my Aunte
and was executed abought London. I have writtne to knowe whether
Mr Pilchard priest whoe suffered in Dorsettshere (as I thinke) weare a
Sussex man or noe, and my reason of doubt is bicause I have heard
saye thatt hee was brother, vnckle or kinsman to one Thomas Parker
his wife, a sadler of Battell.

* sfreThoraasPF?eming became Lord Chief Justice in 1607, and died in 1613.
§ Probably Edward Shelley, of Warminghurst, is intended, (bee p. 290.)

396 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO May

I knowe nott of whome to enquire abought Mr Robert Wilcocks,
Mr Ed : Campion, xpfer Buxton & Ro : Widmerpole ; neither of
Mr Edm. Duke & Mr Filcocks, bicause I knowe not wheare for this
present to sett my foote in Kent. But I knowe thatt Mr Edm. Duke
was executed att Durham, & of Mr Roger Filcocks Jacobus Gualterus
wrighteth, at the latter ende of . his 12 veritates, wheare he maketh
muche adoe aboughte a strawe, wheare I hope thatt the daye of the
deathe of Mr Filcocks is sett downe.*

Nowe my good lorde to cum back againe, I praye yw thatt yw will bee
pleased to make the aforesaied (fo. 3) Mr Humfreye Hinde Archepriest
of Hampeshire & then I doubt not but thatt he will bee able to doe
moore then now hee doth by wrightinge sendinge or goinge to Mr Cole
& others wth whome hee is well acquainted in that Countye. And I
beeseeche your good Lordshippe at his & my request to sett downe
your Lordshippes opinion whither by the faculties graunted to priests
to absolve from all cases reserved in Bulla Ccena the Pope bee supposed
to graunt Authoritye to absolue from those thatt ar reserved in the
decretalls and extravagants, as namelye from thatt of simonie in
Beneficio, wch faculties if theye have nott, I could wishe all suche
as Mr H. H. had.

In wrightinge of whose name I am putt in minde to signifie to
your Lordshippe whome I meane by T. W: wch in truthe I doe nott
knowe vnlesse it bee Mr Thomas Wilson f of S* 0[mers], of whome I
remember thatt I wrought somewhatt concerninge the examininge of
his papers beefore theye bee printed, or els have Authoritye from your
good Lordshippe to forbid the buyinge & havinge of them ; wch I
shoulde nott feare to doe had I your good Lordshippes leave to doe
it, and a forme or presidente howe to doe itt. For in deade theire
doings in thatt place muche discontente mee, & latelye I delte wth the
cheefe of the Societie in these shires to have a fault reformed &
amended, wch is this. (fo. 3$) In theire scooles at S* O. theye have
Emperors, Senators, equites, decuriones, & the verryest Asse of euerye
Classe is putt after all thease and cauled a Bishop.§ I accoumpt this
a preposterouse order and I might geve it a woorse name. The Jes.
denyed thatt theire was any suche thinge in the Englishe scooles 3
yeares since (soe saied Mr BouclyeH to mee who abought thatt tyme
had bene a reader theare). I did not altogether beleeve him : yett I
answred after this manner. "Soe muche the woorse quoth I that y11

jjc Jacques Gaulthier, S.J. , published his Table Chronologique in 1609, and it ran
through many editions. The second part is Douze Catholiques Verith attestees contre
Calvinisme. A Latin edition, Tabula Chronographica, appeared in 1616, and also
passed many editions. The straw will doubtless have been Father Garnet's
straw. Bishop Smith's attitude, unfriendly to the Jesuits, is illustrated in J. Morris,
Life of Father John Gerard, 1S81, p. 433.

>f" Thomas Wilson. See p. 3 ante.

§ Tbe custom of granting the titles Imperatores, &c, for younger boys is widely,
almost universally, in vogue in Jesuit colleges. The alleged use of the title ' bishop :
is never heard of.

f This might be John Nash alias Nathaniel Buckley, mentioned in the English
College Diary in Foley, vi, 282.

1626 THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 397

shoulde beegin to caule yor verriest foole a bishop iust abought the
tyme thatt wee beegan to have a B." D. Siluester* promised thatt
hee woulde wright abought it, & I desire yor good Lp to looke vnto
it, for certaine it is thatt theare is suche a thinge.

Nowe my good L, if I shoulde tell your good Lp howe matters goe
in my greate neighbors howse, it woulde aske an other sheete of paper,
in sum thearefore I saye thatt all goeth ill. the father is ill wth an ague
& other malonchollye humors. I conceave (for I am a strainger, yett
not owte wth him) thatt, havinge made & setled his estate after some
sorte vppon his sonn, hee woulde nottw*hstandinge goe on in all or most
thinges as beefore \ & the first woorke hee required & importuned his
son to doe was to putt awaie his true frende Mr Kennion. The 3de of
Maye the sonn onelye to contente his father yeelded, the 4th Mr Kenn :
was to bee go[ne], but I goinge of purpose thither, the sonn tolde mee
thatt hee in noe case woulde doe itt (for in deed hee seemeth to affecte
him muche & to bee as constant vnto him as hee maye w^oute his
fathers displeasure). "Well Sr," q*h I, "if y11 doe itt nott, then lett it
be knowen & recorded whoe doth it, & whie hee doth it ; & poore
Jonas shall bee cast into the sea to make all tempests cease, & Jonas
was but vnwillinge thearvnto," butt hee thought fitt thatt I shoulde
knowe the cause of all this, & soe, if hee weare faultye or Innocent, hee
that woulde might cast him ouer bored. I sayed then, I visited the
ffather twise & was wth him more then an hower att a tyme, hee saied
not a woord to mee nor I to him of this matter. The sone thatt after-
noone stade awaie & onelye wee expecte, whoe shall cast this good man
ouer the hatches. In deede amongst other thinges I saied to the sone,
thatt I thought it nott fitt thatt the first thinge thatt euer he did after
hee came to his estate should bee to turne awaye him, wch the sonne
confesseth to bee his most constant & truest freind.

Nowe my Good L. to cum to Asshetes (?) or those of Mr Ashe his
companye. I must complayne to yr good Lp and trulye tell yu thatt
theye ar verry bolde, vnmannerlye and boysterouse. Laboro sustinens,
taceo tamen. But I have suche a deale to saye thatt I can nott saye it
in a short tyme muche lesse wright. Wherefore my good Lp, havinge
beene to tedious in this letter (bicause I hope thatt I have a better
meanes to sende nowe then I can expecte heereafter) I desire yor Lps
pardon, crave yor blessinge and direction. And euermoore remayne
Yor most obsequiose & obedient sonne
6 Maij Anno dni B. Norton.

i6i6.T^

Sealed.

On a separate slip of paper.— Whither in suche a shire, wheare as
many (or rather more) have to my one knowledge kept the fridaies &
fasting betweene Ester & Whitsontyde for this 44 yeares, then others wch

* Perhaps Father Thomas Sylvester, S.J. (Foley, Records, vii, 753).
"fi The year is written quite clearly i6i6, with a dot over the first 1 but not
over the second.

398 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE ENGLISH MARTYRS 1 626

have nott kept them, theye wch breake thatt fast maye securelye doe it,
wthout yor L?s leave, under pretence of an Auncient Custome.*

Whither 21>'e I neede enquire after Mr Chiddiock Tytchborne, whoe
was one of those wch sufferde abought the busines of the Queene of
Scotts, of whome I knowe noe moore yett but thatt hee & his father
beefore him weare Cauled Tytchbornes of Porch ester in Hampeshire.
Mr John Addams p : and a brother of his a laye man, whoe sufferd
for iustice, weare Dorsetshire men, and soe was accounted to bee
Mr Mundaye a seminarie p.

Mr Kennion knoweth nothinge of Mr Miles Ger[ard] his good vnckle,
but thatt he was a lankyshire man. The Shreaves Bayleffs, w*hin a weeke
after thatt a jurye of enquirie was impaniled abought Recusants landes
and goods, seased vppon 4 kyne & to Calues of one Ant : Williamsons
of Estborne : theye tooke a Cow awaye from John Beale of Estborne.
20 hedd of Cattell from widdowe Richardson of Ledsworthe ; and
slippinge w*hin the doors of Mr D. Bullaker of Chichester, *F as one shut
owte, went into the kitchin & tooke 51 for[th] the vessell wch hee founde
theare. But those thatt keepe there doors closeshutt have hitherto done
well enough.

>ic Upon the fasting and abstinence observed at this time in England see Don ay
Diaries, 354, 355 ; C.R.S., iv, 104; A treatise with a /Calendar concerning Holy-daies
and Fasting-daies in England, the preface signed LB. 1598 ; J. Morris, /Calendar and
Rite used by the Catholics since the time of Elizabeth, in Archaeologia, Hi, 120.

>p Challoner says of the Martyr, John Bullaker, that he was "born at Chichester
in Sussex about the year 1604, of pious and Catholic parents. His father was a noted
physician." Cf. Mrs. Bullacre, of Warblington, pp. 31, 34, above.

APPENDIX.

CHRONOLOGY.

Unusual methods of writing dates abound in the documents that
have been under examination; and the somewhat confusing "change
of style " took place in the course of the period we have been studying.
The reader will find it convenient to have under his hand statements of
the principles involved, and tables for the reduction of dates under old
systems to that in vogue now.

(I) Old Style and New Style.

The year is the length of time taken by the earth to move round the
sun, that is 365 full days and a certain fraction of a day. This fraction
was in ancient times underestimated by n minutes and 12 seconds,
and these unconsidered minutes mounted up in course of time to a
noticeable number of days. By the sixteenth century midsummer and
midwinter, as also the equinoxes, and consequently also the beginning
of the seasons, were ten days behind the dates assigned to them in the
calendars. The Council of Trent therefore requested the Pope to
remedy this very inconvenient state of things, and after due consider-
ation Pope Gregory XIII did so by ordaining that Thursday, the 4th of
October, 1582, should be followed by Friday, the 15th.

This change, which is called " the New Style," was carried out at the
time appointed by Italy, Spain, and Portugal. France soon followed,
passing from the 9th to the 20th of December, 1582. Holland,
Flanders, and Germany made the change in 1583 — but England did
not do so till 1752.

During the whole of our period 1 583-1 603, therefore, the reckoning
of England was ten days behind that of all neighbouring lands. Russia
has not made the change yet, and is now thirteen days behind.

In order to make clear which day is intended, it is now usual to give
the dates according to both styles. Thus a date 12/22 January means
the day called the 12th in England and the 22nd abroad.

It is natural when we are speaking of the sequence of events in
England itself, to give the Old Style only. This was the custom at the
time, and is so still. But when correspondents are addressing letters
to persons abroad, they occasionally adopt the New Style.

It may also be noted that the priests in England followed the Old
Style in making up their ecclesiastical calendars, not the New Style used
by the English Catholic exiles in the Seminaries and elsewhere abroad.
This is clear from many passages in the documents already printed.
Thus (1) the Catholics go on reckoning their Saints' days upon the Old
Style dates, as we see from pp. 357 and 360, where Saints Laurence,
Tiburtius and Susanna, Clare, and Hippolytus are set down for August
10, n, 12, 13, Old Style. (2) Again we find Catholics using feast days
instead 0/Old Style dates. That is they speak (sometimes to Protestants)
of such a thing happening "in Lent" (p. 126), on "Shrift Monday
(p. 133), "at Whitsuntide "(p. 361). To Protestants, at least, such a

400 APPENDIX

method of speaking would have been meaningless unless both had kept
the festivals at the same time. Moreover, the last-mentioned feasts all
vary with Easter ; whence we see that the Catholics in England kept
Easter also according to Old Style. Easter, according to New Style,
fell more often than not on a different Sunday from Easter, Old Style.
This will be seen by reference to the tables below. *

A good instance of the need of discriminating between the styles
is given by Father Southwell's letter, printed at p. 307. Here we see
that Southwell, just before leaving the Continent (from Calais, let us
suppose, or Dunkirk), writes a letter which he dates " from the port on
the 25th of July." Having sailed to England, he would have found that
they were ten days behind, and according to that reckoning he probably
arrived on the 15th or 16th of July. Then he goes to London, meets
Father Weston "after a day or two," and prepares for a solemn Mass on
"the feast of S. Mary Magdalene's" {i.e. July 22), and finally writes off
to Rome, dating his letter again "July the 25th," the same date
numerically as that which he had used before leaving the Continent. If
we look to the two dates only, there would seem to be an evident error :
if we have regard to the difference of style, we see that they present no
insuperable difficulty. (Another example, p. 124, § 25.)
(II) Commencement of the Year.

The year is not always reckoned from January the 1st. In the
technical reckoning of English law, years are reckoned from the day of
the King's accession. The laws passed in August, 1907, were called
those of the seventh year of King Edward VII, for his accession was
on the 22nd of January, 1901. Queen Elizabeth ascended the throne
on the 17th of November, 1558, and her "regnal years" are calculated
from that day.

In medieval times it was usual (not however universal) to reckon
the Christian era from either the festival of the Incarnation (that is the
Annunciation B.V.M.) or from that of the Nativity. In England
reckoning from the 25th of March (the Annunciation) had become the
usual thing by the time of which we are speaking. It is usual to
consider this as part of the " Old Style," though it had not the same
origin as the variation in the day numbers.

(Ill) Law Terms.
Hilary Term (till 1830) from 23 or 24 January till 12 or 13 February.
Easter Term (till 1830) from 17 days after Easter till four days after

Ascension.
Trinity Term (1541 to 1830) from Friday after Corpus Christi till

Wednesday fortnight following.
Michaelmas Term (until 1641 ) from the fourth of the Octave of St. Michael

(i.e. October 9 or 10 if the 9th was Sunday) till the 28th

(or 29th) of November.

jji Father J. Morris, Archaologia, Hi, p. 118, cites a letter of Toby Matthew,
Bishop of Durham, dated 10 March, 1594-5, in which the bishop speaks of the Easter
of the Catholics as " being before ours," and Father Morris thinks it "possible" that
the bishop may be right. But the bishop is here confessedly relying on spy-information,
and spy- information is so often inaccurate, that it is of no force against the reliable
evidence of an opposite character, such as that quoted above.

APPENDIX

401

(IV) Regnal Years of Elizabeth's Reign, with Easters according
to Old Style and according to New Style.

The first column shows the regnal years, beginning on the 17th of
November of one year and ending on the 16th of November next year.

Reg-
nal
years.

Christian

Era.

4
5
6

7
8

10
11
12

15
16

6 I57
, I157

1558

J559
1560

1561
1562
1563
1564
1565
1566

1567

1568

1569
1570

i57i

572

1573

575

i576

1577

578

1579
1580

I158

Domini-
cal
letter.

Easter,
0. S.

April 10

Mar. 26

April 14

April 6

Mar. 29

April 1 1

b a

April 2

April 22

April 14

Mar. 30

d c

April 18

April 10

Mar. 26

April 15

April 6

Mar. 22

April 1 1

April 3

April 22

April 7

Mar. 30

April 19

April 3

Mar. 26

Reg-
nal

years,

Christian
Era.

{Continued in the next column)
Z

25
26
2J
28
29
30
31
32

33
34
35

1581

1582

1583
1584
1585
1586

;i5«7
1 1588

JI589

!59<>

59i

i592

36 I

593

37
38
39
40

41
42

43
44
45

!594
JI595

I1596

I
1597

1598

1599
J

1 1600

1 1601
1

1 1602

(1603

Domini-
cal
letter.

a
g
f
e d
c
b
a

gf
e

c
b a

g
f

e
dc

Raster,
O. S.

April 15
Mar. 31
April 19
April 1 1
April 3
April 16
April 7
Mar. 30
April 19
April 4
Mar. 26
April 15
Mar. 3 1
April 20
April 11
Mar. 27
April 16
April 8
Mar. 2^
April 12
April 4
April 24

Domini-
cal lettei
N.S.

Easter,

N.S.

—

New St
15 Oct

yle began
ober, 1582.

April 10

April 1

April 21

April 6

Mar. 29

April 17

April 2

April 22

April 14

e d

Mar. 29

April 18

April 10

Mar. 26

April 14

April 6

Mar. 22

April 11

b a

April 2

April 22

April 7

Mar. 30

Elizabeth died 24 Match, 1602/3.

INDEX.

The names of persons and places will commonly be found under the usual modern
equivalents. This, however, is for convenience of reference. No opinion is pronounced
on the difference of persons, whose names appear under slightly different spellings:
nor on the identity of those whose names are spelt alike.

Streets, and other small places, are given under the town of which they form part
— see London, Oxford, Rome, Sec.

The letter "»" indicates that the name is in the notes to the page.

Abbatt, , 194 ; his wife, 194

Abbeville, 169, 170, 243, 272

Abbott, Henry, M., 14

Abruzzi, the, 147

Aquapontanus, Fr. Joannes, S.J., see
Bridgewater

Acton, Thomas, see Holford, M., 10;
, a servant, 349, 350

Adams, John, Ft., M., 8, 32, 290, 312,
3H, 393- 398; brother of, 394, 398

Adelantado of Castille, 255, 262

Ades, Peter, 159

Admiral, Lord, see Howard, Charles

Adye, Patrick, 106

Africa, 256

Agazario, Fr. Alphonsus, S.J., 21, 23,
. I29> 243, 306, 308, 315

Aglionby, Alice, 67; John, 67; Julian,
67; Winifred, 67

Ail worth, , M., 8

Akerick, John, Pt., 193

Albert of Austria, Card., 268

Alexander the Great, 275, 279, 280

Alfield (Allfield, Aufield, Hawfield),
Thomas, M., 8, 26, 29, 106-120,
127, 244; father of, 108, 119

Alford, Francis, 28, 29 ; his wife, 26-29

Allen, George, 21 ; his wife, 21; William,
Card., 21-23, 26, 28, 58, 59, 103,
107, 108, 112-115, 117-119, 121,
123, 124, 129, 136-138, 141, 144-147,
149, 170, 172, 211, 259, 261, 262,
264, 271, 312, 314, 316, 319, 323,
326, 342, 344, 350, 371

Allot, Peter, 143

Alman, John, Pt., 193

Alphene, Mons. de, 29

Aired, Henry, 217; Solomon, 217

Alvechurch, 345, 347~349

Ambler, , Pt., 247

Amias (Amyas), Christopher, 159 ; John,
M., 12, 19, 20, 134, 192; Richard, 19

Amounderness, 38, 386

Andalusia, 201, 202, 256

Anderson, Lord Chief Justice, 118, 183,
229, 231, 293, 352-357

Anderton, Fr. Laurence, als. John Brierley,
S.J.,385; Robert, M., 8, 395

Andleby, William, M., 14

Andover, 31, 40, 44

Anglesey, 293

Angus, Earl of, 90

Anjou, Duke of, "Monsieur," 38, 106

Anlabie, , 213

Anne, Mr., of Frickly, 264

Annias, John, 246, 252, 262

Antioch, 41

Antwerp, 89, 168, 169, 1S9, 209, 211,
212, 242, 243, 248, 252, 253, 259,
261, 262, 265

Apethorp, 88

Appellants, The, 340-345* 39°, 39 1

Aquaviva, Fr. Claude, S.J., 233, 234,
252, 253, 294, 302, 303, 307, 308,
310, 319, 321, 32S, 330, 371

Archer, Fr., S.J., 247, 253, 262

Arden, Edward, 303; Francis, 112;
Thomas, 156

Ardes, 33

Ardington, Mr., 221, 332, 333

Armada, The Spanish, 150, 194, 204,
205, 325

Arrowsmith, Thurstan, 23-25

Artois, 122, 249

Arundel (Arundell), Earl of, 25S, 259,
294, 309 ; Sir John, 72'

Ashburnham, Robert, 104

Ashe, Mr., 397

Ashton (Asheton), , vere Thules,

Christopher, M., 155; Edmond, 44,
45 ; Elizabeth, 71 ; John, of Bam-
ferlonge, 70 ; Ralph, Justice, 384,
387 ; Richard, 45 ; Robert, 50 ;
Roger, M., 14, 211, 293; Thomas,
of Croston, 71 ; William, see Thomp-
son and Blackburn, 129

Ask, Anthony, 192, 193

Aston, Richard, vere Fisher, 375

Atkinson, , a recusant, 213; , a

priest, 378 ; Anthony (three or four
persons of this name), 179 ; wife of,
36, 179; searcher of Hull, 179, 180,

INDEX

403

182, 219-223; apostate, 179, 391;

James, M., 192, 193, 287, 362;

Myles, 181
Attorney-General, 214, 215
Aylesbury, 39
Aylmer, John, Bp. of London, 30, 47,

158, 322, 326

B..R., 383

Babington, Mr. Anthony, 105, no, 132,

259, 264, 334; plot of, 313
Bacon, Francis (afterwards Lord), 152,

I58, 255, 386; Nathaniel, 100;

, 29

House, 29

Bagshaw, Christopher, 264, 315, 317;

Robert, 393
Baines, Mr., 174

Bakehouse, , 213

Baker, Mr., 240; Thomas, 159
Baldwin (Bawdwyn), John, S.J., 158;

William, ah. Fuscinelli, S.J., 287
Bales, see Bayles
Balgavies Castle, 272

Ball (Balle), , Pt., 260, 267

Ballard (Ballerd), , Ft., 216, 218;

see Fortescue, 107, 157, 334
Bambridge, 131
Bamferlonge, 70

Bancroft, Bp. of London, 391, 392
Banisterbridge, 180
Bannester, Mr., 38
Barber, John, 108, 109 ; exam, of, 109 ;

wife of, 109

Bardhay, , Pt., 222

Bardsey, John, 181 ; Richard, 181
Barezzi, Barezzo, O.S.F. , 369
Barham, Serjeant N., 99
Barker, Sir Edward, 125-129, 152
Barkworth (Barwith), Mark, O.S.B., M.,

16, 379
Barlowe, 70, 71 ; Alexander of, 70, 71 ;

Mary, 70, 71
Barne, George, 158
Barneby, Francis, 37 1
Barnerd, Steward of Gray's Inn, 28, 29
Barnes, , a shipmaster, 89 ; John,

Pt., 103; Robert, als. Winkfield, ah.

Strange,rt/j\Hynde, of Mapledurham,

287, 362-366, 370-375 ; Thomas {or

Barnaby), spy, 259, 259;;, 261
Barny, Captain, 261
Barrett, Richard, D.D., 2, 141, 170-173,

I75» 179, 248, 261
Barrowes, Robert, ah. Walgrave, 242
Bartoli, Daniel, S.J., 306
Barwick, Mr., of Bawton, 73
Barwith, see Barkworth
Bas, Martin, engraver, 205
Basilians, 302, 303
Bates, Anthony, M., 16
Bath, 132

Battle, 395

Batty, Sir William, 1S1 ; , Pt., 222

Bauderseby, William, 193

Bavand, D., 262, 264

Bawdwyn, John, S.J., 15S

Bawton, 73

Bawtry, 135

Baxter, Mr., of Rainsforth Hall, 73; see

also Stapleton, 262
Bayles, Christopher, Pt., M., ah. Mallet

and Evers, 12, 129-131, 178, 179,

291, 329. 33°. 332; Tohn, 179
Bayley (Bayle, Bailey, Bailisse), Thomas,

Vice-President of Rheims, 33, 123,

136-141, 145, 146
Beale, John, 398 ; Robert, 252
Beaslie, William, 221
Beaumaris, 293
Bedell, Thomas, Pt., 193
Bedingfield, Henry, als. Silesdon, 375
Beesley, George, M.. 12, 200-203, 214,

215,291
Belgium, 233-235, 329
Belhouse, Robert, 191, 194
Bell, Edward, 104; James, Pt., M., 8, 70,

74, 75, 78, 86, 87, 199 ; Lord Chief

Baron, 96, 97, 99
Bellamy, Jerome, 132; Richard of Uxen-

den, 211; Mrs., 132, 211; Anne,

daughter of Richard, 334, 362 ;

Robert, 154
Bellarmine, Robert, Card., 300
Belson, Thomas, M., 12, 168, 292
Benet (Bennet), John, Pt., 260, 267
Bennett, Mr., 143; William, 105
Benson, Robert, 340-344
Benstead, see Thomas Hunt, M., 16

Bentley, , Pt., 267

Berden, Nicholas, ah. Rogers, 2S

Berington, , scholar, 260, 267

, Parish of, 133

Berinzona, 175

Berkshire, 36, 64, 133, 155, 393

Berwick, 239, 240, 242, 272, 274, 277,

278, 281
Besbie, William, of Lindall, l8r
Bethune (Bethiune), 226
Bibbie, Gilbert, 44
Bible, 24, 25

[Bickerdike], Robert, M., 10, 192
Bickley, Ralph, 315, 317
Bigge, George, 244
Bilbao, 223, 224, 254
Billingsgate, 32
Binnie, 263
Bird, John, M., 14; Qames], 229, 230

232, 394
Birkbeck, William, Pt., 194
Birkett, als. Hall, Archpt., 214, 264, 362
Bisco (Brisco), Thomas, 156
Bishop, Mr., 199; William, Bp. of Cha!-

cedon, 51, 54, 55. io3> 393

404

INDEX

Bishop- Morton, 38
Bisley, see Beesley, Renold, 214
Bispham, 71

Blackall, Christopher, 374
Blackburn, 383

Blackburne, Henry, 192, 194 ; Margarita,
192, 194; William, see Thompson, M.
Blackenburie, Leonard, 393
Blackfan, John, Pt., 260, 267
Blackhalters House, Dartmouth, 244
Blackwall, Nicholas, 362, 363
Blackwell, George, Archpt., 189, 340-

344, 390
Blake, Alexander, M., 12, 178, 291
Blasden, see Plasden, 208
Blenerhasset, William, 71
Blenkinsop, Thomas, 193

Blithe, , Pt., 291

Blount, Michael, 252, 257; Richard, S.J.,

199, 341, 384, 390
Bluet, Thomas, Pt., 32
Boardman, Andrew, 345, 349-35L 357-

359, 360
Bodey, John, M., 8, 39, 40, 44, 47, 49,

50, 186, 303, 395 ; mother of, 395
Boiston, 72
Bolton, Henry* 249-251, 257; Isabella,

194; John, 155, 157, 161, 193, 3T5,

317; William, 194
Bond, Sir George, 158, 159
Bonjedburgh (Bongedward), House of,

90 ; Laird of, 226, 227
Bonicelli {or Bonibelli) , Bonifacio,0. S. F. ,

369

Books mentioned in the text : —

Acta Con. Chalcedon., 40; Admonition
(Allen), 259; Answer to Proclama-
tion (Southwell), 390 ; Augustini
Epistolae, 40

Catechism (? Vaux), 38 ; Caiechismum
Con. Trid. , 1 36 ; Chro7iicle, Latin, 38

Declaration of the Deposition (? Allen),
259 ; Declaration of true causes
(?Verstegan), 263; Defence of Cen-
sure (Persons), 36, 37 ; Defence of
English Catholics (Allen), 112-119;
Defence of English Justice (Burghley),
1 1 2, 1 19 ; Didimus'1 Apologia (Staple-
ton), 263; Discovery of Heretical
translation (Martin), 36, 37, 63 ;
Doleman's Conference, 259, 268 ;
Duodecim Veritates (Gualtier), 396

Epistle of Christ (Arundel), 258 ;
Eusebius' Vita Constantini, 40, 43,

49, 5o
Fourfold Meditation (Arundel), 258
Historia Ecclesiastica (Rufinus), 40,

41 (of Cassiodorus), 40-43
Letter against Lord Treasurer (Vers-

tegan), 259
Martyrdom of Campion (Vallenger's

True Relation), 27; Martyrdom of

Southwell (Deckers) , 294 ; Meditation
of life of Christ, 38
Notable discourse against hei'esies, 73
Pernius'' Exemplar Literarum (Cress-
well), 263; Philopater (Persons), 263,
265, 267 ; Primers, Latin, 38
Quodlibets (Watson), 391, 392
Relation about Seminaries in Spain
(Persons), 259, 263 ; Resolution
(Persons), 36, 37, 226
Testaments (? Rheims), 38 ; Latin, 38

Borghese, Card., 378

Bornam, see Fernam, 259

Boroughs, Thomas, Ld., 258, 262

Borromeo, St. Charles, 174

Boscard, Charles, 205

Bosgrave, Fr. James, S.J., 103; Thomas,
M., 14, 293 ; , 247

Boste, John, M., 14, 35, 36, 63-67,
181, 215, 216, 218-223, 226, 227,
238, 244, 268, 269, 285, 286, 288,
293, 422 ; arrest and exam. , 63, 215 ;
mother of, 36, 65 ; Lancelot, of
Dufton, 35, 36, 65, 66 ; wife of, 63

Bothouffe (Belhouse), Robert, 191, 194

Bothwell, Earl, 218

Boucley, Mr., 393

Bould, Richard, 159

Bourne, Anthony, of Frome, 72, 73 ; see
also Ingram

Bowes, Marmaduke, M., 8, 192; Sir
William, 215

Bowlande, Dr. James, 137

Bowll, William, 104

Bowlton, Richard, servant, 19

Bowman, Edward, 70; Mrs., 221

Bowyer, Mi-., 215

Braddox House, 250, 257

Bradeley, Alice, 70 ; Thomas, 70

Bradford, 315, 317

Brainford, 289

Bransbie Castle, 222

Branthwaite, , 152

Bray, Fr., 225, 226, 248

Breres, Henry, 386, 388

Brian, , 27

Bridges, Nicholas, 220

Bridgewater, Fr.John (Aquapontanus),37,
144

Brierley, John, see Fr. Laurence Anderton,

385
Brill, 258, 268
Bristol, Bp. of, 211
Britain, 92

Britton, John, M., 14
Brodishe in Norfolk, 71
Brombie, Lord Chancellor, 142, 143
Brome {or Frome), 72, 73, 222
Broughton, Richard, V.G., 393
Brown, Francis, 27, 28
Browne, Anne, 70 ; Anthony, of Brome

{or Frome), 72, 73; Henry, 123;

INDEX

4°5

James, 70; , of Rouen, 126-

128

Brownell, , 215

Broy, , S.J., 265

Bruce (Bruis), Robert, 243, 258, 263
Bruges (Brugis), 233, 252, 253
Bruno, St., 295, 296, 298
Brushford, John, 230, 232, 233
Brussels, 149, 189, 190, 233-235, 242,

243, 248, 251, 258, 262, 265, 268,

394
Brynn, 382
Bucephalus, 275, 280
Buckhurst, Thomas Sackville, Ld., 117,

236, 386
Buckinghamshire, 227
Buckland, 64, 67
Buckley, see John Jones ; Nathaniel, ah.

Nash, 396
Bugwithe Ferry, 222
Bulbroke, William, sheriff, 37
Bull, "fury of hell and butchery knave,"

hangman, 186
Bullacre, Mrs., of Warblington, 31, 34
Bullaker, John, M., 398; father of, 398
Burden, Edward, Pt., M., I 2, 192; James,

see Bird, M., 14
Burge, Mr., J. P., 349
Burghe, John, 23, 25
Burghley, William Cecil, Ld., 18, 27, 47,

120, 153, 154, 156, 157, 162, 164,

198, 199, 212-218, 220, 238-240,

259, 265, 267, 348
Burley, Richard, 264, 268, 269 ; ,

316, 318
Burnham, Thomas, servant, 287
Burnley, 38

Burrows, Mr., 151, 155
Burton-on-Trent, 291
Buscott in Berks., 36, 65
Butler, Alban, no, 393; Anne, 71;

Henry, 71
Buxton, Christopher, M., 10, 137, 145-

ISO, I55> 159, 160, 290, 396
Byham Hall, 67
Byrd, James, 292
Byron, John, 44, 45

C, J.,5

C, W., 371

Cabredo, Fr., 223

Caddey, Laurence, 22

Caesar, Dr. Julius, 106

Cahil (Caihill), Hugh, 238, 246, 247, 252,

or Cael, 253, 262
Calais, 33, 89, 158, 161, 162, 170, 199,

204, 234, 235, 238, 247, 248, 253,

262, 265
Cale, Henry, 182 ; Richard, schoolmaster,

181
Calverley, George, J. P., in

Calvin, 93, 113, 228, 230, 281

Cambray, 33, 121

Cambridge, 62, 122, 290, 292; King's

Coll. ,119; St. John's Coll. , 62, 345 ;

Cambridgeshire, 290
Campion, Edmund, S.J., M., 10, 20,

27, 44. 59. 60, 99, 113, 115, 160,

205, 301-303; Edward, M., ah.

Edwards, 134, 135, 155, 159, 160,

290, 396
Canterbury, 134, 135, 148, 210, 290, 348,

351 ; Archbp. of, see Whitgift, John.

47, 129, 156, 207, 211, 332, 333, 386
Capeccio, Fr. Ferdinand, S.J., 21, 23
Cappes, Arthur, 65
Cardiff, 90

Cardwell, Fr. Richard, S.J., 294
Carew, Lady, 30, 31
Carey, Henry, Lord Hunsdon, the Lord

Chamberlain, no, 156,218,247,284;

Mr., 240 ; John,M., 14,293 ; see also

Cary
Carington, Mr., of Rixton, 70
Carlisle, 35-37. 63, 65, 67; Bp. of,

Joseph, 63, 66 ; Sheriff of, 63
Carlton Hall, 384
Carnarvonshire, 91, 368
Carne, Catherine, 70 ; Christopher, of

Halton, 70
Carr, John, postmaster, 221
Carter, Agnes, 39; Jane, 39; William,

M., 8, 30, 39; William, of Ayles-
bury, 39
Carthusians, Prior of English, 261, 264
Cartmell, 181, 182, 221
Cary, George, 52, 53, 55, 56
Carye, see Smith, 258; Mr., 264
Cassano, Bp. of, see Lewis, O.
Castille, 255, 262
Castleford, 376
Caynes, or Caymes, Mr., 31
Cecil, John, Pt., 198-201, 259, 263, 268,

269, 285; Sir Robert, 218, 223, 244,

335. 364, 37o, 374, 381-383. 386
Chaderton, William, Bp. of Chester, 23,

24,43,45.46, 71.82,83, 109-111
Chalcedon, Bp. of, see Bishop, W., and

Smith, R.

. , Council of, 41

Challoner, Richard, Bp., 7, 66, no, 182,

212, 270, 282, 287, 328, 330
Chalner, Isabella, 191, 194; (or Chal-

mare)John, 191, 194
Chalons, 20, 31 ; Bp. of, 21, 33, 172
Chamberlain, Ld., see Carey, Henry

Chamberlayne, , scholar, 260, 267

Champagne, 21, 51, 52, 54, 55. 364. 365.

368
Champney, Anthony, Dr., 345
Chancellor, the Ld., Sir Christopher

Hatton, 332, 333
Chaplain, William, M., 8

406

INDEX

Chapman, Edward, 154, 157, 159, 160;

John, 31, 32 ; brother of, 31
Chard, in Somerset, 140
Charke, William, 36
Charles I, 392
Chaucer, 374
Chawlener, Helen, 24
Cheshire, 154, 155, 162, 163, 289, 290
Chester, 24, 109-111,293, 382, 383; Bp.

of, see Chaderton; diocese of, 23, 24,

45> 46
Cheyney, Ld., 143

Chichester, 160, 290, 398; diocese of, 129
Chideock, 270

Cholmondley, Hugo, J. P., 111
Church, Robert, 201
Clackson, Anthony, 192
Claiton, William, 387
Clargenet, William, 155, 157, 161
Clark, William, 371
Clarke, Anthony, 1 74 ; Mrs. , widow, 208 ;

, 391

Claxton, Adylyn, 222 ; Alice, 35 ; Anne,

35 ; Anthony, 35, 193 ; Cuthbert,

35; Elizabeth, 35; Grace, 238,239;

James (Clarkeson), M., 10, 34, 154,

193, 2S9; Margery, 35 ; Mrs., 222;

Ralph, 34, 35 ; William, of Wyne-

yard, 34, 35; ,220,222

Clayton, Francis, 147, 149

Cleborne, , Pt., 222

Clement, Ccesar, Pt., 261, 264
Clenock, in Caernarvon, 36S
Clenocke, Mrs. Morgan, 143

Qeyton. , Pt., 291

Clifton, Mary, 70; Thomas, 70, 153, 155,

230, 232, 233
Clinch, Judge, 355, 372
Chtheroe, John, 384; Margaret, M., 8,

192, 384

Cloudesley, , 214

Clynche, , 213

Coffin, , 199

Coke, Sir Edward, 244, 24S, 252, 261,

269, 361
Cole, Edward, 187; Mr., 133, 393, 394,

396; Richard, 221 ; , pursuivant,

348
Collie, Anthony, Sheriff, 89, 90
Collington (Colleton), John, Pt., 5, 103.

251, 262, 264
Collins, John, 393, 394
Colnbrook, 36, 65
Columb, John, S.J., 271
Comberforth, Dr. Henry, Pt., 192, 193
Combes, William, 348-352, 354 ; Mrs.,

r, 3S8

Como, 306, 307

Conegeat, Cuthbert, 192; Elizabeth, 192

Constable, John, 191, 193; Joseph, 221,

222 ; his wife, 222
Constantine the Great, 40-44, 49, 50

Constantinople, 43

Conyers, Elizabeth, 193; John, 38, 51;
Mallerye, 38; Samuel, 37, 51-53, 103
Cook, Clerk of Assizes, 334
Cooke, Ambrose, 192, 194; Edward, 26,

27; Mr., 395
Copinger, 332, 333
Coplande, Thomas, 194
Copley, Anthony, 316, 318; Catherine,
316,318; Fr.,142; John, 375; Lady,
247; Mr., 247
Coppinges Court, 124
Cornelius, John, als. Mohun, M., 14, 269,

270, 293, 373
Cornwall, Sir Thomas, 222
Cotesmore, Thomas, M., 8
Cottam Hall, 21

, Thomas, 18, 19

Cotton, Francis, 32, 34

Cottons, George, of Warblington, 133

Covert, Mr., 261, 262

Cowell, Henry, 70

Cowling, Ralph, S.J., 194

Coxed, John, yeoman, 179

Crab, [William], 105

Cradocke, Francis, 164; John, 154, 160

Craik, Mr., 222

Crathorne, Mrs., 221

Crawford, Earl of, 272 ; , 213

Creakes, Mr., 262, 266, 268; his man.

266, 268
Creighton, Fr. William, S.J., 106, 108,
141, 242, 262, 263, 310, 313, 320, 321
Creswell, Fr. Arthur, 165, 167, 174-176,
187, 190, 199, 201, 203-205, 260,
263, 287
Cripps, Capt. Edward, 190
Crocket, Ralph, M., 10, 155, 157, 159,
162, 290, 395

Crofts, , 29

Crogelyinge, 63

Cromwell, Henry, 100

Crosse, Christopher, 387

Croston, 71

Crowe, Sir Alexander, Pt. , M., 10, 192

Crowther, Thomas, M., 8

Cullin, , 262

Cumberford Hall, 162, 163
Cumberland, 35, 36, 6^, 67, 180, 182,

221, 222, 227
Cuppage, John, 23
Currye, John, S.J., 260, 264, 270
Curtis, Fr., 316, 318

D., D., 225

D., L., Percy Kirkbride, 66

Dacre, Francis, 6^, 223, 226, 227, 269 ;

daughter of, 227; Ld., 134
Dacres, Anne, 294
Daking, 143
Dakins, , Pt., 222, 264

INDEX

407

Dalby (Daberly), Robert, Ft., M., 12, 192
Dallison, Mr. , schoolmaster, 73
Dalton, James, 171— 173

Danbyes, , scholar, 267

Daniel, Mr., 152; William, 153; ,

194 ; his wife, 194
Danyell, Sergeant, 257
Darbishire, Dr. Thomas, S.J., 147-149,

248
Darnton, 221
Dartmouth, 244
Dauson, Alicia, 193
Daustius, Fr., servant, 393, 394
Daventry, 143

Davies, William, M., 14, 231
Davis, D., Pt., 393; Sir John, 107, 244;

Mr., Pt., no
Davison, William, Secretary, 142
Daye, Richard, Pt., 293
Dean, William, M., 10, 26, 29, 51, 54,
55, 103, 154, 158, 159, 289, 323,
327; father of, 26
Deckers, John, S.J., 294-299
Denbighshire, 162
Dennys (or Denis), Mr., 248, 261
Derby, 147, 150, 291, 324, 328; Earl of,
23, 24, 46, 71, 80-82, in, 261, 262
Derbyshire, 21, 121, 160, 161, 221, 290,

291, 363
Deventer, 21 1
Devon, 34

Devonshire, 260, 271, 290, 395
Devorax, Nicholas, see Woodfen
Devordan, Sheriff, 345
Dewhurst, Elizabeth, 34
Dibdale, Agnes, 18 ; Joan, 18 ; John, 18;

parents, 18; Pt., 312, 314, 373;

Robert (or Richard), Pt, M., 10, 18,

Dicconson (Dikinson), Francis, M., als.
Laurence Leighley or Kytley, 12,169,
171-173, 291 ; Roger, M., 12, 200,
292 ; als. Johnson, 394

Dieppe, 21, 33, 123, 124, 127, 148, 149,
150, 162, 169, 170, 171

Digby, Kenelm, 89, 90

Dike, James, 387, 388

Dixey, Wolstan, 158

Dixon, , 207

Dobson, Mr., 148

Doclay (or Dockley), John, 192, 194

Dolman, , 264

Donatists, 43

Dorchester, 32, 34, 140, 142, 2S8, 292, 293

Dormer, Sir Robert, 227

Dorsetshire, 290, 293, 395, 398

Douay, Town and English Coll., 26, 58,
65, 67, 120, 122, 123, 131, 134, 135,
181, 205, 225, 248, 271, 291, 294,

297, 3°o> 376-379, 38o, 384, 393 5
Marchiennes Coll., 297, 300
Douglas, Archibald, 90; George, M., 10,

88-90, 140, 192 ; John, vere Hamil-
ton, 89, 90
Dover, 18, 33, 89, 104, 123, 170-173;

John, 72; Mayor of, 88, 173, 199
Dowdale, John, 30
Dowdall, James, M., 14
Downes, Ralph, 251

Downye (or Downing), Cuthbert, 192, 193
Drake, 143
Drewe, Edward, 248, 250-252, 255, 257,

259, 260
Droheda (Dradaghe), 249, 251
Drury, Henry, 261 ; Robert, 260, 267
Duck, see Duke
Duckett, James, M., 16, 390 ; wife of, 390

Dudley, , 199, 213, 221, 222, 264;

, Robert, sec Leicester, Earl of

Dufton, 35, 63, 216

Dugdaile, , Pt. , 222

Dugdall, Sir James, 181

Duke, Edmund, Pt., M., 12, 174, 175,

178, 192, 292, 396
Dumfries, Abbot of, 242
Dunbar, 243
Duncaster, 222

Dunkirk, 89, 172, 236, 247, 248, 264, 265
Dunne, Dorothy, 100-102; Robert,

mason, 100-102
Dunwich, 37
Durham, 34, 35, 163, 187, 212,215,217,

220, 221, 238, 239, 292, 293, 396;
Bp. of, 219, 222 ; Dean of, sec
Mathew Tobie ; The Bishoprick, 216,

221, 222, 226

Eastbourne, 39S

East Brandon, 221

East Smithfield, 154

Eaton, Mr., 142; Owen, 247

Ecleston, Parish of, 79

Edes, Lyonel, 156

Edinburgh, S9, 216

Edward III, Statutes of, 102, 105

VI, Statutes of, 116, 184

Edwards, see Campion, 134, 135; Francis,
155, 157, 159, 162

Egerton, Thomas, Solicitor-General, 4b,
151,386

Eglanby, Allen, 125

Eglisfeild, Francis, 220, 221

Eles, Mr., 143

Elison, Widow, 393

Elizabeth, Q., 9, 3*, 39, 45, 5^54, 59,
85, 90, 100-102, 106, 111-114, n°,
122, 134, 142, i5o-I53> J57, 158,
164, 165, 182, 184, 185, 204, 209
211, 213, 214, 246, 252, 253, 264,
265, 271, 304, 305, 308, 336, 381,
386, 390

Elkes, Henry, B.A., 129

Ellenbre, John, 194

408

INDEX

Ellerby, John, 192

Ellerington, Mrs., 221

Elmer, 316, 318

Eltonhead, Jane, 71 ; Richard, 71

Elwold, , Pt., 222

Ely, Dr. Humphrey, 141-144

Emerford, see Hemerford

Emerson, Ralph, S.J., 105, 310, 313,

320, 321
Englebye (Ingleby), Davy, 221, 222
Englefield, Sir Francis, 168, 225, 247, 256,

25S, 265, 267, 271
Errington, George, M., 14, 125-128, 220,

221
Escurial, 247, 251
Essex, 67, 155, 248, 250, 264, 265; Earl

of, 381, 383, 388
Eton College, 119
Eu, school, 148, 170

Eusebius, 40, 48-50; see Persons, 301, 302
Everard, 316, 319
Evers, see Bales
Ewbanke, Mr., 219
Exeter, 30, 395
Eyre, Robert, J. P., 221 ; his brother, 221

F., F., 225

F., S., 209

Fanner, 274, 279

Farbor, Richard, 70

Farborrow, 124

Farnese, Card., 378

Farnham, 47-50

Farrar, William, Pt, 393

Faunt, Fr., 59

Favor, Dr., 236

Fawkes (or Vaukes), Robert, 213-215 ;

torture of, 215
Fawkiner, Mr., 32
Fawther, John, spy, 378, 391, 392
Feildersend, William, 193
Felton, a spy, 370; B.John, 186, 324,

327; Thomas, M., 10, 154, 289, 327
Fenn, James, M., 8,29, 51, 54-57,60,

62, 141, 143, 144; John, 144;

Robert, 143, 144
Fenner, Edward, 158
Ferbert, Sir Robert, Pt., 192
Feria, Duchess of, 227, 247
Fermor, Mr., Clerk of Peace, 159
Fernam (or Bornam), 259
Fernihurst, 216
Ferres, Mr., 125

Fetherston, , Pt., 222

Fideler, Ellen, 181

Field, Thomas, 193

Fiennes, Gregory, tenth Baron Dacre, 134

Filcock, Roger, S.J., M., 16, 396

Filde, the, 384

Finch, John, M., 8, 23-25, 44-46, 60, 62,

76, 78-86, 88, 141, 143, 144
Fincham, Mr., 261, 264

Finglow (Finglay), John, Pt., M., 8, 192
Fisher, see Richard Aston, 375 ; Ralph,

393

Fitzherbert, Nicholas, 147; Thomas, 122,
147-149

Fixer, Mr., 198, 199

Flack, Fr., 225

Flamborough, 235, 246

Flanders, 88, 89, 139, 150, 208, 223, 224,
226, 227, 243, 248, 250, 253-256,
259, 261, 263, 264, 271, 272, 276,
281, 297, 300, 307, 330, 391

Fleet Prison, Street, &c.,see London and
Manchester

Fleetwood, William, Recorder, 26, 27, 29,
118-120, 151, 183-185

Fleming, Sergeant, 256

Flemming, Sir Thomas, 395

Flemyng, Joseph, J.P., 361

Fletcher, Mr., 146, 148 ; Dr. Peter, 137,

. 139
Floid, Henry, 260
Florence, 204
Flower, Francis, Justice, 185 ; or Floyd,

see Lloyd, M., 10, 164, 194; William,

154, 159, 160; , Pt, 157

Flowerdene, Edward, 100

Fludd, see Lloyd, 194

Flushing (Vlissing), 89, 189, 233, 234,

262, 268 ; Governor of, 258
Fodringam Castle, 150
Ford, Thomas, of Lye, M. , 64

Forreste, , Pt., 215

Forster,John, see Pibush, Pi.,M., 337-340
Fortescue (Ballard), 107 ; Foscue, 143 ;

Mr., 333
Foster, Isabella, 193; Walter, 251; ,

193
Fothringam Castle, 288
Foulgiam, Mr., 149
Fowler, Justice, 334
Fox[e],John, 99, 192, 194
Foxwell, Henry, 154, 158, 159
France, King of, 59, 255
Francisco, Capt. Jaques, 248, 252, 260,

261, 263, 264

Frank, , 250

Frankish, , 213

Freeman, Michael, 375 ; Robert, vere

William, M., 14, 347-358, 360
Freer, Dr., 363; see John Jones, 364, 365,

368
Fremingham, Sir Charles, 72, "jt,
Fribank, Robert, 193
Frickly, 264

Fuentes, Count, 248, 251, 254
Fulke, William, 99
Fuller, Nicholas, 171-173
Fulthorp, Edward, M., 14
Furniss (Fornis), 180-182, 221
Fuscinello, Ottavio, see Baldwin, W.
Fyton, William, 155, 156

INDEX

409

Gagliardi, Fr. Achilles, 174, 175, 204,
306, 307

Gardiner, , servant, 227

Garget, William, 193

Garlick, Nicholas, Pt., M., 10, 150, 291,
324, 328, 363

Garnet, als. Roberts, als. Walley, Fr.
Henry, S.J., 122, 188, 227, 230, 231,
248, 252," 255-257, 259, 260, 262,
264, 266, 268, 269, 287, 306, 310,
312-314,319-321,325,328,332,340-
345>37i>374. 3^4 5 Fr. Thomas, S.J.,
M., 259, 395

Garoler, , 260

Garret, Mr., see Fr. John Gerard

Garstang, 387

Garth, Richard, Pt., 260, 267

Garthe, , 127, 128

Gascoyne, Mrs., 221

Caspar, Fr., 224

Gaston, Don, 189

Gateshead, St. Joseph's Church, 287

Gaulthier, Jacques, SJ., 396

Gawdye, Thomas, 100

Geldand, Jenetta, 194

Geneva, 356

Genison, William, 251

Genings, see Gennings, John, 5, 206, 207

Gennings (Genings, or Jennings), als.
Irenmonger, Edmund, M., 12, 204,
208, 292

Gerard, Alexander, 165 ; Ann, 70; Francis,
147; Gilbert, 158, 382; Fr. John,
SJ-, 3, i35» 136, 147. 209, 245, 256,
262, 264, 273, 288, 364 ; Mary, 70 ;
Miles, M., als. William Richardson,
12, 169-171, 173, 291, 398; exam,
of, 173; Thomas, 156, 165; Sir
Thomas, of Bynn, 382 ; Sir Thomas,
King's Marshal, 381-383

German, Peter, preacher, 48-50

Germany, 137, 297, 300

Gerrett, , Pt., 222

Gervase, George, M., 395

Ghent, 226

Gibbons, Fr. John, S.J-, 138, 140-144;
Fr. Richard, S.J., 260, 267

Gibson, William, M., 14

Cifford, Dr. William, 141-143, 259, 261 ;
mother of, 259

Gilbert, George, 122; Thomas, 170, 171 ;
, 140

Giles, William, Bp., 136

Gille, John, 192, 194

Cillow, Joseph, Esq., 143

Glamfielde, , of Hawxon, 73

Glasgow, 90

Glaston, Rutlandshire, 88, 89

Gloucester, 289, 337~339

Gloucestershire, 36, 65, 108, 109, 140,
142, 156

Glover, John, 70; Katherine, 70

Glydd, Jefifery, Mayor, 170, 171

Gnet (Garret, or Garget), Sir William,
Pt., 192

Godshale, Mr., 73

Godsole, servant, 227

Goldsmith, Fr. Francis, 378-380

Goldwcll, Thomas, Bp., 271

Good, Fr. William, S.J., 21, 23

Goodacre, William, 155, 159, 160

Goodman, Gabriel, Dean, 99, 113

Goodwin Sands, 256

Goorney, Henry, 179

Gordon, Fr., S.J., 242

Cosforde, 127, 128

Gradwell, Dr., 193

Graie, , 213

Gras, Peter, 297, 300

Gravelines, 89, 158

Gravesend, 88, 89, 161, 169, 346

Gravius, Fr. John, 297, 300

Gray, Fr., 137; Dr. Robert, 137-139

Graye, Lady, 221, 222; als. Floyd, 159

Great Broughton, 109, no

Greece, 183

Greene, Mistress Mary, 262, 264

Greenfield, , 25S

Greenway, William, carrier, 18

Greenwich, 104, 134, 287, 288; O.S.F.
Convent at, 371

Gregory XIII, Pope, 114, 169, 172,
284

, William, 352-356

Greme, , Pt., 222

Grene, Fr. Christopher, 6, 23, 129, 136,
146-148, 150, 165, 174, 179, 182,
187-189, 191, 199, 204, 205, 270,
275-2775 280, 290, 300, 301, 306,
310, 315, et seq. ; Nicholas, 193

Grenelow, , 384, 385, 387

Greneway, , Pt., 260, 267

Grey, Mr., 208

Grigsons, Edmund, 38

Grimshawe, Henry, 71

Grimston, Ralph, M., 14

Grimthorpe, 134

Grosvenor, John, set Tibush, M., 327-

329. 340
Guildhall, 106
Guilford, 48
Guise, Card, de, 106-108 ; Due de, 106-

108
Gunter, William, M., 10, 154, 159, 163,

164, 289

H.J.,65

Haber, James, vintner, 100-102
Haberley, Thomas, 1 56
Hackett, 332, 333
Hackshot, Thomas, M., 16
Haiwood, Sir Thomas, 192
Hales, Charles, 215

4io

INDEX

Hall, Anthony, 104; Dr., 170; Thomas,
154, 156 ; see also Birkett, 362

Halliday, John, 141 ; Richard, 141

Hallowell (Halliwell, i.e. Holloway), see
London

Halton, 70

Hambley (or Hamden), John, M., 10,
140, 142, 143, 289

Hamilton, 140 ; Archbp., 90 ; N., 8, 90;/

Hampden, Peter, 48-50

Hampisfield, 70

Hampshire, 34, 48, 49, 133, 200, 292,

361, 393, 395, 396, 39S
Hampton Court, 240, 244
Hanmer, Meredith, 36
Hanse, Everard, Pt., M., 22
Harberd, see John Jones, 364, 365, 368
Harborowe, 215
Harcotte, Mary, 207
Hardesty, Robert, M., 12, 191 ; ,

apostate, 242, 272, 282

Harding, , 88 ; Margaret, 29

Hardy, John, 4S-50 ; exam, of, 48 ;

, 382

Harley, , 159, 240

Harrington, James, 66 ; Sir James, 89,

90; Sir John, 345; Mr., 207;

William, Pt., M., 14, 293

Harris, , servant, 132

Harrison, James, M. , 16, 154, 157, 162-

165; John, 10; John, servant, 362;

his wife, 362; (Hayes) Mathias, M.,

Harrow Hill, 334

Harsnet, Samuel, 373

Hart, Alderman, 334; John, S.J., 30, 103;

John, mariner, 104; William, M.,

63, 141, 144, 192 ; William, S.J., 297,

300; , 147

Street, 30

Hartburne, Edmund, Pt., 194

Hartlepoole, 216

Hartley, Robert, 72; William, M., 10,

20, 21, 47, 51, 54, 55, 103, 127, 128,

158, 290
Hartleye, in Somerset, 395
Harwood, Thomas, 194
Hasnett (or Hassenet), John, 257, 260,

262, 265
Hastings, All Saints', in, 129

, Henry, see Huntingdon, Earl of

Ilathersall, George, see Hethersaile

Ilatotus, Edmundus, 143, 144

Hatton, Sir Christopher, 133, 143, 164,

252 ; Richard, Pt., 70, 78, 86
llaughton, Thomas, 23
Haukesforth, of Haukesforth, 172

Hawette, , Pt., 63

Hawfield, see Alfield
Hawkinson, Elizabeth, 25
llawksworth, Christopher, Pt., 25
llaworth Moor, 387

Hawxon, 73

Haydock, George, M., 8, 21, 23, 29, 51,

54-57, 60-62; brother of, 58; Vivian

(or Evan), 21, 58
Hayes, see Harrison, M., 14
Haynes, Joseph, 393
Hayward, Sir Roland, 118
Hazebrouck, 294

Heath (Heith), Dorothy, 345, 348-35 1
Heathe, Thomas, 154, 162-165; his wife,

163

Hedworth, Charles, 222

Hemerford, Thomas, M., 8, 5rs 55~57>

60-62, 141, 144, 395
Hemingborough, 376

Hemsworth, Stephen, Pt., 193 ; , 213

Hemsworthe, , Pt., 222

Ilene, , minister, 62

Heneage, Thomas, 164

Henry VIII, 117, 210

Herbert, 248

Hereford, 270, 273, 278

Herefordshire, 241, 243

Herendon, Henry, 89, 90

Heryote, 133

Hesket, Mr., 58

Hesketh, Robert, sheriff, 385 ; Thomas,

attorney, 384, 386, 387, 389

Heskit, , 334

Hethe, Jerome, 394

Hethersaile (or Hathersolle), George, Pt.,

170, 260, 267, 364, 365 ; father of, 170
Hethfield, Robert, 125-128 ; exam, of, 127
Hewett, John, M., 12
Heydon, Sir William, 71-73, 100
Heywood, Fr. Jaspar, S.J., 59, 60, 103,

303-305 ; Roland, 158
Plide, Balthazar de la, 249, 251; George

de la, 251
Hieronimo, Fr. , 21
Higgins, Thomas, 134
Higgs, Richard, 155, 156
Highgate, 105
Hill, Gabriel, 165 ; Richard, Pt., M., 12,

192, 292; William, S.J., 297, 300;

Dr. William, 147
Hilton, Andrew, of Burton, 35-37, 63,

64, 66, 67 ; exam. of. , 64 ; Lady,

222 ; Little Jack, 67 ; Mr. and Mrs.,

67; Thomas, 65, 66
Hinde, Humphrey, 394, 396
Hocknell, John, 23

Hodgekinson, Henry, Mayor, 384,386,388
Hodgshon, Agnes, 181; Sydney, M., 12,

207, 292
Hodshone, Dorothy, 231 ; Jane, 231
Hodson, Widow, 34
Hogg, John, Pt., M., 12, 192, 292
Holford, Thomas, als. Acton, M., 10,

109-112, 154, 159, 289
Holland, 91
, Richard, 45; Robert, of Clifton, 70

Holliday, Richard, Pt., M., 12, 141, 192,
292

Holme, Robert, of Newton, 70

Holmes, Robert, M., 8

Holt, Fr. William, S.J., 59, 107, 108,
138, 139, 146-148, I5°> 190, 243,
248, 254, 258, 261, 262, 265, 303,

Holtbv, Fr. Richard, S.T., 193, 213,244,

264, 270, 275, 277, 280
Hope, Mrs., 371
Hopkins, Mr., 149, 261, 262
Hopton, Sir Owen, 39, 52-57, 112, 126-

128, 152, 158; , Pt., 64, 67

Hopwood, Edmund, 45

Horner, Nicholas, M., 12, 178, 179, 291 ;

Richard, M., 14 ; William, 164
Houghe, William, 23-25
Houghton, Anne, 71; Elizabeth, 71 ;
George, 71 ; Sir Richard, 386-38S ;
Thomas, of Houghton, 71
Howard, Ld. Charles, Lord Admiral, 1 10,
199; Philip, Earl of Arundel, M.,
14; Ld. William, 134
Howel the Red, 99
Howlet, John, vere Persons, 93, 95
Howton, Yorkshire, 38
Hubberd, Mr., 264

Huddeston, , J. P., 76, 85

Hudson, William, Pt., 194

Hues, William, Pt., 291; torture of, 291

Hugh, John, 194

Hughe, , 250

Hughes, , 260

Hull, 38, 104, 179, 192, 292
Hulne, minister, 352
Humber, 241
Hume, Humfrey, 292
Humphrey, Laurence, M., 12

Laurence, 39-41, 43, 44, 48, 09
Hungerford, Lady, 227
Hunsdon, Ld. of, see Henry Carey
Hunt, Mr., of Carlton Hall, 385 ; Symon,
S.J., 183; Thomas, als. Benstead,
M., 16 ; Thurstan, M., 16, 382, 384,
385, 388-390
Huntingdon, Earl of, 67, 212-220, 235-

244, 262, 272, 277, 281
Huntley, Earl of, 240
llutton, Maria, 194 ; Richard, 64 ;
William, jun., of Hutton Park, 70

Park, 70

Hyde, Leonard, 105, 112; , servant,

28, 29; , 315, 317

Hynde, see Barnes, 364-366

Ibarra, Stephen, 248, 251, 254, 262, 263
Idiaques, Don Juan, 247, 248, 251, 254,

255
Ilsley, see Mallet, 262

Indies, the, 255

Dr.

411

Ingleby, Francis, Pt., M., 8, 192; John,

393 ; see also Engleby
Ingless, — — , Pt., 222
Ingram, Christopher, Pt., 271 ; John, M.,

14, 165, 167, 168, 203, 204, 218,

239, 241-244, 270-286,' 288, 293 ;

mother of, 270, 271
Ipswich, 290
Ireland, 45, 52, 59, 81, 86, 113, 116, 117,

164, 165, 172, 180, 181, 231, 249-

251, 353, 355, 368, 383

, Anne, 78 ; George, of Lydcot, 70

Iremonger, Edward, see Gennings
Isle of Man, 180, 195, 197, 221
Islington, 71, 155
Italy, 2S, 34, 55, 137, 201, 228, 256,

294, 368
Ithel, 32, 33

"Jack," Little, 142, 143; see also Hilton
Jackes (PJarkes), Robert, 191
Jackman, Sara, 194
Jackson, Henry, 70; Mr., 393; Sara,

192 ; , 213

Jacomo, Fr., S.J., 21, 139

James, Edward, Pt., M., 10, 155, 157,

159, 162, 290, 395; Mr., 148

, I, King, 36, 272, 382

Jane, Mistress, 20

Jarkes (? Jackes), Robert, 194

Jebb, Robert, 193

Jebber, Robert, 192

Jedburgh, 90

Jennings, see Gennings

Jericho, 228, 231

Jetter, John, M., 8

Jewel, Bp., 99

Jinks, Roland, 96, 139

{oachimo, Fr., S.J., 21

John, Don, of Austria, 297, 300

Johnby, Cumberland, 67

Tohnes, ■ , 47

Johnson, Agnes, 194 ; Helen, 25 :

Laurence, Pt., M., 80; als. Roger

Dickinson, M., 394; , 126, 213;

, scholar, 267

Jones, Edward, M., 12, 182-185 ; Griffith,

368; John, als. Buckley, als.

Harberd, als. Freer, O.S.F., M., 14,

362-375 ; — » l63> 291

Josepho, Fr., 21
Jud, Lucy, 193
Julian, 116
Julius II, Tope, 41, 157

Kaye, Anthony, 179
Kegworth, 290
Kehill, 350

Kellison, Mathew, D.D., 174
Kempe, David, 155; Mr., of Slindon,
133 ; , scholar, 260, 267

412

INDEX

Kendall, 292

Kendle, 180

Kennedy, Mr., 393

Kennyon, Edward, 393, 394, 397, 398 ;

son of, 397
Kent, 104, 145, 155, 160, 161, 264, 290,

292, 393, 396

, , 193

Kestell, William, 18

Killam, 247

Kingston, 290

Kinsley, Richard, 244

Kirby, Isabel, 70; William, of Rawcliffe, 70

Kirkbie, Mrs., 221

Kirkbride (or Gyrbryte), Percival, 63, 66

Kirkbridge, 36

Kirtley Knowle, 221

Knaresborough, John, 7

Knight, William, M., 14

Knighte, Edward, 207

Knollys, Fr., 164

Kyllygrew, H.. 252

Laburne (or Layburne), James, 66, 84,

115, 205, 206
Lacie (or Larie, or Harie), jailor, 352, 335
Lacy, Brian, M., 12, 71, 72, 74, 206, 208,

292; confession of, 71; servant of,

206 ; torture of, 292 ; (Lacey) Henry,

74; Richard, 71, 73
Lambartt, Mrs., 221
Lambert, Robert, of Owlton, 35
Lambeth, 30, 157
Lampley, William, M., 12
Lampton, Joseph, M., 14, 228, 231, 293;

, 212

Lancashire, 19, 20, 38, 44, 69, 70, 74,

161, 165, 169,-171, 173, 180, 181,

221, 291, 293, 384, 386, 388, 395,

398; Sheriff of, 165
Lancaster, 38, 70, 74, 76, 79, 84, 85, 206,

385, 388, 389
, Gabriel, of Prescot, and Ursula,

his wife, 70
Lanckton, Elizabeth, 194

Lane, , Pt., 193; Fr. Robert, 28, 29

Langhton, Jane, 192

Langley, Richard, M., 10, 134, 192, 312,

3H
Langton, Fr., 59; Isabel, 191
Langton-Herring, 32
Lanspergius (Johann Justus), 258/;
Laon, 20, 21, 109, in, 121, 129, 130,

173, 183; Bp. of, 173
Lashemer, Mons., 170
Latham, Paul, 193
Lausanne, 378, 379
Lawe, John, Pt., 70
Lawrence, Anne, 207
Laystoke, 157
Layton, , 247

Leachelaide, 36, 65

Leades, Thomas, 222

Leake, Thomas, Pt., 333, 337

Le Clerc, Fr. Nicholas, S.J., 141

Ledsworthe, 398

Lee, Anne, 221 ; John, 65 ; Wilfride, 221 ;

als. Stapfourth, Pt., 221, 222
Leeds, 385
Leicester, 140

, Earl of, 72, 73, 126, 143, 150,

163, 170, 195, 304, 305
Leicestershire, 290, 291
Leigh, Fr., 322, 326; John, of Barlow,
70; Mary, 70; Richard, als. Longe,
M., 10, 129, 154, 159, 290

, Parish of, 169

Leighley, Laurence, als. Francis Diccon-

son, 170; Thomas, 170
Leith, 243

, Fr. Forbes, S.J., 205

Lessius (Leys), Leonard, 294-297, 299, 300

Lethame, Paul, 192

Lewes, 123

Lewis, Bp. Owen, 187, 342, 344, 371

Leyn, 91

Lichfield, 20, 205, 206; diocese of, 147

Liege, 31

Limbo (a dungeon), 324, 327

Lincoln's Inn Fields, 249, 250, 264, 289

Lincolnshire, 72, 73, 90, 289, 292

Lindall, 181

Lindsay, Sir Walton, 272

Line, Anne, M. , 16

Lingen (or Lyngen), Edward, 235-239,

241-243 ; his mother, 243 ; ,

264, 265
Lion, John, M., 14
Lisbon, 254

Lister, John, 29; S.J., 189
Lizard, the, 151
Llanover, 90
Lloyd, Owen, Pt., 194-19S ; Richard,

M. (also Floyd, Flud, Flower, als.

Graye, 159), 10, 154, 159, 163, 165,

194-198, 290 ; Thomas, 194
Lockwood, John, 384
Lok, Henry, 364, 370, 374, 375
Lomax, James, M., 8; , of Monkes-

sone, T2>
London: —

Churches and Parishes : All Saints',

Bread Street, 112; St. Andrew's,

Holborn, 90 ; St. Dunstan's, 165 ;

St. Mary Overies, 27; St. Olave's,

Hart Street, 30 ; St. Paul's, 324,

327; St. Sepulchre's, 158, 164, 185
Inns: The Angel, St. Martin's Gate,

19; The George, Bread Street, 33;

The Ship, 33
Inns of Court : Barnard's Inn, Holborn,

182; Gray's Inn, 28, 29, no, 158,

186, 251 ; Inner Temple, 79 ; Lyon's

INDEX

Inn, 121 ; Staple Inn, 159 ; Symon's
Inn, 27 ; Temple, 180, 374
Prisons: Bridewell, 168, 171, 178, 179,

185, 200, 214, 287, 290-292, 324,
327, 329. 331, 362; Clink, 27, 157,
159, 161, 182, 362, 368; Gatehouse,
18, 39, 58, 60, 155, 156, 163, 361,
362, 365-367, 371, 388; Kings
Bench, 60, 333; Marshalsea, 31, 32,
47. 5!-53, 55. 56> 62» 102, 107, 112,
i34, I55-I57, 159-162,213-215,339,
367; Newgate, 26, 112, 117, 120,
132, 134, 135, 158, 164, 178, 185,

186, 206-208, 291-293, 308, 324,
327, 333-336, 39i 5 Old Bailey, 158,

159, 183, 206; Queen's Bench, 51,
52, 56, 338, 339, 367; Tower of
London, 20, 30, 39, 52-57, 60, 103,
107, 112, 121, 126, 127, 142, 156,
163, 164, 168, 178, 179, 185, 186,
212, 2l8, 24O, 242, 244-246, 249,
250, 260, 270, 273, 274, 276, 277,

279, 280, 282, 333, 336 ; White Lion,
291
Streets, etc.: Bishopsgate, 125 ; Bread
Street, 33, 112, 117; Cheapside,
332, 333; Clerkenwell, 71, 182, 186,
289-291; East Smithfield, 154;
Farringdon Ward, 165 ; Fulham, 47,
392 ; Goldsmith's Square, 332, 333 ;
Gray's Inn Fields, 292 ; Gray's Inn
Lane, 186, 291; Hart Street, 30;
Holborn, 58, 90, 132, 206, 207;
Holloway (Hallowell), 289, 290;
Lincoln's Inn Fields, 249, 250, 264,
289 ; Old Kent Road, 374 ; Pater-
noster Row, 27 ; St. George's Fields,

160, 374; St. Laurence Lane, 386 ;
St. Martin's Gate, 19; St. Paul's
Churchyard, 208, 292 ; Shoe Lane,
183, 186 ; Southwark, 74, 374 :
Southwark Manor, 368 ; Thames
Street, 26; Turning Lane, 71 '■>
Whitehall, 88 ; Winchester Wharf,
368

Tyburn, 54, 57, 60, 64, 109, HO, 206,

208, 211, 290, 292, 293, 336, 390
Westminster, the Law Courts at, 51-
57, 99, 101, 114, 158, 189, 191, 199,
206, 20S, 212, 338-340, 364-369, 388

London, Lord Mayor of, 29, 332, 333

Longe, see Lee {or Leigh), 129

Longford, 121

Longinus, 276, 280

Longley, see Langley, , 312, 314

Lopez, 246, 262

Loretto, 307, 379

Lorraine, 106, 145 ; Prince of, 143

Lous, , 269

Louvain, 207, 371

Low Countries, 98, 149, 170, 223, 237,
268

Lowe, Joane, 291 ; Fr. John, M.,8, 312,

3*4. 315, 317; Lous, 269
Lowmon, Lancashire, 169
Lowson, Anne, 38 ; Peter, 37, 38
Loyaza, Garciez de, 251
Lucerne, 189
Lucius, 316, 319
Lucy, Sir Thomas, 345, 355
Ludlam, Robert, Pt., M., 10, 150, 291
Ludlow, 134, 135
Lumley, Ld., 30
Lutterworth, 291
Lydeat, 70
Lye, 64

Lynch, Thomas, M., 12
Lyndall, 221
Lynton, 26
Lyversage, Mr., no, 11 1

Macham, , 34

Machiavel, 284

Machon, Edmund, 388

Madrid, 209, 212, 234, 235, 247, 253 ;

St. Lorenzo Monastery, nr., 247
Magnano, Fr. Leonardo, S.J., 21, 23, 130,

.137
Maidenhead, 65
Maior, Anthony, apostate, 222, 242, 253,

272, 282
Maldonado, Don Francisco y Figuroa, 227
Mallet, , 193; "4 Mallets, ah.

Ilsleyes," 262

, als. Christopher Bales, 131

Manareus, Fr. Oliver, S.J., 253
Manchester, 44-46, 82 ; Church of, 46 ;

College of, 45 ; Fleet Prison, 44, 82 ;

House of Correction, 31, 45, 82 :

House of Rogues, 82
Manger, Mr., 393
Mann, als. Chambers, , 148, 149, 262 ;

his servant, 149

Manning, , 374

Mansfield Count, 248, 251, 254
Manwood, Christopher (? Roger), Judge,

134, I35> 292
Mariano, 369
Marneham Vicarage, 217
Marrett, John, 388
Marsden, William, M., 8
Marsh, John, Pt., 194
Marshal, Gilbert, 44, 45 ; Matthew, 294
Marshe, John, 155; Katherine, 24
Marshm, 73
Martens-town, 32
Martial, Matthew, 297, 300
Martian, Emp., 41
Martin {or Martyn), Gregory, 36 ; Peter,

scholar, 267; Richard, M., 10, 33,

154, 158, 159, 280, 290; , 267;

2 Martynes, scholars, 260

414

INDEX

Martyrs. Ordinary details of life and
death : —

(I) Before arrest:

Home life, iS, 135, 195, 375
Conversions, 26, 32, 74, 79, 85, 133,

134, 183, 230, 231, 291; conversion
of England, 253

College life {see Eu, Douay, Rheims,
Rome, Seville, Yalladolid), 58, 130,

135, 165, 166, 174, 175, 187, 224,
271, 340, 3S0, 396; College troubles,
22, 317 ; priestly studies and preach-
ing, 318

Ordination, 20, 89, 138, 206, 271 ;
priestly faculties, 58, 121, 124, 138,
188, 321, 340, 396

Travels and adventures, 32, 33, 37. 65,
8S, 89, 121, 124, 125, 127, 132, 133,
137, 139, I4S> 149, 169, 170, 174,
175, 180-182, 189, 195, 199, 204,
206, 2 id, 307, 346, 379, 380

Tokens and pious observances : Beads,
18, 20, 58, 92, 93, 100-102, 133, 237,
284, 319, 349, 363; medals, 363;
book of pardons, 363; fast days, 397 :
sign of the cross, 290 ; crucifix on
paper, 357 ; bowing to cross, 357

Books, circulation of, 27, 63, 64, 72,
126, 1 33, .390, 392

Dress, details about, 36, Jesuit weed
60, 65, 73, 88, 89, in, 290; Bene-
dictine habit, 379 ; cassock, 390 ;
priest as serving man, 36, 348 ;
sailor's dress, 309

Love of prayer, 175, 177, 200, 206,
290-292 ; confession and communion,
27, 75, 79. 87, 230; mass, 26, 27,
47, 58, 66, 73, 75, 79, 81, 85, 216,
243, 272, (and sermons) 318, 361 ;
mass vestments, 125 ; breviary, 75,
350 ; singinge bread, 349

Cheerfulness and courage of Martyrs,
60, 78, 87, 145, 149, 176, 186, 216,
218, 232, 273, 289, 290, 326, 356,
357, 359, 36o; games, 357, 360; zeal
of Catholics, 313, 314, 328, 329;
said to expect ' Golden Day,' 73 ;
cowardice, 28, 125, 128, 150, 153,
235, 238, 244, 266, 2S7

Refusing to go to Protestant Churches,
68, 69, 81, in, 121, 126, 128, 173,
232, 309

The Puritans, 169, 207, 326, 332, 355,
381-384

(II) Arrest and its consequences :
Searches, 35, 63, 70, 71, 132, 211, 213,

308, 311, 349; money of prisoners,
33, 60, 126, 145, 149, 261, 364;
dragging to prison, no, 240, 244,
288, 385 ; with legs tied under horse,
76, 84, 38S
Bridewell, 168, 178, 185, 290, 329, 331

Dungeon, 45, 83, 85, 16S, (Bridewell)
303 ; Limbo, 324, 327 ; till death,
185, 206

Prison, treatment, 18, 23-25, 39, no,
304 ; Catholics repair to, 370 ; draw-
ing to church, 82

Food, 18, 24, 305; bedding, 303, 313,

329

Irons, bolts, bonds, gyves, 47, 335,
351 ; wooden clog, 35 1_

Torture : cutting or nailing ear, 139,
180; gag, 327; hanging by hands,
168, 17S, 179, 184, 185, 200, 202,
210, 212, 214, 237, 240, 242, 327,
33°, 335? pillory, 180, 292; rack,

185, 245, 271, 305; till lame, 290;
blunt knife after, 273 ; special cruel-
ties, 289, 291, 292 ; threats, 72, 352;
treadmill, 305, 313; whip, 180, 304,
3*3, 327i 329; death under torture,
362

Escape, 46, no, 338, 361; ransom
offered, 198, 284; rescue attempted,
384-390; banishment, 31, 102-104,

r5° .

Death in prison, 230, 233, 30S

(III) Examination and trial:

Refusing to accuse others, 33, 5S, S5,

no, in, 124, 186, 223, 239, 242
Confession, of priesthood, 26, 32, 37,

no, 123, 168; of the faith, 44, 91,

93
Disputations, 39-44, 47~49, 93, i§5>

347 ; Catholics and Roman Catholics,

61
Deposing power and Pius V, 113-117,

186, 354; rumours and fictions about
excommunication, 172; bloody ques-
tion, 59, 62, 76, 77, 84-86, 105, 151,
160-163, 169, 171, 173, 178, 243,
325, 331 ; assassination, 200, 203,
252, 262, 264, 268, 269

Papal supremacy, 34, 76, 77, 86, 173 ;
royal supremacy, 26, 34, 76, 77, 81,

135

Love of country, "which engages to
itself alone all the loves of all" 167,
256, 257, 272, 325

Praying for Elizabeth, 211, 336 ; refus-
ing to acknowledge her, 66

Trials, 56, 117, 3547356, 372'^ juries,
383 ; law of two witnesses, 184, 353

Indictments, 51, 52, 54, 55, 114, 129,
158, 164, 165, 183, 337-340, 369:
for priesthood, 368 ; for receiving
priests, 366

Refusing to plead, 118, 183, 289, 366,

367, 369, 372
Sentences, 57, 58, 356, 367; on a

woman, 327; of crushing, 119, 367.

(? 140, 142) ; women reprieved, 238
Pardons, 29, 102, 119, 160-163, 3^9

INDEX

415

(IV) Executions :

Hurdle, or draw, 60, 185, 336, 358;
horse will not drag, 231

Protestant ministers, 61, 62, 78, 169,
286, 326

Executioner (see Bull) resisted, 374 ;
overcome, 231 ; hard to find, 293, 389

Looking at dying companion, 78 ; offer
of life, 206

Praying with Catholics, 61, 211, 327,
390 ; refusing to pray with Protes-
tants, 87, 120; refusing to ask for-
giveness, 60, 61, 243, 272, 283

Stripping, 62, 186, 336 ; money to
hangman, 359 ; kissing ladder, 286

Last words, 61, 286, 288, 358, 391

Quartering, 54, 55, 61, 62, 186, 207,
208, 230, 288, 292, 390 ; hanging till
dead, 374

Placard over heads, 178, 208

(V) Some consequences :

Conversion of felons, 208, 292, 293, 389
Quarters rescued, 374; relics taken,

92, 291, 327, 389, 390
Wonders, 289, 291, 331
Mary I, Q. of England, 9, 90, 156, 185,

289
Mary Stuart, Q. of Scotland, 10, 107,

108, 122, 141-143, 214, 264, 284,

288, 398
Mascrett, servant, 132
Mason, Fr. Angelus, 369; John, M., 12,

207, 292 ; William, see Freeman, 347
Massam, Sheriff, 62
Massey, Anne, of Rixton, 70 ; Dorothy,

70 ; William, 70
Massi, Cosimo, 264
Matthew, Tobie, Dean of Durham, 215,

218, 220
Matthews, Mr. Hobson, 90, 91
Mauricius, Godefredus,.^ Jones, John, M.
Mauritius, 184
Maxfield, als. Messengham, 241, 243

Maxfielde, , Pt., 260, 267

Maye, Henry, 260, 267
Mazara, Duke of, 247

Medcalf, , Pt., 220, 222

Medding, 192

Mellare, Arthur, 192

Meredith, James, 155 ; Jonas, Pt., 306,

307, 315, 317
Merthyr, 91
Messingham, see Maxfield, 241, 243

Metcalfe, , 264

Metham, Thomas, S.J., M., 14, 193, 310,

313, 320, 321
Metz, 233, 234
Michaelgrove, 133
Middlesex, 52, 55, 112 152, 154, 158,

159, 171, 293, 334, 339, 365, 366,

368, 369
Middleton, Anthony, M., 12, 182, 183,

185, 186; George, 71 ; John, 1S1 ;

Margaret, 71 ; , 262, 291 ;

Robert, M., 16, als. Richard Milton,

382, 384-390; sister of, 389;

Thomas, 384
Milan, 137, 175, 187-189, 284, 306, 307;

Brera Coll., 307 ; Inquisition of, 125 ;

Swiss Coll., 188
Milanese, 228, 230
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 88
Mile end, 289, 290
Miller, Ralph, 292, 395
Milner, Ralph, M., 12, 200, 201, 203
Milne-throppe haven, 221
Milton, Richard, see Robert Middleton
Modena, 306, 307
Mohun, John, see Cornelius, John
Molanus (Mullan), John, 5
Monkessone, 73
Monkton Farleigh, 132
Monmouthshire, 91, 143
Monpesson, Laurence, 248, 292; his wife,

248, 292
"Monsieur," see Anjou, Duke of
Montague, Ld., 28, 36, 65, 143, 227;

second Ld., 394
Moody, Michael, 261, 264, 268, 269
Moone, Eustace, 47-50
Moore, George, 48, 49, 55 ; Hugh, see

More; Sir William, 48-50
Mooreton, Robert, see Morton
More, Christopher, 375; Hugh, M.,

10 (or Morgan 158H, or Wells 12),

154, 158, 159, 289; , 251;

Thomas, student, 260, 264 ; Thomas,

clergy-agent, 4, 5
Morgan (Morgent), Colonel, 258; Hugh,

158;/; Mr., 143 ; Thomas, 106, 108,

261, 264
Moritius, Godefride, sce]o\\nzs, John, M.
Morlis, 169, 173

Moro.Christophoro de, 247, 248, 251, 254
Morton, Anthony, 135 ; Daniel, 135 ;

Henry, 288 ; Dr. Nicholas, 135, 136 :

Robert, of Bawtry, 135, 136; Robert,

M., 10, 135-139. !54. 159. 289, 290;

Samson, 13s; William, 135

on the Marsh, 337-339

Mosse, Lionel, of Westroppe, 73 ;

Robert, of Twetsell, 73
Mostier, Arthur de, 369
Mountjoy, Ld., 337
Mowgray, Yorkshire, 221
Mud, Thomas, Pt., 193
Munday, Anthony, 60, 61
Munden(Mundayne, Mundaye), John,Pt.,

M., xvi, 8, 32, 51-57, 62, 398
Munkefriston, 26

Murdoch, Fr. William, S.J., 141, *43
Musgrave, Leonard, of Johnby, 67
Mushe, Fr. John, Pt., 312, 314, 3*5. 3*75

William, 213, 390

416

INDEX

Mydleton, Mrs., of Leighton, 221 ; ,

Pt., 222
Myles, , 20

N., Mrs., 389
Nan (Owld Neanne), 20
Nancy, 175
Nantwyche, no

Naples, 228, 230, 294, 303, 305 ; Provin-
cial of, S.J., 303, 305
Nash, John, als. Nathaniel Buckley, 396
Navarola, Fr. Paul, 21, 23
Navarre, K. of, 106, 108, 155

Nayler, -, 121

Nedeham, John, 100-102; Margaret, 102
Nelson, — — , 213 ; John, 147, 187
Netherlands, 268
Nevell (Nevile, Neville), Lady Ann, 222;

Sir Henry, 20; Lady Margaret, 217,

221, 222, 238 ; William, 218
Neville's Cross, 126
Newall (Neweall), William, 105, 165
Newcastle, 125-128, 139, 157, 170, 212,

221, 226, 228, 231, 233, 234, 238, 293
Newhall, 170

Nevvhaven, 38, 104, 123, 127, 206
Newport (Nieuport), 225, 238, 265, 371
Newton, 70

Nice, Council of, 40, 42-44, 49, 50
Nicholas, 121, 123
Nichols, George, M., 12, 16S, 292;

John, 28

Nicholson, , 126

Nicolaites, 282

Nicomedia, 43

Nieuport, see Newport

Norfolk. 65, 71, 209, 24S, 250, 264, 265,

292
Norham, 241

Norley, , S.J., 213

Normandy, 104, 148, 233, 234

Norris, Ld., 287; (Norrys) Richard, Pt.,

51. 54, 55, I03; , pursuivant, 5S,

60
Northampton, 89, 215, 288
North Luffenham, 88, 89
Northumberland, 63, 216, 221-223, 227,

240 ; Earl of, 86, 269
Norton, Anne, 135; Benjamin, 361, 392-

394, 397; George, 26, 135 ; John, M.,

16; Sir Richard, 395; William, 221
Norwich, 65, 66, 100, 101, 189, 190, 208,

249
Norwood, Mr., 27
Notre Dame, Paris, 89

Nottingham, , Pt. 386

Nottinghamshire, 217, 290

Nutter, John, M., 8, ^7, 38, 51-54, 56,

57, 60, 62; Dean of Chester, 382,

383; Robert, M., 16, 100, 156, 384,

385
Nycolson, Mr., 221

Oglebie, see Ingram

Oldcorne, Alicia, 193; Fr. Edward, S. J.,
M., 264

Old Margaret, 181 ; Old Neanne, 20

Oliver, Mr., 199

Orange, Prince of, 91, 98, 99, 102

Orell, William, of Turton, 71

Ormestone, , 260

Orton, Henry, 103

Osbaldeston, Edward, M., 14

Osborne, Edward, 26-28, 152; exam, of,
27; Mr., 370, 375

Oscott Coll., no, 122, 191, 193, 393

Ostlife, George, Pt., 80

Oteley, 171, 172

Outlaw, pursuivant, 67

Oven, John, 155, 159, 162

Owen (Oen), Hugh, 214, 248, 256, 258,
261, 262, 266, 268; Mr., 118;
William, 137

Owlton, 35

Oxford, Town and University, 20, 35, 61,
62, 65, 67, 89, 96, 97, 105, 108, 109,
122, 134, 139, 162, 168, 169, 195,
197, 216, 270, 290-293, 300, 345,
346 ; Vice-Chancellor of, 89, 168

, Colleges: Christ Church, 291 ;

Exeter, 293 ; Gloucester Hall, 123 ;
Jesus, 134; Magdalen, 345; New,
271; Queen's, 65, 220 ; St. John's,
20, 61, 105, 120, 122, 290; Trinity,

, Catherine Wheel Inn, 168

Oxfordshire, 292

Padley, Derbyshire, 363

Page, Anthony, Pt., M., 14, 293; Francis,

S.J., M., 16, 381, 390, 391 ; Jane, 194
Paget, Charles, 106, 108, 248, 252, 253,

256, 259, 261,262; Thomas, Ld.,

181, 221, 223
Palaser (Pallisar), Thomas, M., 16, 267,

384
Palmer, Sir Henry, 199
Paris, 19, 20, 33, 38, 59, 89, 107, 112,

118, 121, 122, 124, 138, 139, 141,

143, 146-149, 170, 199, 233, 234,

247; Mignon Coll., 20
Parker, Robert, 192; Roger, 194;

Thomas, 395; , wife of, 395;

, 76, 213

Parkins, Francis, 133

Parkinson, Francis, 193

Parlor, Hugh, 365-367 ; John, 361

Parma, 306, 307, 379

, Duke of, 141, 252, 258, 259,

261, 262 ; son of, 141
Parry, Dr. William, 106, 156, 334
Parsons, Thomas, 121 ; , 267 ;. see

also Persons
Patenson, William, M., 12, 231, 292; see

also Patteson, Pattison

INDEX

4T7

Pattenson, Bernard, Pt., 219, 222

Patteson, Mr., Pt., 208

Pattison, , 143, 213

Paulet, Sir Amias, 142

Pavia, 187

Pawlet, Mr., of Heryote, 133

Payne, Blessed John, M., 186

Peacock, Mr., 393, 395 ; , 193

Peak, the, 221, 222

Peares Bridge, 221

Pearson, , Pt., 222

Peckfield, 222

Peeke, , 289, 292

Peeters, Mr., 143

Pemberton, Alice, 70; James, sen., 70;
James, jun., of Whiston, 70;
Katherine, 70

Pembroke, Earl of, 1 42

Penrhyn, 91

Penrith, 36

Pepper Hall, 121

Peralta, Fr., S.J., 201

Perker, Brian, J. P., 85

Perkins (Perkinson), Christopher, S.J.,
apostate, 59, 59;/

Persons (Parsons), Robert, S.J., 2, 21,28,
59, 78, 88, 93, 138, 139, 143, 144, 147,
14S, 158, 190, 199-201, 205, 208,
209, 211, 212, 224, 226, 231, 234,
235, 247, 251-256, 259-263, 265-
268, 285, 301, 302, 305, 317, 319,
325, 344, 375, 379, 381, 384, 390

Peryman, William, 288

Peter, uncle, 143

Peterborough, 28

Petfourthe, , Pt., 222

Petrus, Fr., 21, 23, 139

Phelippes, Thomas, 139, 214

Philip II, K. of Spain, 19, 107, 108,
113, 119, 150, 177, 183, 190, 201,
204, 205, 208, 211, 212, 247, 248,
251-256, 261, 263

Piacenza, 306, 307

Pibush, John, als. Grosvenor, als. Morton,
M., 16, 337-340

Picardy, 171

Pickering, , 213

Pigott, , servant, 392

Pike, William, M., 12

Pilchard, Mr. Thomas, M., 10, 140, 142,
143, 288, 289, 395

Pirson, George, 182

Pitts, Arthur, 51, 54, 55, 58, 103

PiusV, Pope, 76, 84-86, 113, 114, 172,
324, 327 ; see also Martyrs (III)

Placentia, 137, 146

Plasden, Polydore, Pt, M., 12, 206, 292

Piatt, Oliver, 23

Plumpton, Roland, 135

Pole, Mr. Edward, M., 8, iS

Polewheele, 262

Pollard, Richard, servant, 244

Pont-a-Musson, 141, 142, 233, 234, 271

Pontoise, 374

Poole, Geoffrey, 189; his wife and

daughters, 189
Popham, Lord Chief Justice, 333, 336,

351.386, 391
Porchester, 398
Pormort (Portmort), Thomas, als. Whit-

gifte and White, M., 14, 187-190,

200-202, 208-210, 292; William,

228, 230
Porter, Isabella, 191, 194; , 194;

, wife of, 194

Portsmouth, 199
Portugalete, 224

Potter, George, 315, 317; , Pt., 264

Pounde, Thomas, 310, 313, 320, 321

Powder Plot, 273

Powell, David, 99 ; William, 142, 143

Prescott, 46, 70

Preston, 21, 38, 46, 84, 170, 384, 386-

389 ; Kydcot dungeon, 85
Price,— — , 267 ; "2 Pryces, scholars,'" 260
Pritchard, Humphrey, M., 12, 168
Puckering, Sir John, Ld. Keeper, 152,

153. 158. 159. 161-163, 213, 217,

218, 227, 235, 238, 239, 241. 348
Pudsay, Thomas, 193
Pudzaie, Mrs., 221
Pugh, William, 91
Pulleine, Nicholas, 64, 67
Pustola, Fr. Augustus, 1 14
Pylafurthera (Pyle of Fouldry), in Fur-

niss, 180, 182
Pyn, in Devon, 34

Radclyffe, Christopher, 74

Raglan, 91

Rainscroft, 221

Rainsforth Hall, 73

Raissius, Arnolde, 5

Raphael, Dom, O.S.B., 379

Ratcliff, Mr., of Darnton, 221; Mr., of

Mowgray, 221
Rawcliffe, 70

Rawleigh (Rawlie), Sir Walter, 143
Rawlins, Alexander, M., 14, 395
Rawson, Jane, IQ3

Rayner, , Pt., 260, 264

Raynold, Rinold, see Reynold
Recalcati, Fr. Bartholomew, S.J., 1S7,

188, 204, 306, 307, 316, 319
Regius, Peter, 297, 300
Reynolds (Renold), Edmund, 108, 109 :

exam, of, 108; Mr., 33, 34! William,

109, 192, 193; — ; — 248 .

Rheims, seminary and town, lS~21' 2D~

28, 31, 33. 34. 36, 38. 51-55. 58. 59.

140-142, 145-147, i64. 170-175. I77.

183, 188, 194, 195. 197. 201' 2°2'

206, 233, 234, 261, 271, 290-292,

A I

4i8

INDEX

304, 305, 330, 333, 346, 350, 355,
364, 365, 368, 369, 385, 393-395 5
President of, 173

Ribadeneira, Peter, S J., 2, 201, 208, 223,
224, 325

" Richard," 123 ; a butler, 132 ; Hum-
phrey, see Pritchard, M.

Richardo, Fr., 224

Richardson, William, als. Miles Gerard,
M., 16, 169 ; widow, 398 ; , 126

Richmond, 37, 104, 376, 385, 386

Riddle, Sir Thomas, Pt., 192

Ridiall, Thomas, 193

Ridley, Bp., 99 ; Henry, 227 ; Lucy, 207

Ridsdaill, 72

Rigby, John, M., 16 ; Mr., 264

Ringwoode, William, 361

Ripon, 38, 221

Rishton, Edward, 103

Risse, , D.D., 62

Rixton, 70

Roberts, , 199 ; John, 384 ; see also

Garnet

Robin Hood, 222

Robinson, James, 192, 194; John, M.,
10, 155, 157, 159.- 162, 290 ; Thomas,
servant, 222 ; William, 64, 65, 194

Robynson, . 38

Roche, John, M., 10, 154, 159, 290, 323,

327
Rochester, 291

Rodgers, , 26, 28

Roger, , 15, 316, 319

Rogers, Mrs., 29; Thomas, seeN. Berden,

28, 122, 125
Roe, Christopher (or Thomas), 107, 108;

Robert, of Longford, 121
Rome: —

The Annunciata, 332
Ara Coeli, 369
Casa Professa, 187, 204
English Coll., 18, 21-23, 28, 57,
134, 136-139, 146-148, 150, 174, 175,
181, 188-191, 203, 204, 218, 221-
223, 228,241,243,271, 290, 292, 293,
301, 305, 306, 308, 317, 319, 333,
34o, 345, 346, 375. 379, 380, 384,
388, 394
German Coll., 316, 319
Hospice, the English, 28, 135, 181, 306,

375 .

Hospitium, Jesu, 332

Inquisition House, 183

Roman Coll., 21, 136, 316, 319

St. Andrea, 294

St. Paul's, 379
Rookbie, Ralph, 215
Rookwood, Mrs., 262; "3 or 4 Rook-
woods," 262
Roper, Peter, 38
Ross, Bp. of, 106, ro8

Rouen, 28, 33, 36, 38, 124, 126, 127, 142,
143, 146-149, 170, 233, 234

Rouse, Anthony, Pt., 262, 264; his
mother, 264

Rowland, James, 139

Rowsham, Stephen, M., 10, 140

Rumney, George, 64

Rushton, John, 71 ; Margaret, 7 1 ;
William, 71

Rutland, Earl of, 143

Rutlandshire, 88, 89

Ruyle, Gilbert, 89

Rye, 33, 124, 171

S., F. (Ingram's cousin), 284

Sackforth, Mr., 118

Sackville, Anne, 134; Sir Richard, 134

Sadler, Sir Ralph, 142, 143

St. Asaph, 194, 271

St. Lucar, 247, 256

St. Main, see Sterrell, 214

St. Nicholas, 378-380

St. Omers, English Coll. at, 225, 226,
234, 235, 247, 248, 253, 254, 259,
262, 264, 265, 293, 294, 297, 379,

393, 396
St. Stephen's, Canterbury, 135
St. Thomas, 169, 170; Waterings, 339,

340, 368, 370, 373, 374
St. Valerie, 169
Salesbury, Lancashire, 19, 20, 140, 142,

163

Salford jail, 23-25, 44

Salinas, , 248, 265

Salisburie, Mistress Frances, 393
Salisbury, 289 ; Court, 26, 28 ; Diocese

of, 31

(or Salbri), William, 99

Salmon, Patrick, M., 14, 293
Salop, see Shrewsbury
Salterson, Sir William, Pt., 192
Samon, Patrick, see Salmon

Samuel, Fr., 174; , Pt., 267

Sander, Nicholas, 1,2; Sister Elizabeth,

168, 140, 142
Sandgate, 126
Sandwich, 155, 161
Sandys, John, M., 8; Myles, 255, 257,

259, 260
Santon, John, 191
Saunders (Sanders), Dr. Nicholas, 106,

139; Mr., 182
Saunderson, Mr., 217
Savage, John, 132
Saxton, , of Byham Hall, 67 ;

Mary, 67
Scarborough, 1 26
Scotland, 36, 37, 66, 72, 89, 106-108,

139, 146, 149, 180, 181, 216, 221,

226, 227, 239-243, 258, 269, 272-

INDEX

419

274, 277-279, 281, 284, 304, 305;

K. of, 106, 108, 140
Scott, Monford, M., 12, 63, 71-74, 100-

102, 200-203, 291 i Ralph, 23
Scrope, Ld., 63, 66, 67

Seagrave, , 258, 262

Seakeley, servant, 258

Seaton, Ld , 216

Sebroke, William, 158, 159

Secretary, Mr., see Walsingham

Sega, Card., 342, 344

Selsaide, 181

Selsedd, 182

Senellius, Master, 297, 300

Sergeant, Richard, M., 8

Setonius, R. D., 136

Seville, 28 ; English Coll. at, 225, 234,

235, 247, 253, 254, 259, 260, 267,

384 ; Rector of, 223

Sewell, , 213

Sewel, Thomas, servant, 65

Shaw (Shawe), Francis, Pt., 306, 307;

John, 193 ; , 142

Sheldon, Mistress, 348, 349 ; Ralph, 345
Shelley, Archdeacon, 393, 395 ; Edward,

M., 10, 105, 154, 158, 159, 395
Shellye, Edward, of Warminghurst, 290

Shelton, , 147

Sheppard, John, bailiff, 368, 369
Sherson (Sherton), Martin, M., 10, 315,

317
Sherwin, Ralph, M., 37, 115
Sherewood, Philip, 193 ; Richard, 206
Shillet, Thomas, Pt., 194
Ships : Revenge, 328 ; Rose, of Hull, 38;

Triumph, 329
Shoe Lane, 183, 186
Shole, 72, 73

Shrewsbury (Salop), 156; Earl of, 164
Shropshire, 134, 160, 290
Sicklemore, 189, 190
Sidney, Sir Philip,. Governor of Flushing,

258, 262
Sidonia, Duke de Medina, 256

Sigeswick, , 193

Sign of the Cock, in Colnbrook, 65

Silesdon, see Bedingfield, 375

Simpson, , M., see Sympson ; Mr.,

140; Mr. Richard, 150, 368, 371
Singleton, William, 193
Sion, Nuns of, 141, 168
Sireth, Edmund, Pt., 192
Sittingbourne, 134, 135
Sixtus V, Pope, 169, 172, 371
Skevington, Justice, 334
Skole, Suffolk, 72
Skydmore, , Pt., 247, 248, 253, 262,

264
Slacke, Richard, 51, 54, 55, 103
Slade, Eleanor, 70; John. M., 8, 39,

48-50, 395 ; Ralph, 70 ; William,

121, 123; , 303

Sledd, , 51, 58, 60

Slindon, 133

Smirthwate, Thomas, Pt., 194

Smith, Richard, Bp. of Chalcedon, 4, 6,

191, 368, 369, 384, 392, 393 ; Fr.,225 ;

_ als. Carye, 258 ; , l't., 213, 267

Smithfield, 291, 331

Smithson, , Pt., 267; William, 191.

194
Smythe, Mr., 31; Proctor, 27; Roger,

89, 90; William, 103
Snow, Peter, M., 14
Soissons, 121, 123; Bp. of, 123, 216
Somerset, 34, 51, 140, 289, 395
Somerville, John, 303 ; Margaret, 303
Sorocold, Gilbert, 44
Souastie, Mons., 226
Southwell, Fr. Robert, M., 14, 57, 62,

174, 188-190, 210, 211, 228, 230,

245, 249, 260, 261, 264, 287, 293,

337, 362, 390; Thomas, 301, 302
Southworth, Anne, 19, 20 ; her mother,

19, 20
Spain, 34, 102, 106, 107, 214, 225-227,

234, 235, 237, 247, 248, 251, 253,
256, 258, 259, 262-265, 271, 332

Spanish Jesuit, a, 59
Speed, John, M., 14, 239
Spencer (Spenser), Robert, 191, 193;
Sheriff, 60, 61 ; William, M., 12, 34,

35. I9i

Spiller (Spillor), , 250, 262

Sprott, Thomas, M., 16, 384

Stable, John, 192, 193 ; Margaret, 192

Stafferton, , 213

Stafford, 121, 154, 155, 162-165, 205,

291, 324, 328; Sir Edward, 121
Staffordshire, 291, 292
Stainton, John, 193
Stamforde, 89

Stampe, , Pt., 27

Standen, Mr., 247

Standish, James, Pt., 189, 190

Standley, Rowland, J.P., in

Staney, Fr. William," O.S.F., 371

Stanhope, Justice, 334

Stanley, Sir William, 210, 211, 223, 233-

235, 254-256, 258, 261, 262
Stanners, Thomas, 200
Stanney, Fr., S.J., 264
Stapfourth, see Lee, 221

Stapleton, als. Baxter, 262-264 ; his
brother, 262, 264 ; Dr. , 205

Stella House, 226

Stephenson, Thomas, 103; , Pt., 267

Sterrell {or St. Main), spy, 214

Stevenson, Fr. Joseph, S.J., 182, 345,
375 ; Geoffrey, 193 ; Fr. Thomas, S.J. ,

I58. 379, 380
Stewart, Coronell, 140
Stewke, Henry, 27
Stillington, Dr., 247

420

INDEX

Stocker, Thomas, 104
Stoke, 215, 243

Stoker, , 263

Stokes, Walter, 142

Stone, Richard, 213-215

S ton or, 20

Stopfurth, Blanche, 71 ; William, of

Bispham, 71
Stoughton, Laurence, 48-50
Strange, Ferdinando, Ld., 255; Robert,

vere Barnes, 364-366
Stransham, Edward, ah. Barber, ah.

Wyllice, Francis, M., 8, 120-122,

125, 346; exam, of, 122
Stratford-on-Avon, 348
Stuart, Lady Arabella, 259, 269
Stubbs, John, 72, 73
Stukeley, Thomas, 284; "2 Stukeleys,"

Pts., 267
Sturson, near Skole, "J2, 73
Sudell, Henry, 388
Suffolk, 37, 65, 71-73, 155, 157, 162, 222,

248, 250, 264, 290, 291
Suliarde, Edward, 73 ; Thomas, 73
Surrey, 48-50, 154, *57, 160, 369, 393;

Canal, 374
Sussex, 123, 124, 155, 157, 160, 162, 264,

265, 290, 393-395, 398
Sutton, Robert, Pt., M., 10, 158, 290;

Robert, /., 12, 288, 291 ; William,

Fr., S.J., 141, 144
Swall, Sir John, Pt., 192
Swallowell, George, M., 14 (?293)
Swinborne, Simon, S.J., 260, 267
Sykes, Edmund, Pt., M., 10, 194
Sylvester, John, 194; Fr. Thomas, S.J., 397

Symons, , 231

Sympson, Richard, M., 10, 291, 324, 328
Syon, see Si on

T., 225

Tailby, Christopher, 105
Tailler, Richard, of Lyndall, 221
Talbot, of Pepper Hill, 121 ; George, 19,

20; his wife, 20; John, M., 16;

John, of Salesbury, 19, 20 ; Robert,

20 ; his wife, 20

Tankerd, , S.J., 260

Taunton, 34

Taylor, Edward, merchant, 1 28 ; Hugh,

M., 8, 193; James, 155 ; John, 128;

Valentine, Pt., 127 ; , 182

Tedder, William, 51-53, 103

Tempest, Edward, 187; Mr., 146;

Robert, 174, 189, 190
Tempus, Nicholas, of Stella House, 226
Terzus, Fr. Laurence, 300
Thames, 346 ; Street, 26
Theobalds (Tibalds), 199
Thimelby, Gabriel, M., 10; Mistress, 27
Thirkill, Richard, 192 ; , scholar, 267

Thomas, David Lloyd, M.A., 91 ; Mr.

F., 394. 395 5 John> 232; Fr-> of
St. Omers, 297, 300

Thompson (Thomson,Tomson), , Pt.,

193; Christopher, 103; Michael, 362;
William, ah. Blackburn, ah. Ashton,
M., 8, 129; , scholar, 260, 267

Thornborough, 227

Thornborowe, , servant, 38; Audray,

71 ; William, 71

Thorne, Richard, Pt., 254, 260, 267

Thorpe, Robert, Pt., M., 12, 200-202

Throckmorton, Francis, 121, 124; George,
248; Lady, 26, 124; Thomas, 124,
248, 261

Thules, Christopher, Pt., 154, 155, 163,
3»5. 317; John, M., 384

Thurneham, 387

Thwayts, , 213

Thwing, Edward, M., 16, 384, 385, 388;
, 262

Tichborne (Tichbourne, Tichburn), Ben-
jamin, 361 ; Chiddiock, 398 ; Francis,
361; Nicholas, JVL, 16, 361, 395;
Roger, 361 ; his mother, 361 ;
Thomas, M., 16, 340-344, 361, 38r>
390, 391, 395

Tilesley, Mr., of Morlis, 169, 173

Tinker (Tinkeler), John, 192, 194

Tinsdale, 72

Tippin, , Pt., 222, (? Tames) 26 1, 262

Tivoli, 165, 167, 168; Coll. (S.J.) of, 165

Tockets, Roger, 193

Toledo, Card., 121, 122, 342, 344

Tomlinson, William, 227

Tompson (Tomson), see Thomson

Tootell, William, 70

Topcliffe, Richard, 26-28, 104, 136, 152,
161, 169, 172, 173, 178, 182-185,
200-203, 206-212, 217, 218, 226,
235, 238-241, 246, 248, 250-252,
255, 257, 259, 260, 283, 287, 292,
330, 334. 335, 362-364, 372-375

Torkers, Roger, 192

Tournay, 233, 235, 249

Townley, John, 25; Mr., 58

Trafforde, Edmund, 24, 25, 44, 45

Tranys, Wrilliam, 156

Travice, , 387

Trent, Council of, 336

Treport, 169, 170

Tresham, Sir Thomas, 27, 28; William,
248, 259, 261 ; his sister, 259, 261

Treves, 142-144

Trevis, Elizabeth, 71 ; Mathew, 71

Trollop[p], Anthony, 213 ; Cuthbert,
Archdeacon, 393 ; John, 213 ;
Thomas, 220

Turton, 71

Tweed, 241, 272

Twetsell, 73

Tyllotson, -, 168

INDEX

421

Typpin, see Tipping

Tyrie, Fr., S.J., 139

Tyrrell, Anthony, 107, 168, 315, 317

Tyrwhitt, Mr., 27, 28; Mistress, 27

Unifredo, Fr., 306, 307, 316, 319
Underhill, Vice-Chancellor, 108
Unton, Edward, 125

Urneston, , scholar, 267

Ustison, William, 193
Uxendon Woods, 132

Vachell, John, 154, 159, 160

Vademont, Card., 138

Vaine, Jerome, 60

Valenciennes, 253

Valentyne, John, 153, 154, 156

Valladolid, English Seminary at, 168, 209,

223-225, 234, 235, 247, 249, 251-

254, 260, 267, 364, 365
Vallenger, Stephen, 27
Vaughan, , Pt., 73; Bp. Robert,

382, 383
Vaux, Lady, 27, 28; Laurence, M., 8;

Ld., 27, 28; Mistress, 257, 264
Vavasor, Allen, 193 ; Dorothy, 193 ;

Thomas, 147, 193
Venice, 183
Verdun, 143, 233, 234

Vernon, John, 155 ; , Ft., 221

Verona, 114

Verstegan, Richard, 205, 208, 209, 212,

259, 261, 262, 264
Vicars {or Viccares), Robert, 191, 194;

his wife, 194
Vilasco, Ruys de, 247, 248, 251, 254
Vitelleschi, Fr. Mutius, S.J., 21, 23
Vivion, John, 155

W., 225

W„ P. H., 30, 31, 63

Waad, William, Clerk of Council, 210, 386

Wakefield, 19

Wakeman, Roger, M., 8

Wales, 142, 289, 290, 293

Walgrave, see Barrowes, 242, 264

Walkden, , 387

Walker, Mr., 363; Oliver, 193

Wallen, Matthew, 121

Walley, , Pt., 143

Walpole, Edward, 249-251, 261, 265;
Fr. Henry, M., 14, 25, 28, 30-32,
36, 37, 226, 233-235, 237-239, 241,
242, 244-268, 272, 385 ; torture of,
245 ; exam, of, 246 ; Richard, 260 ;
Thomas, 235-238, 241-244, 248-
250, 265, 272

Walsingham, 25, 28-32, 36, 37, 39, 44.
47, 48, 88, 103, 104, 106, 107,

109, 120-123, «35> 143, 150, 157,

159, 161, 162, 164, 168, 178, 233,

234, 252, 381

Walton, , 194; his wife, 194

Warblington, 34, 133

Warcop, James, 65, 66; Thomas, M., 14

als. Watkinson, 200-203
Warcop, parish of, 35, 67, 1S1
Ward, Margaret, M., 10, 159, 290, 325,

327. 391
Warde, Robert, cook, 181, 221
Warden, Mr., 48
Ware, 29

Warford, Mr., 199 ; , 264

Warminghurst, 395

Warmyngton, William, 51, 54, 55, 103
Warrener, John, 179, 180, 182
Warwick, 270, 273, 278, 345, 347-349.

35^-353. 357; The High Church,

349 ; St. Mary's, Parish of, 345 ;

Cross, 357 ; Bridge, 358
Warwickshire, 243, 290
Waterhouse, The, 220-222, 238
Waterson, Edward, M., 14, 212, 231, 293
Watkinson, F. , see Warcop ; Robert, als.

John Wilson, M., 16, 375-381, 390,

391 ; parents of, 376, 377
Watson, Christopher, 191, 193; George,

190; Joseph, 31, 34; William, Pt.,

290, 390-392; — , 221; , his

wife, 221
Waye (Waie), William, Pt., M., \o als.

Wigges, 104, 112, 290, 395
Webbe, Dr., 33, 168
Webley, Henry, M., io, 154, 159, 289 ;

Thomas, M., 8, 105
Webster, Francisca, 192, 194; Margarita,

194; Richard, 213-215
Wederlin Hall, 73
Welburne, Hercules, 194
Weldon, John, M., 10, 153, 154, 156,

158, 290
Wells, 395 ; Bp. of, 32 ; , a maid

servant, 207; Gilbert, 131, 132;

Swithin, M., 12, 131-133, 206-20S.

292 ; his wife, 207 ; Thomas, of Bam -

bridge, 131
Welsh faction, 22, 23
Welton, Nicholas, brother of Ld., 223
Wensleydale (Wenisdall), 181
West, Fr. Richard, 223, 224
Westchester, 161
Western Marches, 6^
Westmoreland, 63, 180-182, 216, 22j

222, 293
, Earl of, 22, 59, 86, 106, 217,

221-223, 248, 252, 253, 256, 261,

262, 269
Weston, Fr. William, S.J., 308, 312, 320,

321, 373
Westroppe, Suffolk, 73
Wether {or Kehill), 350

422

INDEX

Weton, Berkshire, 133

Wexford, 30

Whalley, see Garnet

Wharton, Christopher, M., 16; Mr., 14S

Whiston, 70

White, Eustace, M., 12, 206, 208, 292 ;

Mr., 247, 250; Miles, 126, 128;

Richard, M., 8, 90-99; see also

Pormort, 210
Whitehead, Isabel, 192, 193
Whitfield, John, 223, 226, 227
Whitgift, John, Archbp. of Canterbury,

47, 129, 156, 207, 210, 211, 332,

333 » 34°, 386 ; see also Poole, 189 ; see

also Pormort, 210
Whittingham, Anne, 71 ; Thomas, 71
Widmerpoole, Robert, M., 10, 290, 396
Wigan, 40, 70, 169, 170, 173
Wigges, William {or Edward), see Waye,

M.
Wilcox (Wilcockes), Robert, M., 10, 155,

159, 161, 290, 396
Wilkes, Thomas, 103

Wilkinson, Anthony, Pt., 194; ,65

Williams, George, 169; his wife, 170;

Richard, M., 22S, 230, 231, 289;

Richard, a spy, 334, 345
Williamson, Anthony, 398; Robert, 193;

Thomas, Pt., 70, 78, 86; , 194;

his wife, 194
Wilson, John, 3, 205, (erroneously called

Thomas) 393, 396 ; William, 23 ;

see also Watkinson, Robert
Wiltshire, 132, 133 ; sheriff of, 132
Wimbledon (Wymelton), 218
Winchester, 21, 39, 48, 50, 131, 200, 201,

203,228, 231, 292, 394, 395; Bar-

diche, 394; Bp. of, 32, 368, 369;

Castle, 50 ; Dean of, 48, 50; Gaol, 361
Windsor, 218 ; Castle, 244, 287
Wing, 89

Winkfield, see Robert Barnes, 364, 365
Winton (Watson), Joseph, 31, 34
Wisbeach, 105, 134, 194, 324, 328
Wiseman, Jane, 362-367, 372 ; William,

257, 262, 264; his sisters, 262
Witchcraft, 347
Witham, Mrs., 221
Wittingham, Ld. of, 90
Wolley (Woolley), Sir John, Latin Secre-
tary, 164, 218, 332, 333
Wolsley, Erasmus, 165; Humphrey, 165—

167

Wolvered, 345

Woodes, Thomas, 23

Woodfen, Nicholas, M., 8, als. Devorax,

129

Woodhouse, , 264

Woodwarde, , 127

Worcester, 140, 142, 155, 270, 271, 273,

278, 345, 347, 348 ; St. Lawrence,

Alvechurch, 345 ; Diocese of, 18
Worcestershire, 241
Wormingehurst, 290
Worsley, keeper, 82, 105 ; Mr., 165 ;

Ralph, 23, 25 ; Robert, 24, 25, 45
Worthington, John, Pt., 260, 267;

Thomas, D.D., 3-5, 103, 140, 175,

261, 378, 380
Wray, C, 57
Wright, William, 32, 34, 191, 194;

» 193

Wroth, Richard, J.P., 184; Thomas, 152
Wyllece, Francis, see Stransham, 121
Wyn, in Derby, 20
Wyndham, Francis, 100
Wynyard, 34, 35

Yare, Sir Miles, 72, 73

Yarmouth Road, 128, 157

Yaxley, 222; Richard, Pt., M., 12, 292

Ydall, Mr., 251

Yelverton, Serjeant, Q.C, 386

Yepez, Diego, Bp. of Taragona, 3

York, 26, 34, 37, 38, 44, 63, 88, 90, 103,
104, I9i-I93> 200-203, 213, 215,
217, 220, 222, 236, 238-242, 245,
246, 264, 266, 272, 277, 281, 283,
288, 293, 324, 328, 376 ; Castle, 88,
191, 220, 222, 241 ; Kydcote
dungeon, 192 ; Diocese of, 345 ;
Martyrs, 19, 191

York, Thomas, 221

Yorke, Edmund, 243, 244, 334

Yorkshire, 28, 72, 161, 162, 170, 172,
191, 216, 221, 222, 249, 264, 289,

290-293, 345, 384, 393
Young (Yonge), Richard, Justice, 118,
132, 133, 157, 158, 178, 182, 207,
211, 213, 244, 252, 255, 257, 259,
260, 330

Younger (Yonge), James, Pt., 199, 209,
262

Zelander, Vincent, S.J., 248, 251, 262

Since numbers LXIX, <S:c., were printed off, I find, with regret, that I have
overlooked Father F. Goldie's articles on Boste in vols, xii and xiii of the Ushaw
Magazine (1902, 1903 ; pp. 251, 39). Most of the documents about Boste, which are
here reproduced, were there printed by him (but not so fully as here, nor in their
original spelling) from Father Morris's collection, of which I have spoken in the
Introduction {supra, p. 1). I may add, however, that it was I who first found them
and contributed them to that source.

THE CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY

VOLUME I. MISCELLANEA I

(pp. xv and 296. Index, 53)

I. Dr. Nicholas Sander's Report to Cardinal Moroni on the Change of
Religion, 1558, in Latin and English.
II. Official Lists of Prisoners for Religion, 1562-1580.

III. Conclusion of the Autobiography of Father William Weston, S.J., being

the missing part of Father John Morris's "Troubles of our Catholic
Forefathers," Series II, 1589- 1603.

IV. The Martyrdom of the Ven. John Boste, Priest, described by the Ven.

Christopher Robinson, Priest and Martyr, 1594-
V. Relation of a Brawl betwixt the King's Officers and the Followers of the
French Embassy on English Papists resorting there to Mass, 1626. With
plan of Durham House.
VI. Letter from Sir John Coke to Lord Conway about the Apprehension of a
Priest at Newington, 1626.
VII. Unsigned Protection for John Colleton, Priest, 1626.
VIII. Note Book of John Southcote, D.D., 1628-1637.
IX. Autobiographical and Genealogical Notes of the Ven. Arthur Bel, O.S.F.,
Martyr, 1638. With Bel arms, impaling Daniel and Baynard.
X. Obituary of Dom John Huddleston, O.S.B., temp. Civil War, with short
annotations.
XL Family Notes or Extracts from the Commonplace Book of Edmund Napper,

of Holywell, Oxon., Esquire.
XII. Permit to Thomas Owst of Halsham, a Popish Recusant, to visit his sick
wife, 1745. Facsimile frontispiece.

XIII. Family Notes of Smiths of Drax, 1771, etc.

XIV. Family Notes of Wilks, Sherlock, Lewys, Whitmore, 1731, etc.
XV. Family Notes of Roskell of Garstang, 1733.

XVI. Catholic Registers of Winchester, 1731-1826.
XVII. Catholic Registers of Cowdray, 1745- 1822.
XVIII. Catholic Registers of Perthir, 1758-1818.

VOLUME II. MISCELLANEA II

(pp. 368. Index, 38)
I. Testimonial by Bishop Goldwell and others in favour of Thomas Sackville,
afterwards Earl of Dorset. With facsimile frontispiece. Also three papers
from the Vatican on the messages sent through him to Queen Elizabeth.
With facsimile frontispiece.
II. Memoirs of Father Robert Persons, S.J.

i. Father Persons' Autobiography, 1 546-1 584. .. . „ . ,.,

ii. A Storie of Domesticall Difficulties in the English Cathohkc cau.e.

With facsimile of title page. %

iii. The First Entrance of the Fathers of the Society into England,
iv. The Observation of Certayne Aparent Iudgements againste suche as

have been seditious. 1598.
v. A political retrospect, being Father Persons letter to Father Kivers, S.J.

III. Official List of Catholic Prisoners, temp. Queen Elizabeth. 15S1-1602

IV. ReK^Catholicism in the South Wales Marches, Seventeenth and

Eighteenth Centuries. , ,

i. Report of Robert Bennett, Protestant Bishop of Hereford, ioo-,.
ii. List of Recusants Disarmed, 1625.
iii. Lands given to Superstitious Uses, 1689.
iv. Reputed Papists in St. David's Diocese, 1767.

LIST OF WORKS

V. Licence granted by the Earl of Huntingdon to John Beaumont of Gracedieu,
a Papist, 1610. With facsimile.
VI. Catholic Registers of Towneley Hall. A Chaplain's Stipendiary Accounts.
Account of Martholme Terrier, 1705, etc.
VII. Petition of Denis Molony to be allowed to practice at the Bar.
VIII. Catholic Registers of Cheam, Surrey, 1755-1780.
IX. Catholic Registers of Wootton Wawen, Warwickshire, 1765-1819.
X. Catholic Registers of Bellingham, Northumberland, 1 794-1836.

VOLUME III. MISCELLANEA III

(PP. 330. Index, 55)
I. Queen Elizabeth's Licence to Richard Hoghton, 1576. With facsimile
frontispiece.
II. Bills for Prisoners in the Tower of London. 1576-1589.

III. Life and Martyrdom of the Ven. Thomas Maxfield, 1616. With Portrait

and facsimile letter and correspondence.

IV. Memoir of Edmund Mathew or Poins, at St. Omers College, 1667.
V. Recusants of Masham, Yorkshire, 1 589-1628.

VI. Letters on the Treatment of Prisoners at Wisbeach Castle, 161 5.
VII. Letters of the Archpriest Harrison, 1618.
VIII. A Chapter Necrology, 1670-1678.

IX. Registers of Holywell, Flintshire, 1730-1829.
X. Registers of Nidd Hall, Yorkshire, 1780-1823.
XL Registers of Llanarth, Monmouthshire, 1781-1838.
XII. Registers of St. Joseph's, Trenchard Street, Bristol, 1777-1808.

XIII. Extract from letter of Sir Robert Crosse, 1607.

XIV. Certificate of Oath by Canon Tierney, 181 3.

VOLUME IV. MISCELLANEA IV

(pp. 440. Index, 71)
I. Memoirs of Father Robert Persons, S.J. (concluded).
II. Lord Burghley's Map of Lancashire, 1590. Annotated by Joseph Gillow.

III. Bills for Prisoners in the Tower of London, 1595 ; with Gatehouse Certi-

ficates, 1592-1603.

IV. Memoirs and Notes by Father John Laurenson, S.J., concerning Chaplaincies

and Families in the North. Eighteenth Century.
V. Notes of the Knight Family of Lincolnshire. Seventeenth Century.
VI. Documents at Everingham. Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries.
VII. Catholic Registers of Holme on Spalding More, Yorkshire, 1744-1840.
VIII. Catholic Registers of Robert Hall, 1757-1811, and Hornby, 1811-1851,
Lancashire.
IX. The Nuns of the "Institute of Mary" at York Bar Convent, 1677-1825, with

genealogical notes.
X. Papists in York and part of the Ainsty, 1735.
XL Catholic Registers of the Chapel at York Bar Convent, 1771-1826.
XII. Catholic Registers of the Domestic Chapel at Courtfield, Hereford, 1773-1832.

XIII. Monumental Inscriptions from Middleton Hall Domestic Chapel, Yorkshire,

1826-1866.

XIV. Father John Birkett, Confessor in Lancaster Castle ; documents recently

discovered, 1678.

LORD BURGHLEY'S MAP OF LANCASHIRE, 1590

Annotated by Joseph Gillow.
(pp. 61; Index, 20)
7 his is a reprint, on thick paper, of the second subject in Volume IV, repaged,
with the Map and a Special Index. Only 206 copies have been printed. Price to
Members C.R.S., 6s.; to outsiders, 8s.

THE THIRD REPORT

OF THE

Catbolic IRecorb
Society

h MM d

PRESENTED TO THE ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING AT

CATHEDRAL HALL, WESTMINSTER

TUESDAY, JUNE 25, 1907

Together with a List of Members and Donors, the Constitutions, &c.

£0e ta#ofic (Recot* ^ocitfg

FOUNDED JUNE io, i9o4

Patron
The Most Rev. The ARCHBISHOP of WESTMINSTER

President
The LORD HERRIES

Vice-Presidents
The Right Rev. F. AIDAN GASQUET, D.D.

Abbot President O.S.B.

Colonel LORD EDMUND TALBOT, M.V.O.,D.S.O.,M.P.

Admiral of the Fleet LORD WALTER KERR, G.C.B.

ALDERMAN SIR JOHN KNILL, BART.

Council
Henry Farnham Burke, J. Hobson Matthews

Somerset Herald, C.V.O. J. Orlebar Payne, M.A.
Rev. Edwin Burton, D.D. Rev. J. H. Pollen, S.J.
Rev. Gilbert Dolan,O.S.B. Marquis de Ruvigny
Joseph S. Hansom Carlisle J. S. Spedding

Francis A. R. Langton Rev.W. O. Sutcliffe, M.A.

George C. Williamson, Litt.D.

Honorary Officers ex officio
Recorder

Joseph Gillow

'Bursar

Leonard C. Lindsay, 23 Belgrave Road, S.W.

Legal Jdviser

Alfred J. Blount

Secretary

Address: "The Secretary C.R.S.,"
27 Alfred Place West, South Kensington, S.W.

Bankers
Messrs Coutts and Co., Strand, W.C.

Constitutions

i. Name. The name of the Society is "The Catholic
Record Society."

2. Objects. The objects are the transcribing, printing,
indexingand distributing to its members the Catholic Registers
of Baptisms, Marriages and Deaths and other old Records of
the Faith, chiefly personal and genealogical, since the Refor-
mation in England and Wales.

3. Management. The affairs of the Society are managed
by a Council consisting of twelve members and four honorary
officers, viz., The Recorder, Bursar, Legal Adviser and Secre-
tary— four forming a quorum. It has power to appoint a Pre-
sident and Vice-President, its Chairman and Officers, and to
fill vacancies on its own body, and has power to refuse or take
away membership. One-third of the twelve members and all
the honorary officers retire each year, but are eligible for re-
election. Nominations of new Members of the Council must
be sent to the Secretary fourteen days before the Annual
Meeting. The representation and management are reserved
to Catholic members.

4. Subscription. The subscription is one guinea per
annum, which entitles members to the publications for the
year, but the names of any members whose subscription shall
be two years in arrears will thereupon be removed from the
Society, and not be readmitted until all arrears are paid.

Subscriptions are due on June 1 in each year, and no work
is issued to any member whose subscription is unpaid.

5. Meetings. An Annual Meeting is held in the month
of June or July, of which at least seven days' notice is sent to
all the members. At this meeting a report of the work of the
Society, with a statement of the income and expenditure, is
presented. This is issued together with the list of members
and the constitutions of the Society.

6. Audit. The Bursar's accounts are audited by a
member of the Society appointed by the Council, at the close
of the financial year, which expires on May 31.

N.B. — The Bursar deals with Membership and Subscriptions.

THIRD ANNUAL REPORT OF THE
CATHOLIC RECORD SOCIETY

THE Council has the pleasure of presenting- a report which
shows that the Society is entering- on the fourth year of its
existence in a satisfactory condition, both as to numbers and
finance. The volumes already published or in progress are, it is
hoped, the best evidence of the vigour and success with which the
aims of the Society continue to be prosecuted.

At the Second Annual General Meeting of the Society, held at
Archbishop's House, under the Presidency of Lord Herries, on
Tuesday, June 26, 1906, the second annual report was read and
adopted. Mr John Orlebar Payne and Mr Ernest Wyatt-Davies
having retired from the Council by rotation, the former was re-
elected for three years. Mr Francis de Zulueta was elected in the
place of Mr Wyatt-Davies, who was unable to offer himself for
re-ele6tion, and the Rev. William Ormond Sutcliffe, M.A., to fill a
vacancy for three years.

During the year the Council exercised its rights of co-opting
one member. Mr Francis de Zulueta, finding he was unable to at-
tend the meetings, resigned, and his place was filled by Mr Hartwell
D. Grissell, K.C.P., M.A., F.S.A., but the Society has, unfortu-
nately, to deplore his death already. The Council so constituted has
held ten meetings during the year.

Four members now retire by rotation: Rev. John Hungerford
Pollen, S.J., Mr Henry Farnham Burke (Somerset Herald), Mr
John Hobson Matthews and Mr Carlisle James Scott Spedding, who
being eligible are recommended for re-election.

In last year's report it was stated that the membership had
risen from 268 to 327. During the current year thirty new members
have joined; but against this gain, satisfactory in itself, must be
set losses from death and other causes.

The Council with regret has to record the decease of seven mem-
bers. Among these is the Earl of Liverpool, President of the British
Record Society, who was keenly interested in all archaeological re-
search, and whose loss will be felt, not only by us, but by many
kindred bodies. The obituary list also includes the names of the
Rev. Henry Gibson and Mr Lewis Charles Sayles, both Founders of
our society; the Rev. James Hayes, S.J., who joined twice, first as
Rector of St Francis Xavier's, Liverpool, and, secondly, when ap-
pointed assistant to Father General of the Society of Jesus; the
Lord Arundell of Wardour, Major Edmund Herbert, and now Mr
Hartwell D. Grissell.

Nine members have resigned, and the names of eight have
been removed from the Roll under Constitution IV. The Council,
while regretting the necessity of this action, feels that it is better for
the membership of the Society to be confined to those who fulfil the
requirements of the Constitutions, though it is hoped that some of
those who have resigned, or whose qualification lapses, may at a
later time rejoin.*

This leaves the Society with a membership of 333 against 327
last year, a number which, taking into account the fact that Consti-
tution IV has been brought into operation for the first time, com-
pares satisfactorily with the previous figures and leaves us in a
favourable position amongst the leading Record Societies.

Twenty-four of the thirty new members have joined as from
the first year, thus obtaining all the volumes issued to subscri-
bers ; and it will be necessary before long for the Council to consider
the advisability of discontinuing this privilege, and fixing a price on
each volume, to be obtained only by fully qualified members. As the
work of the Society is becoming more widely known, the number
of Libraries that subscribe is increasing', and with further additions
to our membership from this and other sources, the stock of pub-
lications in hand will shortly be depleted.

During the last year the Third Volume of the Publications
(given to subscribers for the second year) has been issued, and the
progress of Volume IV up to December seemed to justify the
Council in holding out hopes that it would be in the hands of mem-
bers before the completion of the financial year; but the later pro-
gress has been unsatisfactory. Ten months is too long for print-
ing the text of even 440 pages. The long Index is progressing
as fast as the printing allows. This delay is only in part accounted
for by the fact that the Council decided on the separate printing of
an excerpt of special interest from this Volume — "Lord Burghley's
Map of Lancashire 1590." It was thought that there would be a
demand for this excerpt in Lancashire which might result not only
in a small profit and other advantages, but in making the Society
more widely known. Accordingly 206 copies have been printed at the
price of eight shillings, which is reduced to six in the case of
members. It was not deemed prudent to issue two volumes for the
third year; but the forthcoming volume is unusually large.

There is in the press for the coming year a volume which will
prove of great importance. It consists of Memorials of the English
Martyrs, edited by Rev. J. H. Pollen, S.J., the Postulator of the
Cause, and consists entirely of hitherto unpublished information
about those who suffered for the faith in penal times. More than
half of this volume is already in type. Volume VI will be "Miscel-
lanea V," for which there is much material in hand. The contents
have not been finally determined, but it will probably include the
"Annals of Anne Neville, O.S.B., Lady Abbess of Pontoise (now

* One name has already been reinstated.

Teignmouth)," "Recusants of 1667," and Registers of Lulworth,
Everingham and Crondon Park, with an instalment of those of
the Sardinian Chapel in Lincoln's Inn Fields.

The Council is glad to state, however, that these volumes do
not exhaust the work already in hand for the Society. Mr Joseph
Gillow and Mr Richard Trappes-Lomax are engaged in editing the
valuable "Diary of the Blue Nuns or English Nuns of the Order of
the Immaculate Conception at Paris, from 1658 to their dissolu-
tion in 1792." These original papers were lately purchased by Mr
Gillow and are of great interest both socially and genealogically,
throwing much light on conventual life. The members of this com-
munity were connected with many well-known English Catholic
families. These annals will probably be issued as Vol. VII.

The Registers of Kiddington, Linton on Ouse, Lulworth,
Slindon and Woolston have been transcribed, and those of Biddle-
ston and Durham and other Records are in progress.

The year began with a balance of ^422 19s. nd. in the bank,
owing to the delay in printing. Two volumes have been paid for and
other payments made ; but the Bursar is still able to show a goodly
balance of ^396 5s. 7d., which, with the subscriptions for the fourth
year, now due, will carry the Society well through the next twelve-
month. Last year the accounts had to be "adopted subject to the
audit," owing to the Bursar being on the Papal Mission to Madrid.
They subsequently passed the Hon. Auditor, Mr William Raeburn
Andrew, who has again kindly acted in the same capacity this year.

The Council is much indebted to Members for their financial
support, and to several for donations, as well as for important work
in the supply of transcripts.

The office of Secretary has remained vacant since the last
General Meeting, and Mr J. S. Hansom has continued to perform
the duties. The Council feels, however, that the burden is too heavy
to be imposed on him, and would be glad if some gentleman, resi-
dent in London and interested in the work of the Society, would
devote permanently some part of his leisure to discharging the
labours of Secretary, which, though engrossing, are also interesting.

Once more the Council invites all Members to help on the
work of the Society by making its publications known to others,
and thus obtaining new members, to take the place of those who
year by year must be lost to us. Help in transcribing documents, or
the loan of materials for future volumes are also welcomed. The
importance and value of the work done within the past three years
is at once a guarantee and encouragement for the iuture.

THE CATHOLIC

BALANCE SHEET for the

INCOME

1906 £ s. d. £ s. d.

June. Balance Current Account . . . 222 19 11

,, Balance Deposit Account . . . 200 o o

20 Subscriptions for 1904-5 . . . 21 00

48 Subscriptions for 1905-6 ... 50 8 o

294 Subscriptions for 1906-7 . . . 308 14 o

20 Subscriptions for 1907-8 . . .2100

2 Subscriptions for 1908-9 ... 220

Donations
For General Purposes:

William Farrer, Esq o 14 o

Mrs Seymour Spencer .... 500

J. H. Loughnan, Esq 220

C. A. Radcliffe, Esq o 10 6

422 19 1 1

403 4

8 6 6

Orby Shipley, Esq., to Transcript Fund . . 200

J. S. Hansom, to Printing- York Registers . 1 1 o

J. Gillow, to Index to Burghley's Map . 220

Subscriptions for Copies of Burghley's Map 240

Returned by Insurance Company .... 020

Interest on Deposit 55$

1907 —

May 31 Total Income . .£847

Examined and found correct, 8 June, 1907.
W. R. ANDREW,

Hon. Auditor.

RECORD SOCIETY

Year ending May 31, 1907

EXPENDITURE

1906

June

14.

26.

July

15-

? »

»»

>»

Aug.

16.

28.

>>
Nov.

3*«

?»

26.

?»
1907
Jans.

Feb. 5.

Mar. 15,
May 3.

-5'

Arden Press. Business Books ....
Swain and Son. Zinc Plate, Vol. Ill . .
Monsignor Howlett. Hire of Room . .
Straker and Son. Binding- and Packing

Vol. II

Arden Press. Printing Vol. II .
Whitehead and Son. Banker's Orders .
J. S Hansom. Postage, Reports, etc.
Autotype Co. Illustrations to Vol. Ill
Civil Service Supply Association. Tin Boxe
Arden Press. Reports and Stationery
J. S. Hansom. Disbursements ....
J. S. Hansom. Postage Vol. Ill, etc.
Miss Edith Rix. Index, Vol. Ill ...

Straker and Son. Binding and Packing
Vol. Ill

Whitehead and Son. Printing Vol. Ill on a/c

Arden Press. Reports and Stationery. .

Whitehead and Son. Printing Vol. Ill, bal-
ance

Arden Press. Stationery

J. S. Hansom. Disbursements

Swain and Son. Illustration to Vol. IV .

Miss Edith Rix. Index to Map

J. S. Hansom for N. J. Hone, List of Recu-
sants, 1667

J. S. Hansom. Disbursements

L. C. Lindsay. Postage

0
1

8
0

140

•7

•5

100

1 1

Total Expenditure .£450 19 6
May 31 Balance in Bank, Current Account:

i96 5 7
Balance in Bank, Deposit a/c. -:oo o o

• 396 5 7

LEONARD C. LINDSAY,

Hon. Bursa/

£847

TRANSACTIONS OF THE THIRD ANNUAL GENERAL

MEETING

The Third Annual General Meeting of the Catholic Record
Society was held on Tuesday, June 25, 1907, in the Cathedral Hall,
Westminster.

The Lord Herries (President) in the chair.

There were present, The Rt Rev. Abbot Gasquet, D. D. , O. S. B. ,
(Vice-President); Rev. Edwin Burton, D.D., Rev. David Dunford,
Rev. J. Gilbert Dolan, O.S.B., Rev. Charles Hannigan, C.R.L. ,
Rev. J. H. Pollen, S.J., Rev. Sydney Smith, S.J., the Marquis de
Ruvigny, Mrs ffrench Falkiner, Madame Viena, Mr Langton, Mr
Hobson Matthews, Mr Spedding, Mr Leonard C. Lindsay (Hon.
Bursar), Mr Hansom.

His Grace the Archbishop of Westminster (Patron) was un-
avoidably detained, having proposed to attend.

The Press was represented by the London Central News, Catho-
lic Weekly, and Universe.

Messages of regret were received from Mgr Ward, Rev. W.
O. Sutcliffe, Mr Henry Brierley, M.A., (Hon. Secretary Lancashire
Parish Register Society), who wrote sympathetically: "Never
apologise for delayed volumes. I have ceased to do so. Put not
vour trust in printers " ; Mr Engelbach, Mr Gillow, Mr Orlebar
Payne, Mr R. D. Radcliffe, Mr Orby Shipley,Mr A. A. Slater, Col.
Vaughan, Capt. Vaughan, &c.

Lord Herries in opening the meeting-, notice of which had pre-
viously been read by Mr Hansom, referred to the satisfactory pro-
gress of the Society as evidenced in the Annual Report recently
issued, and said that the accounts showed a good balance. He
thought that the contents of the volumes issued by the Catholic Re-
cord Society ought to be extremely interesting to all Catholics, as
proof of the persecutions and sufferings endured by their ancestors
in defence of the Faith. He gave some examples of the cramped and
almost hidden way in wThich, within his own memory, the priest of the
Mission at his own home, Everingham, had exercised his functions —
and lived simply in the house with the family — without Presbytery,
schools or Parish Church. The tendency now was to increase the
missions in the large towns, whereas formally the Catholics in town
had to come out to the Country missions, e.g. Leeds and Hull. In
conclusion, he moved the adoption of the report.

Rev. J. H. Pollen, S.J., seconded its adoption. He dwelt on the
benefit arising from the time and trouble expended in the prepara-
tion of matter suitable for publication by the Catholic Record Society,
and represented as similar to the action of Kodaks the vivid pre-
sentment of initial moments of our history as Catholics in England,
whilst scattered records and scenes of the past were focussed and
brought distinctly before our eyes. The body of information thus
supplied will be greatly valued by all who read them. He was glad
to say that among the many libraries and institutions who have
joined the Society, the British Museum has lately consented to sub-

Third Annual General Meeting ii

scribe, and this is the more satisfactory because they very seldom
consent to do so. He was also pleased to find that a well-known
German savant, Fr Zimmennann, was much attracted by the volumes
of our Society and our methods, and is writing a long report for the
Germania newspaper, with a view to starting a similar Society in
Germany.

The Rev. Sydney Smith, S.J., also spoke in support of the
adoption of the Report : he referred to the great delight experienced
by those who want to consult original documents at the Record Offices
and at Libraries in finding so much authentic information on all the
subjects in which they are interested.

The motion was put by the chairman and carried unanimously.

The RtRev. Abbot Gasquet, D.D., O.S.B., moved that the fol-
lowing gentlemen be elected on the Council: The Rev. J. H. Pollen,
S.J., Mr Henry Farnham Burke, Somerset Herald, C.V.O., Mr Car-
lisle James Scott Spedding, and Mr John Hobson Matthews.

Abbot Gasquet spoke of the importance to non-Catholics of
our publications, proving the extent of the sufferings patiently borne
by our ancestors and by Catholic priests and nuns in the times of
persecution. He congratulated the Society on obtaining the subscrip-
tion from the British Museum. He had tried in vain to get the His-
torical Society to subscribe also, so he had lent them his volumes of
the C.R.S. publications, so that they may be accessible to the public,
and he can also refer to them at any time. He said he thought the
genealogical articles and information in our volumes would especi-
ally attract many readers ; in fact he looked upon it as the "honey to
catch the flies" — and induce many new members to join. He con-
gratulated the Society on the amount published, and like Mr H.
Brierley he thought no apology for delay was needed. He gave some
instances of backwardness in publication in other Societies.

The foregoing names were seconded by the Rev. Dr Burton,
and declared duly re-elected members of the Council.

The Rev. Charles Hannigan, C.R.L. , moved a vote of thanks to
the Council of the Catholic Record Society for their exertions in
behalf of the work of the Society.

This was seconded by the Rev. David Dunford, who made some
observations on the amount of the literary output of the Society, and
suggested that one volume a year would be sufficient. Carried.

Mr Hobson Matthews moved a vote of thanks to Lord Herries
for coming from some distance to preside at the General meeting,
and he spoke of the records collected and published by the Society
as the pick and marrow of the acts of Catholic faith in the past. The
publication of these records was very important and useful, as no
other Society published so fully the purely Catholic records, but only
some portion of them occasionally.

The Rev. E. Burton, D.D. , in seconding this vote of thanks,
expressed the pleasure felt by all the members of the Society at see-
ing their President in better health, for they had felt much anxiety
at hearing of his illness. As to the slender attendance at this meet-
ing, he was enough of an optimist to think it proved the confidence

12 Third Annual General Meeting

of the members in the Council. The vote of thanks was carried
unanimously.

Lord Herries thanked the meeting- very cordially, and spoke of
the pleasure he experienced at the progress of the Record Society.
He was surprised, in looking over his library at Everingham, which
had been gathered for ages past, at the number of theological works
— amongst which he came across no less than seventy copies of the
Bible, which went far to disprove the allegation against Catholics
that they were never allowed to read the Bible.

Mr Lindsay proposed and Father Pollen seconded a special
vote of thanks to Mr Hansom for his untiring work in behalf of the
Society, and Lord Herries said he wished to emphasize this vote
which was carried unanimously.

In returning thanks Mr Hansom deprecated any reduction of
the work, favouring rather an increase, as there is a mass of infor-
mation requiring printing for many years to come.

NOTICES

Members are requested to call the attention of their friends to the
Society and its work. The present membership is nearly adequate
for the issue of two volumes yearly, and it is highly desirable to
make this the minimum.

Transcripts of interesting unpublished documents ready for
the press, together with the loan of the originals for the purpose of
collation, are invited. It is desired to have material for half a dozen
volumes ready for printing, as special donations for printing may
enable the output to be increased.

Offers of help in transcribing documents, especially in the
Public Offices in London, where the greater part of documents re-
lating to the country are stored, are invited. A few trustworthy
transcribers have already started work at their own homes. Parish
Priests are especially invited to provide exact copies of the old regi-
sters, or give facilities for this being done.

The Constitutions provide that "no wrork is issued to any
member whose subscription is unpaid." By this necessary regula-
tion we prevent any claims by the five privileged libraries (The
British Museum Library, The Bodleian at Oxford, The University
Library at Cambridge, Trinity College, Dublin, and The Advocates
Library at Edinburgh) claiming free copies, and it is hoped they will
all become members of the Society, as three already are. Both their
names and subscriptions are desired. Besides this, a great many
people would like the Society's books without payment, and might
join if there was a possibility of so getting our volumes. There is
no intention of increasing the membership in such a manner.

Members desirous of paying through their banker will be sup-
plied with a "Banker's Order" on application to the Bursar or
Secretary. It saves trouble to members and the Bursar.

ROLL OF MEMBERS

F— Founders on June 10, 1904

Libraries and other Institutions are to be found under Towns and Places.
Those in the Metropolis are under London.

F Abbotsleigh, Rev. Mother Prioress, C.R.L., Newton Abbot, Devon.

A£lon, Mrs Vincent, Overbury, Tewkesbury.

Ainsworth, Miss (Blanche).

Ampleforth Abbey Library, Oswaldkirk, York.

Amycla, Rt Rev. (Dr Fenton) the Bishop of, 10 Nevern Road
Earl's Court, S.W.

Anderson, Yarboroug-h, 50 Pall Mall, S.W.

Anderton, Henry Ince, Brooklands, Ormskirk.
/^Andrew, William Raeburn, M.A., Cathcart House, Cathcart Road,
South Kensington, S.W.

Anselm, Very Rev. Father, Prov. O.S.F.C, The Monastery,
Crawley, Sussex.

Antiquaries, Society of, see London.

Arundell of Wardour, The Lady, Wardour Castle, Tisbury, Wilts.

Ashburnham, The Earl of, Ashburnham Place, Battle, Sussex.

Ball, Henry Houston, 21 Wimborne Gardens, Ealing, W.
Bamford, Samuel B., J. P., Hawthornden Manor, Uttoxeter.
Barrow-in-Furness, Free Public Library, Town Hall.
Beaumont, The Lady, Carlton Towers, near Selby.
Beaumont College, Old Windsor, Berks., Very Rev. (Joseph

Bampton) Rector, S.J.
Bedingfeld, Sir Henry Paston, Bart., Oxburgh Hall, Stoke Ferry,

Norfolk.
Bergholt (East), Lady Abbess, O.S.B., St Mary's Abbey, near

Colchester, Suffolk.
Berkeley, Major Henry, Fieldgate House, Kenilworth.
Berkeley, Robert V., J. P., Spetchley Park, Worcester.
Berlin Royal Library, c/o Messrs Asher & Co., ij, Bedford Street,

Covent Garden, IV. C.
Birmingham Public Library (A. Capel Shaw, Librarian), Ratcliff

Place, Birmingham.
Bliss, William H., B.C.L., c/o Digby L. F. Koe, 35 Blessington

Road, Lewisham, S.E.
F Blount, Alfred John, 3 Norfolk Street, Park Lane, W.
F Bodenham-Lubienski, Count L., Bullingham Manor, Hereford.
Bodleian Library, see Oxford.

Bodmin, St Mary's Priory, Very Rev. Prior (Smith, D. D.) C.R. L.
Boothman, Charles Thomas, 14 Clarinda Park West, Kingstown,

Dublin.
Boothman, Edward Duncan, M.A. , Oakleigh, Buxton.
Boston, Mass., U.S.A., Boston Public Library (Horace G. Wad-

lin, Librarian).
Boston, Mass., U.S.A., New England Historic Genealogical

Society (Wm. Prescott Greenlaw, Librarian), 18 Somerset

Street.

14 Roll of Members

i^Bourdelot, Rev. Edgar, i Parker's Row, Bermondsey, S.E.
T^Bowden, Very Rev. Henry Sebastian, Superior, The Oratory,
South Kensington, S.W.
Brand, James, K.S.G., 10 Marchmont Terrace, Kelvinside, Glas-
gow.
F Brierley, Henry, M.A., Mabbs Cross, Wigan.

Brighton Public Library (Henry D. Roberts, Librarian), Church

Street, Brighton.
Bristol Central Library (Edward Robert Norris Mathews, F.R.

Hist. Soc. , Librarian).
British Museum, see London.
F Britten, James, K.S.G. , 41 Boston Road, Brentford.
F Brown, Oswald C. B., 32 Coney Street, York.

Brown, Very Rev. William Canon, Old Elvet, Durham.
Brownbill, John, 70 Dallas Road, Lancaster.
Browne, W. Kenworthy, M.A., LL. D., Settignano, near Florence,
Italy, cjo Very Rev. H. E. King, St Francis' Home, Sheffbrd,
Beds.
Buckfast, Rt Rev. Abbot (Vonier) of, O.S.B., Buckfast Abbey,

Buckfastleigh, Devon.
Burke, Henry Farnham, C.V.O., Somerset Herald, College of
Arms, Queen Victoria Street, E.C.
.F Burton, Rev. Edwin, D.D., St. Edmund's College, Old Hall
Green, Ware, Herts.
Burton, Rev. Harold, Ushaw College, near Durham.

Callaway, Rev. Thomas, Our Lady's Presbytery, Haigh, Aspull,

near Wigan.
Cambridge, St Edmund's House Library, Very Rev. Mgr. Nolan,

M.A., President and Cath. Director.
.FCamm, Rev. Bede, O.S.B., Erdington Abbey, Birmingham.
Canadian Parliament Library, see Ottawa.
Canea, Rt Rev. (Dr Donnelly) Bishop of, Auxiliary of Dublin, St

Mary's, Haddington Road, Dublin.
Carnegie, John, B. A., Stoneleigh, Worple Road, WTimbledon, S.W.
Carnegie Library, see Cork.

Carr, Rt Rev. Mgr Canon, V.G. , Formby, Liverpool.
Cary-Elwes, Valentine Dudley Henry, J. P., F.S.A., Billing Hall,

Northampton.
Caswell, Very Rev. John Canon, St Austin's, Kenilworth.
Cave, Charles J. P., J. P., Ditcham Park, Petersfield, Hants.
Chamberlavne, Major Tankerville J., 41 Lancaster Gate, Hvde

Park, W.
Chase, Rev. Charles Rose, M.A., 10 Park Avenue, WTillesden

Green, N.W.
Cheney, Alfred Denton, F.R. Hist. Soc, Lympne, Hythe, Kent.
Chicago, 111., U.S.A., Newberry Library, c/o Messrs B. F. Stevens

and Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, W. C.
Chichester, Major Henry A., 14 Pelham Street, South Kensing-
ton, S.W.

Roll of Members 15

Chichester-Constable, Major Raleigh, J. P. , Burton Constable, Hull.
.FChudleigh, Lady Abbess, Syon House, Devon.

Clifton. Rt Rev. (Dr Burton) Bishop of, St Ambrose, Leigh

Woods, Bristol.
i^Codrington, Hon. Mrs, 16 Vicarage Gate, Kensington, W.
Collingridge, Rev. C. F. P. R.I. P.
Colwich, Rev. Mother Prioress, O.S.B., St Benedict's Priory,

near Stafford.
Connolly, Rev. James C. ,StSwithun's, Saxe Weimar Rd, Southsea.
Constitutional Club, see London.
Cork, Carnegie Free Library (James Wilkinson, Librarian), An-

glesea Street.
Cosgrave, Very Rev. Lawrence Canon, V. F., St Augustine

Presbytery, Preston.
Coulston, Rev. Gabriel, D.D., Ushaw College, Durham.
Coventry, Very Rev. Alphonsus, Prov. O.S.M., 264 Fulham Rd,

South Kensington, S.W.
F Cox, Rev. David, St Mary's, Blackheath, S.E.

Cox, Rev. George Bede, O.S.B., St Mary's Priory, Highfield Street,

Liverpool, W.
Cox, John G. Snead, J. P., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, S.W.
Crank, Rev. Thomas, Mount Pleasant, Chorley.
F Crisp, Frederick Arthur, F.S.A., Broadhurst, Godalming, and

270 Walworth Road, S.E.
Crook, Rt Rev. Mgr Canon, Thorndon Park, Brentwood, Essex.
.FCulleton, Leo, 92 Piccadilly, W.

Culley, Rev. Matthew, St Mary's, Whittingham, Northumberland.

Day, Rt Hon. Sir John, P.C., Falkland Lodge, Newbury, Berks.

Day, Samuel Henry, 1 Pump Court, Temple, E.C.

Delany, Very Rev. William, S.J., President, University College,

Dublin.
de-la-Poer, Count, Gurteen-le-Poer, Kilsheelan, Co. Waterford.
Fde Traflford, Sir Humphrey, Bart., 13 Charles Street, Berkeley

Square, W.
FDewar, Capt. J. Cumming, K.M., K.H.S., Vogrie, Ford, Dal-
keith, N.B.
Fde Zulueta, Francis, B.A., New College, Oxford.
i^Dolan, Rev. John Gilbert, O.S.B., Mount Carmel, Redditch.
Dolan, Very Rev. Oswald, Dean, V. F., St Mary's Rectory,

Sheffield.
Douai Abbey, Rt Rev. Abbot (Taylor) of, O.S.B., Woolhampton,

R.S.O., Berks.
Downside Abbey, Rt Rev. Abbot (Butler) of, O.S.B., near Bath.
Dublin, National Library of Ireland (Thomas Lister, Librarian,)

Kildare Street.
Dublin, Trinity College Library.

Dunford, Rev. David, Priorv Lodge, Hoddesdon, Herts.
Dunlop, Archibald Claud, M.A., K.S.G., Polygon House, South-
ampton.

1 6 Roll of Members

Edinburgh Public Library (Hew Morrison, Librarian), George IV

Bridge, Edinburgh.
Edinburgh, The Signet Library (John Minto, M.A., Librarian).
./^ Edleston, Miss (Alice), Gainford, Darlington, Durham.
Edmondstoune-Cranstoun, C. J., Corehouse, Lanark, N.B.
Elgar, Sir Edward, Mus. Doc, LL.D., Plas Gwyn, Hereford.
T^Engelbach, George Frederick, 47 Manchester Street, Manchester

Square, W.
English College, see Lisbon, Rome, Valladolid.
Eyre, Lewis, Padley, Edgehill, Wimbledon, S.W.
Eyston, John, J. P., Hendred House, Steventon, Berks.

F Falkiner, Mrs ffrench, St Philip's, Lansdowne Road, Wimbledon,
S.W.

Farrer, William, F.S.A., Hall Garth, Carnforth, Lancashire.

Ferrers, Henry Ferrers, 4 Clanricarde Gardens, W.

Fitzherbert, Basil, J. P., Swynnerton Park, Stone, Staffs.

Fitzherbert-Brockholes, William, J. P., Claughton-on-Brock, Gar-
stang R.S.O., Lanes.

Fletcher, Rev. G. R. John, Catholic Church, Hillside Rd, Streatham
Hill, S.W.

Forbes-Leith, Rev. James, S.J., 42 Avenue de Breteuil (Invalides),
Paris, France.

Foster, John, Douk Ghyll, Horton-in-Ribblesdale, Settle, Yorks.
.F Fowler, Rt Rev. (John Clement) Prior, O.S.B., Belmont, Here-
ford.

Frick, Rev. Carl, S.J., Bellevue, Luxemburg.

Gainsborough, The Earl of, Exton Park, Oakham, Rutland.
Gainsford, William D.,J.P., Skendleby Hall, Spilsby, Lincolnshire.
Gaisford, Julian Charles, J. P., Offmgton, Worthing, Sussex.
Galloway, Rt Rev. (Dr Turner) Bishop of, St Benedict's, Max-

welltown, Dumfries, N.B.
Gasquet, Rt Rev. Francis Aidan Abbot, D.D., O.S.B., 4 Great

Ormond Street, W.C.
Gatty, Charles T., 28 Clare Street, Dublin.
Georgetown University, Washington D.C., U.S.A.
Gerard, Rev. John, S.J., 31 Farm Street, Berkeley Square, W.
F Gibson, Rev. Henry. R.I.P.
F Gillow, Joseph, Brook House, Alderley Edge, Cheshire.

Glasgow, Most Rev. (Dr Maguire) Archbishop of, 160 Renfrew

Street, Glasgow.
Goldstone, Mrs (Frances), 7 Upper Church Street, Bath.
Gordon, Very Rev. James Canon, St Mary's Presbytery, Selby.
Gray, Henry, Genealogical Record Office, Goldsmith's Estate,

East Acton, W.
Gray, Rev. John, 9 Whitehouse Terrace, Edinburgh.
Greenway, Edward Maurice, Iddesleigh, Minehead, Somerset.
Grissell, Hartwell de la Garde, K.C.P., M.A., F.S.A. R.I.P.

Roll of Members 17

Gudgeon, George E., J. P., St Winefride's, Kingsgate Street,

Winchester.
Gwydir, Rev. Robert Basil, O.S.B., St David's Priory, Swansea.

Hacket, Francis L., St Edmund's College, Old Hall Green, Ware,
Herts.
FHa.\\, Very Rev. Francis John, V.F., St Charles's Rectory, Jarrat
Street, Hull.
Hammersmith Public Library, see London.
Hanmer, Anthony John, 51 Montpelier Road, Brighton.
F Hansom, Joseph Stanislaus, 27 Alfred Place West, South Ken-
sington, S.W.
Harding, George, Book Store, 64 Great Russell Street, W.C.
F Harting, Miss (Johanna H.), 6 A vonmore Gardens, Kensington, W.
Hawke, Mons. R., 11 Rue des Tuyaux, Laval, Mayenne, France.
Hayward, Rev. Francis M., Derwent, near Sheffield.
F Hayward's Heath, Rev. Mother Prioress, C.R.L., Priory of Our
Lady of Good Counsel, Sussex.
Hazell, Rev. James J., The Presbytery, London Road, Enfield.
Herbert, Major Edmund, R.I. P.

Herbert, Colonel Sir Ivor, Bart., C.B., C.M.G., M.P., Llanarth
Court, Raglan, Monmouth.
F Herries, The Lord, Everingham Park, York.

Holden, Richard, K.S.G., 81 Bolton Road, Blackburn.
F Hone, Nathaniel John, 3 Clarence Road, Kew Gardens, Surrey.
F Hook, Very Rev. Paul, Ph.D., President, St Mary's College,
Holywell, North Wales.
Hornsey, Very Rev. (J. O'Leary) Prior, C.R.L. , Austin Canons,

12 Womersley Road, N.
Hovenden, Robert, F.S.A., Heathcote, Park Hill Road, Croydon.
Howard Memorial Library, see New Orleans.
Howell, Mrs David, Rose Hill, Penzance, Cornwall.
^Humble, John, 9 Foulis Terrace, South Kensington, S.W.
Hunnybun, W. M., 23 The Close, Maidenhead.

lies, Very Rev. Daniel Canon, L.D., Oscott College, Birmingham

Jerningham, Henry William Stafford, Costessy Park, Norwich.
^Jerningham, Sir Hubert E. H., K.C.M.G., F.S.A., Longridge
Towers, Berwick-on-Tweed, Northumberland.
John Rylands Library, see Manchester.

Kendal, Mrs, Parbold, near Southport, Lanes.

Kendal, Miss (Teresa) 214 Deepdale Road, Preston.

Kennard, Rt Rev. Monsignor Canon, St Aldate's, Oxford.

Kensington Public Library, see London.
F Keogh, C. George Neal, 12 Girdler's Road, West Kensington, W.

Kerr, Admiral of the Fleet Lord Walter, G.C.B., 58 Cromwell
Road, S.W.
F Knill, Alderman Sir John, Bart, South Vale House, Blackheath, S. E.

1 8 Roll of Members

Langdale, Major Philip, J. P., Houghton Hall, Sancton R.S.O.,
Yorks.
F Langton, Francis Albert Romuald, 48 Egerton Gardens, South
Kensington, S.W.

Lanherne, Rev. Mother Prioress, O.C.D., St Columb, Cornwall.
F Leathley, Dudley William Beresford, 27 Bedford Gardens, Ken-
sington, W.

Leeds, Rt Rev. (Dr Gordon) Bishop of, Bishop's House, Leeds.

Leeds Public Libraries (Thomas W. Hands, City Librarian),
Central Public Library.

Leeming, James Whiteside, J. P., Greaves House, Lancaster.

Lescher, Rev. Wilfrid, O.P., St Mary's Priory, Hinckley, Lei-
cestershire.

Liddell, John, J. P., Sydmonton Court, Newbury, Berkshire.

Limerick, Right Rev. (Dr O'Dwyer) Bishop of, The Palace, Cor-
bally, Limerick.

Lindsay, Leonard C, F.S.A., 23 Belgrave Road, S.W.

Lindsay, William Alexander, K.C., J.P., M.A., F.S.A., Windsor
Herald, College of Arms, E.C.

Lisbon, English College, Rt Rev. (Mgr William Hilton), Presi-
dent.

Liverpool, Rt Rev. (Dr Whiteside) Bishop of, Bishop's House,
St Domingo Road, Liverpool, N.

Liverpool Public Library (Peter Cowell, Librarian), William
Brown Street.

Liverpool, St Francis Xavier's, Very Rev. (Joseph Brown,)
Rector, S.J., Salisbury Street.

London — Antiquaries, Society of, Burlington House, Picca-
dilly, W.

London — British Museum Library, cjo Messrs Dulau and Co.,
37 Soho Square, W.

London — Constitutional Club Library, Northumberland Avenue,
W.C.

London Guildhall Library, (E. M. Borrajo, Librarian), The Guild-
hall, E.C.

London Library (C. T. H. Wright, LL.D., Secretary and Li-
brarian), 14 St James's Square, S.W.

London — Hammersmith Public Library (Samuel Martin, Li-
brarian), Brook Green Road, W.

London — Kensington Public Library (Herbert Jones, Librarian),
Kensington High Street, W., c'o Messrs Farmer and Sons,
Young's Library, 179 Kensington High Street, W.

London — Reform Club Library (W. R. B. Prideaux, Librarian),
Pall Mall, S.W.

London — Sion College Library (Rev. W. H. Canon Milman,
Librarian), Victoria Embankment, E.C.

Longueville, Thomas, J. P., Llanforda, Oswestry, Salop.

Loughnan, Ignatius Hamilton, 12 Via Varese, Rome.

Luck, Rt Rev. Mgr Thomas Canon, St Mary's, East Hendred,
Steventon, Berks.

Roll of Members 19

McCabe, Rev. Bernard J., St Hilda's Presbytery, Whitby.

MacGregor, Mrs, Tigh-ruaru, 105 Uxbridge Road, Ealing, W.

McKenna, Miss (Alice), 45 Brompton Sq., South Kensington, S.W.

Madison, Wis., U.S.A., Wisconsin State Historical Society
(Reuben Gold Thwaites, LL.D., Librarian).

Malone, John, 5 Berkeley Street, Dublin.

Manchester, John Rylands Library (Henry Guppy, M.A.,
Librarian).

Manchester Public Free Library (Charles W. Sutton, M.A., Li-
brarian), King Street.

Manley, William J., Crimple House, Harrogate.

Manresa House, Roehampton, S.W., Very Rev. (D Considine)
Reftor, S.J.
F Matthews, John Hobson, Somerset House, Monmouth.

Mawson, Joseph, 18 Russell Road, Kensington, W.

Maxwell-Lyte, Cecil, 1 Portman Mansions, York Place, W.

Mayfield, Rev. Mother Superior General, Convent H.C.J. , Sussex.

Menevia, Rt Rev. (Dr Mostyn) Bishop of, Bishop's House, Wrex-
ham, North Wales.

Middelton, Marmaduke F., Highfield, Ripon.

Middlesborough, Rt Rev. (Dr Lacy) Bishop of, Bishop's House,
Middlesborough.

Moorat, Samuel, 25 Pembroke Gardens, Kensington, W.

Mostyn of Talacre, Lady, Talacre, Prestatyn R.S.O., Flintshire.

Mount St Bernard's Abbey, near Coalville, Leicestershire, Rt
Rev. Abbot (Hipwood), O.C.R.

Mount St Mary's College, near Chesterfield, Very Rev. (Patrick
L. Wolfe) Rector, S.J.

Mumford, Charles E., 19 Ivanhoe Road, Liverpool.

Myerscough, Rev. Thomas, St Joseph's, Rigby Street, Preston.

Namur, Belgium, Rev. Superioress General, Convent of Notre

Dame.
National Library of Ireland, see Dublin.
Nevile, Mrs, Wellingore Hall, Lincoln.
Nevill, Henry, Caixa, Pernambuco, Brazil.
Newberry Library, see Chicago.
Newcastle-on-Tyne Public Libraries (Basil Anderton, Librarian),

New Bridge Street.
Newdigate, Alfred, M.A., 27 Clarendon Square, Leamington.
New England Historic Genealogical Society, see Boston.
New Hall, Rev. Mother Prioress, Chelmsford.
New Orleans, Louisiana, U.S.A., Howard Memorial Library, c/o

Messrs B. F. Stevens and Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, W. C.
New York Historical Society (Robert H. Kelly, Librarian), 170

Second Avenue, New York, U.S.A., c/o Messrs B. F. Stevens

and Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, W.C.
New York Public Library (J. S. Billings, Librarian), Aston

Library Building, 40 La Fayette Place, c/o B. F. Stevens and

Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, W, C,

20 Roll of Members

New York State Library, Albany, New York, U.S.A., c/o Messrs
G. E. Stcchert, 2 Star Yard, Carey Street, W. C.
.F Norfolk, The Duke of, E.M., K.G., P.C., Norfolk House, St
James's Square, S.W.
Norris, Very Rev. John, D.D., Superior, The Oratory, Edgbas-
ton, Birmingham.

O'Connor, Rev. Arthur, SS. Peter and Paul, Bolton, Lanes.

Oscott College Library, near Birmingham.

Ottawa, Canadian Parliament Library, Canada (A. D. Cellas,

LL.D., and Martin J. Griffin, LL.D., Librarians), (c/o Messrs

E. J. Allen &f Son, Ltd., King Edward Mansions, 10 Grape

St, Shaftesbury Avenne, W.C.
Oulton, Lady Abbess, O.S.B., St Mary's Abbey, Stone, Staffs.
Oxford, The Bodleian Library (E. W. B. Nicholson, M.A.,

Librarian).

Paine, Rev. Arthur H., M.A., 47 Manchester Street, Manchester
Square, W.

Parfitt, J. J., B.A., Culverden, Holly Walk, Leamington.

Parker, Colonel John W. R., Browsholme Hall, near Clitheroe,
Yorkshire.

Payne, John Orlebar, M.A., 2 Holly Village, Highgate, N.

Penney, Alexander Terasius, The Glade, Great Marlow, Bucks.

Pennsylvania Historical Society, see Philadelphia.

Pennsylvania University Library, see Philadelphia.

Philadelphia, Penn., U.S.A., Pennsylvania Historical Society,
cjo Messrs B. F. Stevens & Broivn, 4 Trafalgar Square,
W. C.

Philadelphia, Penn., U.S.A., Pennsylvania University Library
(Morris Jastrow, Jun., Librarian), 34th Street and Wood-
land Avenue.

Phillips, Rev. George E., F. Edmunds, Old Hall Green, Ware,
Herts.

Pilley, Walter, The Barton, Hereford.

Pollen, Arthur Hungerford, 69 Elm Park Gardens, South Ken-
sington, S.W.
F Pollen, Rev. John Hungerford, S.J., 31 Farm Street, Berkeley
Square, W.

Pope, Rev. Hugh, O.P., St Thomas's Priory, Hawkesyard,
Rugeley.

Pope, Rev. John O'Fallon, S.J., Pope's Hall, Oxford.

Powell, Very Rev. Austin, V.F., Birchley, Wigan.

Preston Free Public Library, (W. S. Bramwell, Librarian).

Preston, St Ignatius', Rev. (J. Robinson), Rector, S.J.

Radcliffe, Charles A. F., Fort Augustus, Invernesshire, N.B.
Radcliffe, Joseph Edward, Broom Hall, Oswestry, Salop.
Radcliffe, Sir Joseph Percival P., Bart , Rudding Park, Knares-
borough.

Roll of Members 21

Radcliffe, Richard Duncan, M.A., F.S.A., Old Swan, Liverpool

Reform Club, see London.
^Riddell, Cuthbert David Giffard, J. P., Felton Park, Felton, Nor-
thumberland.

Riddell, Major Edward Francis, J. P., Cheeseburn Grange, New-
castle-on-Tyne.

Ripon, The Marquess of, K.G., P.C., Studley Royal, Ripon.

Robertson, Charles, 108 Gloucester Place, Portman Square, W.

Robinson, Miss (Elizabeth), 9 Hollywood Road, South Kensing-
ton, S.W.

Roehampton, Rev. Mother Superior, Sacred Heart Convent, S.W.

Rome, The English College Library, Via Monserrato 45.

Roskell, Charles John, 6 Vicarage Gate, Kensington, W.

Ruvigny, Marquis de, Galway Cottage, Chertsey, Surrey.

F St Beuno's College, St Asaph, Flintshire, Very Rev. (John Clay-
ton) Rector, S.J.
St Edmund's House, see Cambridge.
St Francis Xavier's, see Liverpool.
F Salford, Rt Rev. (Dr Casartelli) Bishop of, St Bede's College,
Manchester.
Santley, Charles, K.C.S.G., 67 Carlton Hill, N.W.
Saunders, Miss (Sarah), 29 Montague Road, Richmond, Surrey.
Scott-Gatty, Sir Alfred Scott, C.V.O., F.S.A., Garter Principal
King of Arms, College of Arms, E.C.
F Scrope, Simon Conyers, J. P., Danby-upon-Yore, Middleham,
Yorkshire.
Shapcote, Very Rev. E. Lawrence, Prov.O.P., St Dominic's

Priory, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Sharrock, Rev. Thomas, Bishop's House, Salford.
Sheldrake, Henry James, White Barn, Kelvedon S.O., Essex.
Sheldrake, James Ernest, Farm Hill, Kelvedon S.O., Essex.
Sheldrake, Willie, White Barn, Kelvedon S.O., Essex.
F Shipley, Orby, M.A.,39 Thurloe Square, South Kensington, S.W.
Shrewsbury, Rt Rev. (Dr Allen) Bishop of, Bishop's House,

Shrewsbury.
Signet Library, see Edinburgh.
Sion College Library, see London.

Skeet, Major Francis J. A., Hatfield Broad Oak Grange, Essex
Slater, Arthur Ashton, Prescot Road, St Helen's, Lancashire.
F Smith, Alderman John Peter, J. P., Barrow-in-Furness, Lanes.
Snell, Frederick Simon, M.A., The Ferns, Burroughs, Hen-
don, N.W.
F Spedding, Carlisle James Scott, 78 Oxford Terrace, Hyde Park, W.
F Spencer, Mrs Seymour, The Birks, Bellingham, Northumber-
land.
Stanbrook Abbey, The Lady Abbess, O.S.B., Worcester.
Stanfield, Rev. Raymund, Convent of the Good Shepherd, Ham-

merswith, W.
Stapleton-Bretherton, Frederick, J. P., The Hall, Rainhill, Lanes.

22 Roll of Members

Stebbing, Very Rev. George, Prov. C.SS.R., St Mary's, Clapham
Park Road, Clapham, S.W.

Stevenson, Rev. William, The Presbytery, Kendal.

Stokes, Philip Folliott Scott, 6 Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn,
W.C.

Stone, Edward, F.S.A., 5 Finsbury Circus, E.C.

Stonvhurst College, Blackburn, Very Rev. (Peter Dichamp),
Reclor, S.J.
F Sutcliffe, Rev. William Ormond, M.A. , 52 St Charles's Square,
North Kensington, W.

Swarbreck, Edward Dunkinfield, Bedale, Yorkshire.

Sweeney, Rev. Joseph Dunstan, O.S.B., St John's Priory, South
Parade, Bath.

Swift, Rev. Francis J., Holy Trinity Presbytery, Bilston, Staffs.

Syracuse Public Library (Ezechiel W. Mundy, Librarian), Syra-
cuse, New York, U.S.A.

Talbot, Colonel Lord Edmund, M.V.O., D.S.O., M.P., 1 Buck-
ingham Palace Gardens, S.W.
i^Tatum, Rev. George B., M.A., St Joseph's, Elm Grove, Brighton.

Taylor-Smith, Mrs M. E. Piercy,ColpikeHall, Lanchester, Durham.

Teebay, Rev. George, The Re6tory, Weld Bank, Chorley, Lanes.

Teignmouth, Lady Abbess, O.S.B., St Scholastica's Abbey, Devon.

Tempest, Mrs, Broughton Hall, Skipton-in-Craven, Yorkshire.

Thomas, Charles Edward, 13 Queen's Square, Bath,
^Threlfall, H. Singleton, J. P., Brandreth Lodge, Parbold, near
Southport.

Toke, Leslie A. St L., Stratton-on-the-Fosse, near Bath.

Toronto Legislative Library, Canada, cjo Messrs E. G. Allen and
Son, King Edward Mansions, 14 Grape Street, Shaftesbury
Avenue, W. C.

Torre Diaz, Countess de, 21 Devonshire Place, Portland Place, W.

Towsey, William, 1 Marlborough Road, N.W.

Trappes-Lomax, Mrs, Clayton Hall, Accrington.

Trappes-Lomax, Richard, Betley, Crewe.

Trinity College Library, see Dublin.

Turnbull, Philip Bernard, 3 East Grove, Cardiff.

Urquhart, Francis Fortescue, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford.
Ushaw College Library, Durham, (Rev. Edwin Bonney, Librarian)

Valladolid, Spain, Very Rev. (Thomas Kennedy) Rector, English
College.

Vassall-Phillips, Very Rev. O. R., C.SS.R., St Joseph's, Kings-
wood, Bristol.

Vaughan, Captain Charles, J. P., Courtfield, Ross, Herefordshire.

Vaughan, Col. Francis B., J. P., Courtfield, Ross, Herefordshire.
T^Vaux of Harrowden, The Lord, Harrowden Hall, Welling-
borough, Northants.

Roll of Members 23

F Wainewright, John Bannerman, 2$ Dryden Chambers, 119 Ox-
ford Street, W.
Walmesley, Very Rev. William Canon, Rector, St Joseph's Col-
lege, Upholland, Wigan.
Walton, The Hon. Mr Justice, 11 Montague Square, W.
/^Ward, Rt Rev. Monsignor Canon, President, St Edmund's
College, Old Hall Green, Ware, Herts.
Ward, Samuel Francis Bernard, 16 New Cavendish Street, W.
Warrington, John, Crag Wood, Rawdon, Leeds.
Washington Library of Congress (Herbert Rutnam, LL.D.,
Litt. D., Librarian), Washington, D.C., U.S.A., cjo Messrs
B. F. Stevens and Brown, 4 Trafalgar Square, W. C.
Webb, Edward Doran, F.S.A., Close Gate, Salisbury.
^Wedgwood, Rowland Henry, M.A., Slindon, Arundel, Sussex.
F Westminster, Most Rev. (Dr Bourne) Archbishop of, Archbishop's
House, Ambroseden Avenue, Westminster, S.W.
Whitfield, Rev. Joseph L., B.A., St Edmund's College, Old Hall

Green, Ware, Herts.
Wigan Free Public Library (Henry G. Folkard, F.S. A. , Librarian).
F Wilcocks, Horace Stone, M.A.,Cheveley, Mannamead, Plymouth.
Wilks, Rev. Ernest V., St Wilfrid's College, Cotton, Oakamoor,
Staffordshire.
F Williams, Alfred, J. P., The Mount, Caerleon, Monmouthshire.
F Williamson, George Charles, Litt. D., Burgh House, Well Walk,
Hampstead, N.W.
Willson, Rev. E. Hilary, O.S.B., St Mary's, Leyland, Preston.
FWindle, Dr Bertram C. A., F.R.S., F.S. A., President, Queen's
College, Cork.
Wisconsin State Historical Society, see Madison.
F Wood, Herbert Maxwell, B.A., 5 The Grove, Sunderland.

Woodruff, Mrs Cumberland, St David's, Thorncliffe Road,
Folkeston, Kent.
F Woollan, Joseph Henry, 19 Deerbrook Road, Tulse Hill, S.b.
Worcester, Mass., U.S.A., Free Public Library (Samuel Swett
Green, M.A., Librarian), cjo Messrs Kegan Paul, Trench,
Trubner and Co, Dryden House, Gerrard Street, W.
Worsley-Worswick, Major William, J. P., Normanton Hall,

Hinckley, Leicestershire.
Wyatt-Davies, Ernest, M.A., 7 Bridge Street, Cambridge.
Wyndham, Very Rev. Francis M., M.A., O.S.C., Superior, St
Mary of the Angels, Westmorland Road, Bayswater, W.

^York, Rev. Mother, St Mary's Convent, Micklegate Bar.
Young, Smelter Joseph, Westgate House, Worksop.

N.B.— Changes of address are to be notified to the Secretary.

OBITUARY

!905
F Blount, Sir Edward Charles, K.C.B., 15 March, set. 95.
Nicholl, Samuel Joseph, 21 March, set. 78.
Knight, Rt Rev. Edmund, Bishop of Flavias, 9 June, set. 67.
Worsley-Worswick, Colonel Richard Christopher, 9 Dec, set. 69.

1906
Mackey, Rev. H. Benedict Canon, D.D., O.S.B. 8 Jan., set. 60.
Gradwell, Rt Rev. Mgr Robert, 16 May, set. 80.
F Sayles, Lewis Charles, 17 Nov., set. 64.

Arundell of Wardour, John Francis Arundell 12th Baron, 26 Oct.
set. 74.

1907
Herbert, Major Edmund, 20 Feb., set. 84.

Liverpool, Cecil George Savile Foljambe 1st Earl of, P.C., F.S.A.,
23 March, set. 60.
F Gibson, Rev. Henry, 7 March, set. 80.
Hayes, Rev. James, S.J., 28 May, set. 67.
Grissell, Hartwell de la Garde, K.C.P., 10 June, set. 67.
Collingridg-e, Rev. Charles P.F., 26 July, set. 63.
Wyatt-Davies, Ernest Reuter, M.A., 26 OcT:., set. 45.
Forbes-Leigh, Rev. James, S.J.

JOINED SINCE THE REPORT WAS PRINTED

THE VATICAN LIBRARY {Honorary).

Athill, Charles H., Richmond Herald. Walmesley, Rev. Herman, S.J. (Rome).

Parkminster, The Prior. Woodroffe, James Tisdall, K.C.S.G.

Meynell, Edgar. Lupton, Rev. Edward.

Walford, Frederick Underdown. Jordan, Rev. Andrew.

Penketh, Charles Henry. Stock, Elliot.

Fort Augustus, The Abbot. Hull Public Library.

Sumner, Francis G. Westminster Public Libraries.

Washbourne, Robert Beale. Harrow, Visitation Convent.

Ratcliffe College, The Rector. Edmondson, Herbert H.

Blackpool Public Library. Bolton Public Library.

Princetown (U.S.A.) Theol. Seminary. Reynolds, James Philip.

Rochdale Public Libraries. Munich, Charles J., K.S.G.

Cottam, Dr Gilbert Geoffrey (U.S.A.). Mitchell Library, Glasgow.
Holden, Rev. George.

BOUND TO PLEASE

^y^knum fiuidwi*

j^^ MOV. 65

«M\ ■* N. MANCHESTER.
INDIANA

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